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• >■ * 



AU rights rmtrved. 

[ 2 ] 

The Editor is requested by the Council to make it known 
to the Public, that the Committees and Authors alone are 
responsible for the facts and opinions contained in their 
respective Reports and Papers. 

It is hoped that Members will be so good as to send to the 
Editor, the Rev. W. Harplby, Clayhanger Rectory, Tiverton, 
not later than 16th January, 1899, a list of any errata they 
may have detected in the present volume. 




List of Officers • ... 6 

Places of Meeting . ... 6 

Rules . . . . ... 7 

Bye-laws aiid Standing Orders . . . 11 

Report . . . ... 16 

Balance Sheet . . . . 20, 21 

Property . . . ... 22 

Selected Minutes of Council appointing Committees . . . 23 

President's Address ... 25 

Obituary Notices. Rev. W. Harpley, m.a. . . . 42 

Twentieth Report of the Committee on Scientific Memoranda. J< 

Brooking Rowe, F.s. A., F.L.8. . . ... 47 

Seyenteenth Report of the Committee on Devonshire Verbal Pro- 

vindalisma F. T. Elworthy ... 56 

Seventeenth Report of the Barrow Committee. R. H. Worth, c.s. . 77 

Sixteenth Report (Third Series) of the Committee on the Climate of 
Devon. Alfred Chandler, F.B.MBT.8oa 

Fifteenth Report of the Committee on Devonshire Folk-Lore. P. F. S, 
Amery . . • 

Fifth Report of the Dartmoor Exploration Committee. Rev. S. Baring 
Gould, M.A. . . . . 

Second Report of the Committee of the Photographic Survey of Devon 
shire. C. £. Robinson, m.Inst.o.e. 

Honiton in 1530. Mrs. Frances B. Troup 

Some Notes on Rectors of Honiton since the Commonwealth. Thomas 
Cann Hughes, M.A. . . . . . 

A History of Salcombe Regis. J. Y. A. Morshead 

Andrew and Nicholas Tremayne. Mrs. G. H. Radford . 

Raleghana. Part II. T. N. Brushfield, m.d. . 

Botanical Notes. Helen Saunders . . 

The Tax Roll of •* TesU de Nevill." Rev. T. W. Whale, M.A. . 

The Devonshire *' Domesday." Part IV. The '* Domesday*' Churches 

of Devon. Rev. Oswald J. Reichel, m.a., B.O.L., F.8.A. 
West Country Wit and Humour. With some Examples. J. D. Prickman 
A Forgotten Page of the Ecclesiastical History of Seaton. Mrs. Frances 
B. Troup f . . ... 










The Rise of Plymouth as a Nayal Port. Key. J. Erskine Risk, m.a. . 850 

On the Oiilm CoDglomerates of Soath Devon , and their Relations to an 

Apparent Break in the Sequence of that Formation. Alex. Somervail 862 

On the Denudation of the Culm Rocks from the Area of South Deyon. 

Alex. Somerrail . . . ... 867 

Devonshire in Parliament, 1660-1832. Rev. J. B. Pearson, d.d. . 871 

Evidences of Qlaciation in Devonshire. R. Hansford Worth, o.s. . 878 

The ** Domesday" Hundreds of Devon. Parts VI., YII., and YIII. 

Rev. Oswald J. Reiohel, m.a., b.o.l., F.8.A. . . • 891 

The Ichneumonide of the South of Devon. (Communicated hy J. 

BrookingRowe, F.8.A., F.L.8.) G. C. Bignell, f.e.8. . . 458 

Annals of the Family of Floyer. (Communicated hy Rev. W. Harpley, 

M.A.) Rev. J. Kestell Floyer, m.a., f.s.a. . . 505 


Barkow Committbb*8 Report — 

Lake Head Kistvaen . . ... 77 

,, ,, Flint Knives and Scrapers ; Fragments of Pottery 77 

Dartmoor Exploration Committse's Report — 

Plate I.— Yes Tor Bottom, near Princetown. Hut No. 2 . .105 

„ II. — Fern worthy. Barrow, with Ruined Kist . . .105 

„ III. — ,, Urn from Barrow No. 1. , . .105 

„ lY. — ,, Kimmeridge ''Coal" Dress-Fastener from 

Barrow No. 1 . . . . 105 

„ Y.— „ Flint Knife from Barrow No. 1. . 105 

„ YI. — ,, Laogston Moor. Kistvaen No. 2 . .105 

Map of Fern worthy . . . . 114 

Map of Manor and Parish of Salcombe Regis and District 

OF Chelson, a.d. 1281 . . . . . 133 

Glaciation in Devonshire— 

Plate I.— The Erme at Ermington— The Tavy at Milton— The 

Yealm at Winaor— The Plym at Bickleigh . . 382 
„ II. — Laira Yiaduct — Keyham Lake — Weston Mill Lake — 

Tavy Yiaduct— Saltash . . . . 384 

,, III. — Coombe Lake — Ford Lake — Wivelsoombe Lake — Nottar 
River — Lynher River — Waterhead Creek, River Dart 
— Kingswear, River Dart . ... 384 

[ 5 ] 



Thk Bight Hon. LORD COLERIDGE, m.a., q.c. 
His Worship the Mayor op Honiton, D. W. R. BUCHANAN, Esq. 






J. HINE, Esq., p.r.i.b.a. 

The Right Hon. Sir J. KENNA- 
WAY, Bart., m.p. 



CUTHBERT B. PEEK, Esq., m.a. 


The Right Hon. VISCOUNT 

The Venerable ARCHDEACON 


1l(on. Ornnal ffrrasurrr. 
P. F. S. AMERY, Esq., j.p., Druid, Ashhurton, 

9(011. Oenrral J&rtrrtarp. 
Rev. W. HARPLEY, m.a., p.c.p.s., Clayhanger Beciory, Tiverton, 

1l(on. Eoral ffreasurrr. 

1l(on. Eoral J^rrrrtarp. 
D. W. R. BUCHANAN, Esq., BroomhilU, MonUan, 

AMBRT, J. 8. , 
AMBRT. P. F. 8. 
DOB, G. M. 


HARRIS, 8. G. 

HUNT, A. R. 
NECK, J. 8. 
PEAR8E. W. B. 
PHEAR, Sir J. B. 

RISK. J. B. 
ROWS, J. B. 
TROUP, Mrs. 

[ 6 ] 




PUoe of If aetixig. 

1862. Exeter 

1863. Plymouth 

1864. Torquay 

1865. Tiverton 

1866. Tavistock 

1867. Barnstaple 

1868. Hositon 

1869. Dartmouth 

1870. Devo5port 

1871. BiDEFORD 

1872. Exeter 

1873. SiDMOUTH 

1874. TeION MOUTH 

1875. Torrikgton 

1876. ashburton 

1877. KiKOSBRlDGE 

1878. Paio5to5 

1879. Ilfracombe 

1880. Tothes 

1881. Dawlisu 

1882. Crepiton 

1883. ExMouTH 

1884. Newton Abbot 

1885. Beaton 

1886. St. Martohurch 

1887. Plympton 

1888. Exeter 

1889. Tavistock 

1890. Barnstaple 

1891. Tiverton 

1892. Plymouth 

1893. Torquay 

1894. South Molton 

1895. Okehampton 

1896. ashburton . 

1897. KlNOSBRIDOB . 

1898. HONITON 

Sir John BowriDg, ll.d., f.e.8. 
C. Spence Bate, Esq., f.r.8., f.l.s. 
E. Vivian, Esq., m.a. 

0. G. B. Daabeny, m.d., ll.d., f.r.s.. Pro- 
fessor of Botany, Oxford. 
Earl Russell, k.o., K.a.a, F.R.S., &c 
W. PeDgelly, Esq., f.e.s., f.o.s. 
J. D. Coleridge, Esq., q.a, m.a., m.p. 
G. P. Bidder, Esq., o.e. 
J. A. Froude, Esq., m.a. 
Rev. Canon C. Kingsley, m.a., f.l.s., f.o.s. 
Rt Rev. Lord Bishop of Exeter (Dr. Temple). 
Right Hon. S. Cave, m.a., m.p. 
Earl of Devon. 
R. J. King, Esq., m.a. 
Rev. Treasurer Hawker, m.a. 
Yen. Archdeacon Earle, m.a. 
Sir Samuel White Baker, M.A., f.e.8., f.b.g.8. 
Sir R. P. Collier, m.a. 

H. W. Dyke Adand, m.a., m.d., ll.d., f.r.8. 
Rev. Professor Chapman, m.a. 
J. Brooking Rowe, Esq., F.8.A., f.l.8. 
Very Rev. C. Merivale, d.d., d.c.l. 
Rev. T. R. R. Stebbing, m.a. 
R. F. Weymouth, Esq., M.A., d.lit. 
Sir J. R Phear, m.a., f.g.8. 
Rev. W. H. Dallinger, ll.d., f.r.8., f.l.8., &c 
Very Rev. Dean Cowie, d.d. 
W. H. HudlestoD, Esq., m.a., f.r.s., f.o.s., 

F.L.S., &C. 

Lord Clinton, m.a. 

R. N. Worth, Esq., f.g.s. 

A. H. A. Hamilton, Esq., m.a., j.p., o.o. 

T. N. Brushfield, m.d. 

Sir Fred. Pollock, Bart, m.a. 

Lord Halsbury. 

Rev. S. Baring-Gould, m.a. 

J. Hine, Esq., f.r.i.b.a. 

Lord Coleridge, m.a. 

[ 7 ] 


1. The Association shall be styled the Devonshire Association 
for the Advancement of Science, Literature, and Art. 

2. The objects of the Association are — To give a stronger 
impulse and a more systematic direction to scientific enquiry in 
Devonshire ; and to promote the intercourse of those who cultivate 
Science, Literature, or Art, in different parts of the county. 

3. The Association shall consist of Members, Honorary Members, 
and Corresponding Members. 

4. Every candidate for membership, on being nominated by a 
member to whom he is personally known, shall be admitted by 
the General Secretary, subject to the confirmation of the General 
Meeting of the Members. 

5. Persons of eminence in Literature, Science, or Art, connected 
with the West of England, but not resident in Devonshire, 
may, at a General Meeting of the Members, be elected Honorary 
Members of the Association; and persons not resident in the 
county, who feel an interest in the Association, may be elected 
Corresponding Members. 

6. Every Member shall pay an Annual Contribution of Haif- 
a-guinea, or a Life Composition of Five Guineas. 

7. Ladies only shall be admitted as Associates to an Annual 
Meeting, and shall pay the sum of Five Shillings each. 

8. Every Member shall be entitled gratuitously to a lady's ticket. 

9. The Association shall meet annually, at such a time in July 
or August and at such place as shall be decided on at the previous 
Annufld Meeting. 

10. A President, two or more Vice-Presidents, a General 
Treasurer, and one or more General Secretaries, shall be elected 
at each Annual Meeting. 


11. The President shall not he eligihle for re-election. 

12. Each Annual Meeting shall appoint a local Treasurer and 
Secretary, who, with power to add to their numher any Members 
of the Association, shall be a local Committee to assist in making 
such local arrangements as may be desirable. 

13. In the intervals of the Annual Meetings, the affairs of the 
Association shall be managed by a Council, which shall consist 
exclusively of the following Members of the Association, excepting 
Honorary Members, and Corresponding Members : 

(a) Those who fill, or have filled, or are elected to fill, the ofi&ces 
of President, General and Local Treasurers, General and Local Secre- 
taries, and Secretaries of Committees appointed by the Council 

(b) Authors of papers which have been printed in extenao in 
the Transactions of the Association. 

14. The Council shall hold a Meeting at Exeter in the month 
of January or February in each year, on such day as the General 
Secretary shall appoint, for the due management of the affairs of 
the Association, and the performing the duties of their office. 

15. The General Secretary, or any four members of the Council, 
may call extraordinary meetings of their body, to be held at 
Exeter, for any purpose requiring their present determination, by 
notice under his or their hand or hands, addressed to every other 
member of the Council, at least ten clear days previously, specifying 
the purpose for which such extraordinary meeting is convened. 
No matter not so specified, and not incident thereto, shall be 
determined at any extraordinary meeting. 

16. The General Treasurer and Secretaiy shall enter on their 
respective offices at the meeting at which they are elected ; but 
the President, Vice-Presidents, and Local Officers, not until the 
Annual Meeting next following. 

17. With the exception of the Ex-Presidents only, every 
Councillor who has not attended any Meeting, or adjourned 
Meeting, of the Council during the period between the close 
of any Annual (general Meeting of the Members and the close 
of the next but two such Annual General Meetings, shall have 
forfeited his place as a Councillor, but it shall be competent for 
him to recover it by a fresh qualification. 

18. The Council shall have power to fill any Official vacancy 
which may occur in the intervals of the Annual Meetings. 

19. The Annual Contributions shall be payable in advance, and' 
shall be due in each year on the day of the Annual Meeting. 


20. The Treasurer shall receive all sums of money due to the 
Association ; he shall pay all accounts due hj the Association after 
thej shall have heen examined and approved ; and he shall report 
to each meeting of the Council the balance he has in hand, and 
the names of such members as shall be in arrear, with the sums 
due respectively by each. 

21. Whenever a Member shall have been three months in arrear 
in the payment of his Annual Contributions, the Treasurer shall 
apply to him for the same. 

22. Whenever, at an Annual Meeting, a Member shall be two 
years in arrear in the payment of his Aiinual Contributions, the 
Council may, at its discretion, erase his name from the list of 

23. The General Secretary shall, at least one mouth before each 
Annual Meeting, inform each member by circular of the place and 
date of the Meeting. 

24. Members who do not, on or before the day of the Annual 
Meeting, give notice, in writing or personally, to the General 
Secretary of their intention to withdraw from the Association, 
shall be regarded as members for the ensuing year. 

25. The Association shall, within three months after each Annual 
Meeting, publish its Transactions, including the Kules, a Financial 
Statement, a List of the Members, the Eeport of the Council, the 
President's Address, and such Papers, in abstract or in extenso, 
read at the Annual Meeting, as shall be decided by the CounciL 

26. The Association shall have the right at its discretion of 
printing in extenso in its Transactions all papers read at the Annual 
Meeting. The Copyright of a paper read before any meeting of 
the Association, and the illustrations of the same which have been 
provided at his expense, shall remain the property of the Author ; 
but he shall not be at liberty to print it, or allow it to be printed 
elsewhere, either in extenso or in abstract amounting to as much as 
one-half of the length of the paper, before the first of Kovember 
next after the paper is read. 

27. The Authors of papers printed in the Transactions shall, 
within seven days after the Transactions are published, receive 
twenty-five private copies free of expense, and shall be allowed to 
have any further number printed at their own expense. All 
arrangements as to such extra copies to be made by the Authors 
with the Printers to the Association. 


10 RULES. 

28. If proofs of papers to be published in the Transactions 
be sent to Authors for correction, and are retained by them 
beyond four days for each sheet of proof, to be reckoned from the 
day marked thereon by the printers, but not including the time 
needful for transmission by post, such proofs shall be assumed to 
require no further correction. 

29. Should the extra charges for small type, and types other 
than those known as Roman or Italic, and for the AuthoPs correc- 
tions of the press, in any paper published in the Transactions, 
amount to a greater sum than in the proportion of ten shillings 
per sheet, such excess shall be borne by the Author himself, and 
not by the Association ; and should any paper exceed four sheets, 
the cost beyond the cost of the four sheets shall be borne by the 
Author of the paper. 

30. Every Member shall, within three months after each Annual 
Meeting, receive gratuitously a copy of the Transactions. 

31. The Accounts of the Association shall be audited annually, 
by Auditors appointed at each Annual Meeting, but who shall not 
be ex officio Members of the Council 

[ 11 ] 


1. In the inteiests of the Association it is desirable that the 
President's Address in each year be printed previous to its 

2. In the event of there being at an Annual Meeting more 
Papers than can be disposed of in one day, the reading of the 
residue shall be continued the day following. 

3. The pagination of the Transactions shall be in Arabic 
numerals exclusively, and carried on consecutively, from the 
beginning to the end of each volume; and the Transactions of 
each year shall form a distinct and separate volume. 

4. The General Secretary shall bring to each Annual Meeting 
of the Members a report of the number of copies in stock of each 
' Part ' of the Transactions, with the price per copy of each ' Part ' 
specified; and such report shall be printed in the Transactions 
next after the Treasurer's financial statement. 

5. The General Secretary shall prepare and bring to each 
Annual Meeting brief Obituary Notices of Members deceased 
during the previous year, and such notices shall be printed in the 

6. An amount not less than 80 per cent of all Compositions 
received from existing Life-Members of the Association shall be 
Implied in the purchase of National Stock, or such other security 
as the Council may deem equally satisfactory, in the names of 
three Trustees, to be elected by the Council 

7. At each of its Ordinary Meetings the Council shall deposit at 
interest, in such bank as they shall decide on, and in the names of 
the General Treasurer and General Secretary of the Association, all 
uninvested Compositions received from existing Life-Members, all 
uninvested prepaid Annual Subscriptions, and any part, or the 
whole, of the balance derived from other sources which may be in 
the Treasurer's hands after providing for all accounts passed for 
payment at the said Meeting. 

B 2 


8. The General Secretary, on learning at any time between the 
Meetings of the Council that the General Treasurer has a balance 
in hand of not less than Forty Pounds after paying all Accounts 
which the Council have ordered to be paid, shall direct that so 
much of the said balance as will leave Twenty Pounds in the 
Treasurer's hand be deposited at Interest at the Capital and Counties 
Bank, Ashburton. 

9. The Greneral Secretary shall be authorized to spend any sum 
not exceeding Ten Pounds per annum in employing a clerk for 
such work as he finds necessary. 

10. The General Secretary shall, within one month of the close 
of each Annual Meeting of the Association, send to each Member 
newly elected at the said Meeting a copy of the following letter : — 

Devonthire Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature, 

and Art, 

Sir, — I have the pleasure of informing you that on the of 

July, , you were elected a Member of the Association on the 

nomination of • 

The copy of the Transactions for the current year, which will be for- 
warded to you in due course, will contain the mws of the Association. 
Meanwhile I beg to call your attention to the following statements : — 

(1) Every Member pays an Annual Contribution of Half a Guinea, 
or a Life Composition of Five Guineas. 

(2) The Annual Contributions are payable in advance, and are due 
in each year on the day of the Annual Meeting. 

(3) Members who do not, on or before the day of the Annual 
Meeting, give notice in writing or personally to the General Secretary 
of their intention to withdraw from the Association are r^arded as 
Members for the ensuing year. 

The Treasurer's Address is— P. F. S. Ahert, Esq., Druid, Ashburton, 
— 1 remain, Sir, your faithful Servant, 

Hon, Sec, 

1 1. The reading of any Heport or Paper shall not exceed twenty 
minutes, or such part of twenty minutes as shall be decided by the 
Council as soon as the Programme of Eeports and Papers shall 
have been settled, and in any discussion which may arise no speaker 
shall be allowed to speak more than ten minutes. 

12. Papers to be read to the Annual Meetings of the Association 
must strictly relate to Devonshire, and, as well as all Eeports 
intended to be printed in the Transactions of the Association, and 
prepared by Committees appointed by the Council, must, together 
with all drawings intended to be used in illustrating them in the 
said Transactions, reach the General Secretary's residence not later 
than the 24th day of June in each year. The Greneral Secretary 
shall, not later than the 7th of the following July, return to the 
Authors all such Papers or drawings as he may decide to be unsuit- 


able to be printed or to serve as illostrations in the said l^ransao- 
tions, and shall send the residue, together with the said Eeports of 
Committees, to the Association's printers, who shall return the 
same so that they may reach the General Secretary's residence not 
later than on the 14th day of the said July, together with a state- 
ment of the number of pages each of them would occupy if printed 
in the said Transactions, as well as an estimate of the extra cost of 
the printing of such Tables, of any kind, as may form part of any 
of the said Papers and Reports ; and the General Secretary shall 
lay the whole, as well as an estimate of the probable number of 
Annual Members of the Association for the year commencing on 
that day, before the first Council Meeting on the first day of the 
next ensuing Annual Meeting, when the Council shall select not a 
greater number of the Papers thus laid before them than will, with 
the other documents to be printed in the said Transactions, make 
as many sheets of printed matter as can be paid for with the sum 
of 60 per cent, of the subscriptions for the year of the said 
probable number of Annual Members, and any part or the whole 
of such balance, not derived from Compositions of existing Life 
Members, or from prepaid Annual Subscriptions, as may be lying 
at interest, as well as that which may be in the Treasurer's hands ; 
this ' sum ' shall be exclusive of the extra cost of the printing of 
such aforesaid Tables, which have been approved and accepted by 
the Council, provided the aggregate of the said extra cost do not 
exceed 6 per cent, of the said subscriptions ; exclusive also of the 
printers' charge for corrections of the press ; and also exclusive of 
the cost of printing an Index, a list of Errata, and such Besolu- 
tions passed at the next Winter Meeting of the Council, as may be 
directed to be so printed by the said Winter Meeting; and the 
number of Papers selected by the Council shall not be greater than 
will, with the Eeports of Committees, make a Total of iO Reports 
and Papers. 

13. Papers communicated by Members for Non-Members, and 
accepted by the Council, shall be placed in the Programme below 
those furnished by Members themselves. 

14. Papers which have been accepted by the Council cannot be 
withdrawn without the consent of the Council 

15. The Council will do their best so to arrange Papers for 
reading as to suit the convenience of the Authors ; but the place of 
a Paper cannot be altered after the Programme has been settled by 
the Council. , 

16« Papers which have already been printed in extenso cannot be 
accepted unless they form part of the literature of a question on 
which the Council has requested a Member or Committee to 
prepare a report. 


17. Eyery meetiiig of ihe Council shall be convened by Circular, 
sent by the General Secretary to each Member of the Council not 
lees than ten. days before the Meeting is held. 

18. All Papers read to the Association which the Council shall 
decide to print in extenso in the Transactions, shall be sent to the 
printers, together with aU drawings required in illustrating them, 
on the day next following the close of the Annual Meeting at which 
they were read. 

19. All Papers read to the Association which the Council shall 
decide not to print in extenso in the Transactions, shall be returned 
to the authors not later than the day next following the close of 
the Annual Meeting at which they were read; and abstracts of such 
Papers to be printed in the Transactions shall not exceed one- 
fourth of the length of the Paper itself, and must be sent to the 
General Secretary on or before the seventh day after the close of 
the Annual Meeting. 

20. The Author of every Paper which the Council at any Annual 
Meeting shall decide to print in the Transactions shall be expected 
to pay for all such illustrations as in his judgment the said Paper 
may require. 

21. The printers shall do their utmost to print the Papers in the 
Transactions in the order in which they were read, and shall return 
every Manuscript to the author as soon as it is in type, but not 
he/ore. They shall be returned intact^ provided they are written 
on loose sheets and on one side of the paper only. 

22. Excepting mere verbal alterations, no Paper which has been 
read to the Association shall be added to without the written 
approval and consent of the General Secretary ; and no additions 
shall be made except in the form of notes or poetscriptSy 
or both. 

23. In the intervals of the Annual Meetings, all Meetings of 
the Council shall be held at Exeter, unless some other place shall 
have been decided on at the previous Council Meeting. 

24. When the number of copies on hand of any 'Part' of the 
Transactions is reduced to twenty, the price per copy shall be 
increased 25 per cent. ; and when the number has been reduced to 
ten copies, the price shall be increased 50 per cent on the original 

25. The Association's Printers, but no other person, may reprint 
any Committee's Report printed in the Transactions of the Associa- 
tion, for any person, whether a Member of the said Committee, or 
of the Association, or neither, on receiving, in each case, a written 
permission to do so from the Honorary Secretary of the Association, 


but not otherwise; that the said printer shall pay to the said 
Secretary, for the Association, sixpence for every fifty Copies of 
each half sheet of eight pages of which the said Eeport consists ; 
that any number of copies less than lifby, or between two exact 
multiples of fifty, shall be regarded as fifty ; and any number of 
pages less than eight, or between two exact multiples of eight, 
shall be regarded as eight ; that each copy of such Eeprints shall 
have on its first page the words " Eeprinted from the Transactions 
of the Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, 

Literature, and Art for with the consent of the Council of 

the Association," followed by the date of the year in which the 
said Keport was printed in the said Transactions, but that, with the 
exception of printer's errors and changes in the pagination which 
may be necessary or desirable, the said Reprint shidl be in every 
other respect an exact copy of the said Report as printed in the 
said Transactions without addition, or abridgment, or modification 
of any kind. 

26. The General Secretary shall, within one month after each 
Annual General Meeting, inform the Hon. Local Treasurer and the 
Hon. Local Secretary, elected at the said Meeting, that, in making 
or sanctioning arrangements for the next Annual General Meeting, 
it is eminently desirable that they avoid and discourage everything 
calculated to diminish the attendance at the Greneral and CouncU 
Meetings, or to disturb the said Meetings in any way. 

27. The Bye-Laws and Standing Orders shall be printed after 
the ' Rules ' in the Transactions. 

28. All resolutions appointing Committees for special service for 
the Association shall be printed in the Transactions next before 
the President's Address. 

29. Members and Ladies holding Ladies' Tickets intending to 
dine at the Association Dinner shall be requested to send their 
names to the Hon. Local Secretary on forms which shall be pro- 
vided ; no other person shall be admitted to the dinner, and no 
names shall be received after the Monday next before the dinner. 

30. Members admitted by the General Secretary during the 
interval between two Annual Greneral Meetings, and who decide 
when admitted to compound for the Annual Contributions, shall 
be entitled to receive the publications of the Association during 
the Association's year then current, provided their compositions are 
paid not later than the last day of January, but shall not be thus 
entitled if their compositions are paid between that date and the 
next Annual General Meeting of the Association. 

[ 16 ] 


As presented to the OenercU Meeting at Honitan, August 9th, 1898, 

The Thirty-sixth Annual Meeting of the Association was 
held at Kingsbridge, on July 27th and following days. 
Every effort had been made by the Local Committee to 
render the meeting pleasant and attractive, with the result 
that a large number of members were present 

At two o'clock there was a formal reception by the Urban 
District Council and Local Committee. Mr. Hurrell, as 
Chairman of the Council, and on behalf of the town, offered 
the Association a cordial welcome, and the Kev. S. Baring- 
Gould, the retiring President, as cordially thanked the 
Council and Committee for the kindness with which they 
had received the Association. 

After the reception th^re was a meeting of the Council, 
and at 4 p.m. the General Meeting was held. At its close the 
members of the Association and principal residents were 
entertained by the Eev. T. C. and Mrs. Lewis at a garden 
party in the grounds of Dodbrooke Rectory. 

At 8 p.m. Mr. J. Hine delivered his Presidential Address 
in the Town Hall to a large and attentive audience. In the 
absence of Mr. Baring-Gould, the new President was briefly 
introduced by the Hon. Secretary, i^ho remarked that Mr. 
Hine was one of the original members of the Association, 
and one of the first who helped to found it. 

On Wednesday, at 11 a.m., the reading and discussion of 
the following Programme of Beports and Papers commenced, 
and was continued until 4 p.m. 

Sixti^Dth Report of the Committee on \ ^ ^ Elworthy. 
DoTonsbire Verbal ProTincialiams / ^-^^ w y. 

^^^Ba^^^"! ""^ ^l"" ^™°^*.^ ^^'J } H Han^ord Worth, c.e. 

Fifteenth Report (Third Series) of 

the Committee on the Climate of } i4. Chandler, f.b.Mst. Soo. 
Devon . . . . < 


Eighth Report of the Committee on ) , z> 7 • n 

Deyonihire RecordB . . , \ J^ Brooking Bowe, f,8,a.., f.l.s. 

Toortb Report of the Dartmoor Ex- ) r, ^ « » • r, »j ., . 
ploration Committee . . .]^^'S. Banng^Oould, ic.A. 

Finit Report of the Committee on the \ /y „ » , . 
PhotographicSurvey of Devonshire j ^' ^' -K^'"^- 

The Poblication of certain Devonshire ) i^ c z> m 

Reoords \ Mrs, Frances B. Troup. 

A Century's Work in Ornithology in ) » j „ «,,. . 

the Kingsbridge District . J ^. ^. A ^//u^, ic.iLc.s., m.b 

Some Reminiscences of the Wykes of ) 

South Tawton, and a few Remarks [ Bev. W, H, Thornton, b. A. 
about their Residences . ) 

Epitaphs collected from Churches, \ 

Churchyards, and Burial Places > J. Harris Square, 
in Kingsbridge and neighbourhood ) 

Exchequer Tax Books and Domesday \ n^, m b^ w%^i^ „ . 
IdentiEcation . . . \]Bev.TW. WhaU, m.a. 

The Domesday Hundreds of Devon — ) t>_ o r d • 1. ? . . 

The Hundred of Teignbridge . I ^^' ^' ''' BewKel, if. A., B.0.L.,F.8.A. 

The Domesday Hundreds of Devon — \ j, /i r d • 1 t 

The Hundred of North Tawton ,]^^'^' ^' BeuJul, M.A , B.aL., F.8.A. 

The Camelford of the Anglo-Saxon ) r ir ir ^ • 

Chronicle : Where was it ? ) •^- ^' ^aHm, ce. 

Mottoes of some Devonshire Families. Bev, F, T, Colby, d.d. 

On the Destruction of Vermin in Rural \ m xr n t ^ u 

Parishes . . . . ] T. N. Brushfield, U.J), 

An Exeter Worthy and his Biographer Mrs, Frances B, Troup, 

Dartmoor Stone Implements and ) « i>.,^„^ , „ . 
Weapons . . . . ,]^' Bumard, F.8.A. 

On the Absence of Small Lakes, or ) ., „ ., 

Tarns, from the Area of Dartmoor \ ^^^ Somervatl, 

West Country Geological Problems. ) j n rr . 

Part II. The Dartmoor Granites. J ^- ^ ^"'^^ ^'^* '•^«-» ^•^•»- 

A Comparative Status of British and ) rr i# r» 
Devonshire Birds . . J ^ if. ^twrw. 

Extracts from the Pipe Rolls of Henry ) 

n. relating to Devon, with an 5 i2^. a/.i2c*c^f/, m.a.,b.c.l.,f.s.a. 
Appendix from Testa de Nevil • ) 

The Bishoprics and Lands of the Five \ 

Western Dioceses of Winchester, f »_ r e» 7 • n- t 
Frambury, Sherborne, Wells, and ( ^' ^' ^***^ ^"^' »'-^- 
Crediton, and their division • ) 

Some Notes on the Tithing of Penny- \B,N. WoHh, f.o.b. (the late). Com- 
cross, or Weston Peveril . , j municated by B, H. Worth, c. b. 

A4ditional Notes on the Radiolariaji \ ^ r tt- ^ ^i 

Rocks in the Lower Culm Measures r'^^^'^- ^l"^* ^^'^-^ ^'^'^'^ *".^ 
to the East and North-East of ^VfS'';^ ^^* ""^^ ^,'"™'*"*' 

Dtrtmoor ) ^^^ ^y ^^* ^' Harpley, m.a. 


After the reading of Papers there was a garden party at the 
Manor House, by the kind invitation of Mr. and Mrs. Hurrell, 
who received and entertained their guests with the utmost 
hospitality, and a couple of hours were very pleasantly spent 

In the evening, at 8 o'clock, the Association Dinner was 
held at Mr. Startrip's King's Arms Hotel. The President was 
in the chair, and there was a large attendance. The host made 
liberal provision, and the quality of the viands was all that 
could be desired. The arrangements made for the comfort 
and convenience of the guests reflected great credit upon the 
Dinner Committee, who, it was evident, had discharged their 
duties most assiduously. 

On Thursday, at 10 a.m., the reading and discussion of 
Papers was continued until 2 p.m., when the concluding 
General Meeting was held, followed by a Meeting of the 
GounciL Afterwards the members, dividing into three 
groups, were taken to places of interest in the district One 
party drove to Bowringsleigh, the residence of W. Roope 
Ilbert, Esq., and thence to Thurlestone Sands. Another 
section journeyed to Torcross, and spent some time on the 
famous Slapton Sands; while a third company visited the 
ruins of the Grange at Leigh, a former monastic institution 
belonging to the Abbots of Buckfast, and on their return to 
Kingsbridge viewed the picturesque grounds of Combe Boyal, 
by the kind permission of Mrs. Eady-Borlase. 

On Friday, as usual, a more extensive excursion was 
planned and carried out. A party of eighty went by the 
steamer Reindeer down the beautiful Kingsbridge estuary to 
Salcombe and South Sands, near the Bolt Head, starting 
from the Point, Kingsbridge, one mile from the town, and 
passing on the way the village of Charleton, Frograore Creek, 
Halwell Woods with the Heronry, South Pool Creek, East 
Portlemouth, the ruins of Salcombe Castle, besieged by the 
Parliamentarians in the Civil War of the 17th century, the 
Molt, formerly the residence of the Earls of Devon, and the 
beautiful scenery on each side of the mouth of Salcombe 
Harbour. The party thoroughly enjoyed themselves, and on 
their return there was a unanimous opinion that the Kings- 
bridge meeting of 1897 had been eminently successful 

It having been decided that the next Annual Meeting 
should be held at Honiton, the following were elected officers 
for the occasion : — 

President: The Eight Hon. Lord Coleridge, M.A., Q.c; 
Vice-Presidents: His Worship the Mayor of Honiton, D. 
W. E. Buchanan, Esq.; H.. Banfield, Esq.; Arthur F. 


Bernard, Esq.; Kev. Kichard Augustus Byrde, M.A.; Eev. 
Hugh John Fortescue, M.A.; J. Hine, Esq., f.r.i.b.a. ; The 
Bight Hon. Sir J. Eennaway, Bart, m.p. ; Bichard Marker, 
Esq. ; Eev. Alfred Marwood-Elton ; Cuthbert B. Peek, Esq., 
M.A.; Sir Edmund de la Pole, Bart; The Right Hon. Viscount 
Sidmouth; The Venerable Archdeacon Tribe, m.a.; J. Rose 
Troup, Esq. ; Hon. General Treasurer: P. F. S. Amery, Esq., 
J.P., Druid, Ashburton; Hon. General Secretary: Rev. W. 
Harpley, m.a., f.cp.s., Clayhanger Rectory, Tiverton; Hon. 
Local JTreasurer: Edward W. Hellier, Esq., Honiton; Hon. 
Local Secretary: D. W. R. Buchanan, Esq., Broomhills, 

The Council have published the President's Address, 
together with Obituary Notices of members deceased during 
the preceding year, and the Reports and Papers read before 
the Association; also the Treasurer's Report, a List of 
Members, and the Rules, Standing Orders, and Bye-Laws; 
they have since added an Index, kindly prepared by Mr. J. 
Brooking Rowe, and a Table of Corrections. 

A copy of the Transactions and Index has been sent to 
each member, and to the following Societies: The Royal 
Society, Linnaean Society, Geological Society. Anthropological 
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Royal Institution 
(Albemarle Street), the Society of Antiquaries, Devon and 
Exeter Institution (Exeter), Plymouth Institution, Torquay 
Natural History Society, North Devon Athenaeum (Barn- 
staple), Royal Institution of Cornwall (Truro), the Library of 
the British Museum, the British Museum (Natural History, 
Cromwell Road), the Bodleian Library (Oxford), and the 
University Library (Cambridge). 

The Council beg further to report that since the last 
meeting they have entered into an agreement, through your 
Hon. Secretary, with the Secretary of the British Record 
Society, for the transcribing and printing by the latter 
Society the Calendars of Wills and Administrations now 
preserved in the Probate Registry at Exeter. This work 
will be carried out in parts uniform with the Transactions of 
the Association, and it is hoped the first instalment will be 
ready to be issued with the next volume of Transactions. 

[ 20 1 

Treasurer's Report of Receipts and JExpenditure 

£ s. 

^. £ '. 


1 11 


15 4 


158 11 

10 10 

— 185 17 


. 26 5 


Arrears of Subscriptions prior to 1896 . • 

Arrears of Sabscriptions, 1896-97 
Annual Subscriptions, 1897-98 . 
Prepaid Subscriptions, 1898-99 . 

Life Compositions . • . • 

Sale of " Transactions " — 

5 copies for 1897 . . . • 

2 ditto 1863, 1864, 1865, 1866, 1867, 1868, 

1 ditto 1870, 1871, 1874, 1891, 1893, 1894, 
1895, 1896 . 

Sale of Devonshire Domesday , Parts YIII. and IX. . 

Sale of surplus Indexes 

From authors for excess under Rule 29 

Dividends on Consols . . . . 

Discount from Messrs. Brendon and Son . 

Adverse balance . • 


3 2 

3 2 6 

Annual Subscriptions due 31st July, 1896 . 
Ditto ditto 31st July, 1897 . 

8 4 

. 5 
. 2 
. 9 17 
. 7 19 
. 8 14 



242 4 
. 49 16 




. 15 15 
. 14 14 

/ have examined the foregoing Aeeminls with the Vouchers^ and found them 

correct, this 2%th day of July, 1898. 




[ 21 ] 

during the y^ar ending Slst Jviy, 1898. 


Meaan. Brendon and Son — 

Printing ** Transactions,'' vol. xxix. . 

,, 25 separate Papers 
Packing and Posting 

Printing and Posting Index to vol. xxviiL 
Cards, Circulars, and Notices 

Hoc General Secretary, Petty Expenses . 

Hon. General Secretary's Assistant 

Hon. General Treasurer, Postage and Expenses 

Dent, printing Notices 

Wyatt, Kingsbridge, printing Programmes 

Bank Charges • • 

Adverse balance from 1896- 97 

£ s, d, £ s. d. 

158 2 

12 15 

18 17 

4 15 

6 13 



196 8 

5 16 2 


2 14 10 



2 18 8 

213 15 3 

78 5 5 

£292 8 


P. F. S. AMERY, Hon, General Treasurer, 

[ 22 ] 

Statement of the Property of the Assodatioii, July 30th, 1898« 

£ «. 


Funded Property, Ck>n8oIs 



• • 


Arrears of Annual Contributions (valued 

at) . 

• • 


"Transactions" in Stock, 1868 ... 

68 copies 

at 28. Od. . 

6 6 

„ „ 1864 ... 


8s. Od. . 

12 6 

„ „ 1866 ... 


2s. 6d. . 

9 6 

„ „ 1866 ... 


8s. Od. . 

8 5 

,» »> 1867 ... 


6s. Od. . 

16 16 

„ „ 1868 ... 


6s. 6d. . 

10 8 

M n 1870 ... 


6s. Od. . 

4 10 

„ „ 1871 ... 


8s. Od. . 

4 16 

„ „ 1873 ... 


6s. Od. . 

7 4 

„ „ 1874 ... 


8s. 6d. . 

12 16 

» 1876 ... 


10s. Od. . 

5 10 

„ »> 1876 ... 


158. Od. . 

10 10 

1877 ... 


9s. 6d. . 

8 1 


„ „ 1878 ... 


128. Od. . 

1 16 

1879 ... 


7s. Od. . 

7 7 

„ 1880 ... 


128. 6d. . 

14 7 


„ 1881 ... 


68. Od. , 

8 14 

„ „ 1882 ... 


lOs. Od. . 

24 10 

„ „ 1883 ... 


88. Od. . 

21 12 

„ „ 1884 ... 


128. Od. . 

41 8 

„ »i 1886 ... 


88. Od. . 

29 4 

„ „ 1886 ... 


88. Od. . 

84 8 

„ „ 1887 ... 


lOs. Od. . 

27 10 

,, 1888 ... 


68. Od. . 

14 2 

„ „ 1889 ... 


78. 6d. . 


„ „ 1890 ... 


58. Od. . 


„ „ 1891 ... 


68. Od. . 

28 10 

„ „ 1892 ... 


8s. Od. . 

21 4 

„ „ 1893 ... 


88. Od. . 

21 12 

„ „ 1894 ... 


88. Od. . 

24 16 

„ M 1895 ... 


88. Od. . 

38 4 

„ „ 1896 ... 


lOs. Od. . 


Indexes (extra copies) to 1897 ... 


8s. Od. . 


vols, from 1884-1896 ... 


Os. 6d. . 

14 16 


** Devonshire Domesday," Part I. , 


28. Od. . 

3 16 

Part II., 


48. Od. . 

11 4 

Part III, 


48. Od. . 

18 16 

„ Part IV., 


Is. 6d. . 


Part v., 


Is. 6d. . 

2 18 


Part VI., 


28. 6d. . 

4 17 


„ Part VII., 


28. 6d. . 


„ Part VIII., 


2s. 6d. . 

11 10 

Part IX., 
(Signed) W. HARPLEY, Hon. . 

58 „ 

28. 6d. . 

6 12 


927 8 

" When the nnmber of copies on hand of any * Part* of the TimnMctione is reduced to 
twenty, the piioe per 0007 shall be increaaed S5 per cent ; and when the nnmber haa been 
reduced to ten copies, the price shall be Increased 60 per cent, on tiie original price."— 
Standing Order No. 24. 

The "Transactions'* in stock are Insored against ilre in the sum of £400. The vols, 
published in 186S, 1860, and 1873 are out of print. 

[ 23 ] 



P<u8ed at the Meeting cU ffoniton, 
AUGUST, 1898. 

9. That Dr. Brushfield, Rev. W. Harpley, Sir J. B. Phear, Mr. 
J. Brooking Eowe, and Mr. A. H. A. Hamilton be a Committee 
for the purpose of considering at what place the Association shall 
hold its Meeting in 1900, who shall be invited to be the Officers 
during the year beginning with that Meeting, and who shall be 
invited to fill any official vacancy or vacancies which may occur 
before the Annual Meeting in 1899 ; that Mr. J. Brooking Eowe 
be the Secretary ; and that they be requested to report to the next 
Winter Meeting of the Council, and, if necessary, to the first 
Meeting of the Council to be held in August, 1899. 

10. That Mr. J. S. Amery, Mr. F. Brent, Dr. Brushfield, Mr. 
Robert Bumard, Mr. A. Chandler, Mr. E. A. S. Elliot, Mr. H. M. 
Evans, Rev. "W. Harpley, Mr. C. E. Robinson, Mr. J. Brooking 
Rowe, Mr. A. Somervell, and Mr. H. B. S. Woodhouse be a 
Committee for the purpose of noting the discovery or occurrence 
of such Facts in any department of scientific enquiry, and connected 
with Devonshire, aa it may be desirable to place on permanent 
record, but which may not be of sufficient importance in themselves 
to form the subjects of separate papers ; and that Mr. J. Brooking 
Rowe be the Secretary. 

11. That Mr. P. F. S. Amery, Rev. S. Baring-Gould, Mr. G. 
M. Doe, Rev. W. Harpley, Mr. P. Q. Karkeek, Mrs. Radford, Mr. 
J. Brooking Rowe, Mrs. Troup, and Mr. H. B. S. Woodhouse be 
a Committee for the purpose of collecting notes on Devonshire 
Folk-Lore ; and that Mr. P. F. S. Amery be the Secretary. 

12. That Dr. Brushfield, Lord Clififord, Mr. J. Davy, Mr. A. 
H. A. Hamilton, Mr. J. Hine, and Mr. J. Shelly be a Committee 
to prepare a Report on the Public and Private Collections of 
Works of Art in Devonshire; and that Mr. J. Hine be the 


13, Tliat Mr, J. S. Amery, Dr. Brushfield, Mr. F. T. El worthy, 
Mr. F. H. Firth, Mr. P. Q. Karkeek, Dr. W. C. Lake, MIbs Helen 
Hsimderi, aud Mrs. Troup be a Committee for the purpose of 
noting and recording the existing use of any Verbal Provincialisms 
in Devonshire^ in either written or spoken language; and that 
Mr. F. T. Kl worthy be the Secretary. 

U. That Mr. P. F. S. Amery, Rev. S. Baring-Gould, Dr. 
Brushfield, Mr. Burnard, Mr. Cecil M. Firth, Mr. J. Brooking 
Kowe, and Mr. K. Hansford Worth be a Committee to collect and 
record facts relating to Barrows in Devonshire, and to take steps, 
where possible, for their investigation; and that Mr. R. Hansford 
Worth be the Secretary. 

15. That Mr. J. S. Amery, Mr. G. M. Doe, Mr. F. H. Firth, 
Rev. W. Harpley, Mr. R. C. Tucker, and Mr. T. W. Windeatt 
be a Committee for the purpose of making the arrangements for 
the Association Dinner at Torrington in 1899; and Uiat Mr. B. 
C, Tucker be the Secretary. 

16. That Mr. James Hamlyn, Mr. W. Ingham, Mr. A. 
Chandler, and Mr. P. F. S. Amery be a Committee to collect 
and tabulate trustworthy and comparable observations on the 
climate of Devon ; and that Mr. A. Chandler be the Secretary, 

17. That the Right Rev. Bishop Brownlow, Dr. Brushfield, 
Mr. R. W. Cotton, The Very Rev. the Dean of Exeter, Mr. A. 
H A. Hamilton, Mr. J. Brooking Rowe, and Mr. K Windeatt be 
a Committee for the purpose of investigating and reporting on any 
Manuscripts, Records, or Ancient Documents existing in, or relating 
to, Devonshire, with the nature of their contents, their locality, and 
whether in public or private hands; and that Mr. J, Brooking 
Rowe be the Secretary. 

18. That Rev. L K Anderson, Mr. R Burnard, Rev. S. 
Baring-Gould, Mr. J. D. Pode, Mr. J. Brooking Rowe, and Mr. 
R Hansford Worth be a Committee for the purpose of exploring 
Dartmoor; and that the Rev. S. Baring-Gould be the Secretary. 


Ladiis Am) OsNTLEHSN, — In meetmg together in this 
town^ which was antiently a borough, returning two 
membeiB to Parliament, it seems to me not inappropriate 
that I should make the boroughs of Devonshire die tiieme 
of my discourse. I mal^e no pretence to great learning, 
content if I recount any facts which may be new to my 

All persons in this country were originally bond or free. 
In happy contrast to the social system of our great neighs 
boor, France, this social cleavage had its origin in sound 
common sense. In the lawless days, when the poorer classes 
were unable to protect themselves from their more powerful 
neighbours, the bondman looked to his superior lord foi^ 
protection from all tyranny but his own, a protection which 
the superior lord made it a point of honour to observa 
Moreover, it was the freeman alone who was called upon 
to defend his country by force of arms, a duty which became 
afterwards discharged by a payment of money. And thus 
it was that taxation fell only on the freeman, the bondman 
being exempt In France, on th^ contrary, the bondman 
was liable -to taxation, and to forced labour without reward, 
the nobles and clergy being exempt, and this distinction 
it was that gave peculiar ferocity to the French Revolution. 

In very early days the natural gregariousness of man 
was exhibited in the congregation into towns mainly for 
the purposes of trade. And me earliest distinction between 
town and country lies in this, that the town contributed 
a lump sum in taxation, whereas in the country the sum 
was levied by the Crown on individuals. These con- 
gregations of men were called Boroughs, and were governed 
by inhabitants called Burgessea Five of them are mentioned 
in Domesday, A.D. 1086, belonging to Devonshire — Exeter, 
Barnstaple, Okehampton, Totnes, and lidford. 

vouxxx. c 

26 LORD colbridgb's presidential address. 

Originally the County Court was the plaoe where the 
freemen assembled and were enrolled, but the Boroughs 
set up their own Court Leet. The Burgesses consisted 
of all who resided, who were householders, who as a 
necessary condition paid scot and bore lot, and were sworn 
and enrolled at tHe Court Leet of the Borough. They were 
taxed as a whole, and their main privilege was exemption 
from the interference of the sherifit Residence was essential. 
Those exempted alone from • attendance were ecclesiastics, 
minors, females, villains, lunatics, persons of infamous 
character, and peers! 

At the Sheriff's Court originally all freemen had the 
right to attend, often in the open air^ and to say '^ Aye, 
Aye!" and no distinction was drawn between the rich 
and poor landowner. And at first Boroughs chose amongst 
their freemen deputies to go to the County Court and name 
members chosen for the Borough. The Borough, however, 
began to purchase privileges from the Crown, and among 
the earliest privileges thus bought was the right to hold 
their own Court Leet, and thus to become independent of 
the sheriff and the County Court. As trade became 
organized, there arose within the Boroughs the earliest 
form of Trade Union in the shape of guilds, or associations 
of men of the same handicraft for the protection of their 
trade. The castles in the Boroughs and these Merchtot 
Guilds were distinct from the municipal jurisdiction of 
the town, from the Borough rights, and from the Burgesses. 
I cannot now dwell upon the interesting history of these 
guilds — how their tendency to become monopolies led to the 
rise of the rival Crafts Guilds, formed originally by the 
workmen as a weapon against the Merchant Guilds, which 
had shrunk up into the exclusive possession of the em- 
ployers, nor show how the Crafts Guilds followed in 
their turn the policy which they were created to destroy; 
• Suffice it to say that the crucial difference between the 
guilds and the municipal jurisdiction lay in the fact that 
residence was essential to a Burgess, but not to membership 
of the guild. 

Sometimes, I suspect for the purpose of preventing the 
control of the trade coming into the hands of non-residents, 
the Burgesses attempted to set up a guild of their own. 
But the rights of the Burgesses were strictly limited, and 
we find that in the reign of Henry L the Burgesses of 
Totnes were fined for having set up a guild without legal 


The first authentic instance of the summoning of Burgesses 
from Boroughs to Parliament is the summoning of two 
Burgesses from each Borough by Simon de Montfort in 
1265, in addition to the two knights from each shira It 
is true that some have asserted that this took place at an 
earlier date. Indeed, in 18 Edward III. the Burgesses of 
Barnstaple asserted that their right to elect two Burgesses 
to sit in Parliament had existed since the time of 
Athelstan. But the charter granting this was unfortunately 

I cannot find that any Burgesses from Devonshire were 
summoned in 1265 to that Parliament, which was of 
a sporadic character, nor to the succeeding Parliament 
summoned by Edward L in 1283 to Acton Bumell, an 
obscure village in Shropshire, where sat the knights of 
the shire and Burgesses, the Upper House sitting the while 
at Shrewsbury. Why should the worthy Burgesses of Devon 
demean themselves by attending a hole-and-corner meeting 
merely to grant the king money wherewith to conduct the 
Welsh War? 

No, the first real Parliament was that of 1295, summoned 
by Edward I. to Westminster. To this Parliament Exeter, 
Totnes, Plympton, Tavistock, Barnstaple, and Torrington 
sent members, llie members sat in their three orders — 
the earls, barons, and knights of the shire; the clergy; 
and the burgesses. The common people generally come 
off worst in comparison with the great ones of the eartL 
We find in this case what we shoidd expect, for while the 
great earls, barons, and knights of the shire granted a tax 
of only one-eleventh, and the clergy, the next in riches, one- 
tenth, the poor burgesses granted one-seventL 

It is not imtil Uie time of Edward IL that we see the 
knights of the shire, shouldered out from the awful presence 
of the earls and the barons, taking their seats beside the/ 
Burgesses, and ' forming the first example of a House of 

The Burgess^ then represented the popular element of 
the Lower House, as they were residents coming from the 
centres of trade; and commerce is, after all, the life-blood 
of every progressive nation. How they ultimately fell away 
from that position the subsequent history of our Boroughs 
will show. The bishops remained with the earls and 
barons, but the clergy withdrew from Parliament, and 
insisted on voting supplies independently in the convo- 
cations of Canterbury and York 

c 2 

28 LOBD cx)lkridob's presidential address. 

Thus emeiged our constdtutdon of goveniment by King, 
Lords, and Commons. 

To the Parliament at York in 26 Edward I. came 
Burgesses from Exeter, Dartmouth, Totnes, Plymouth, 
Barnstaple, Plympton, and Ashbnrton; and to that sum- 
moned at Lincoln in 28 Edward L Buigesses from Exeter, 
Totnes, Okehampton, Lidford, Barnstaple, and Honiton. 
At this time Parliament only provided money, petitioned 
for redress of grievances, and sanctioned l^islation already 
initiated. Independent legislation was unlmown; the only 
mode of obtaining such measures as were desired arose later 
in the refusal of supplies until redress of grievances was 
granted. In fact, at first Parliament was only a superior 
modem County Court, where the king collected the debts 
which he considered were due to him from the people^ 
which he incurred in carrying on the government of the 
country. Boroughs at first thought it a fine thing to be 
represented in Parliament, but this idea wore off. The 
sheriff summoned Boroughs to return members or not at 
his discretion. 

Thus Torrington sent members twicjB in Edward L, four 
times in Edwwi II., throughout the reign of Edward III. 
with one short interval, and then discontinued. South- 
molton sent members once in 30 Edward I. Modbury 
once in 34 Edward I. Crediton once in 35 Edward L 
Fremington once in 6 Edward III. Lidford twice in 28 
and 30 Edward I. Bradninch once in 6 Edward II. The 
Port of Exmouth once in 24 Edward III., and the Port 
of Teignmouth once in 14 Edward III. 

If the members were troublesome, the Borough which 
sent them would probably not be troubled again. And 
this fell in with the growing feeling of the Boroughs that 
representation was a burden rather than a privilege. They 
s even are known to have purchased charters withdrawing 
franchises, which they had not yet learnt to value. For the 
member had to be maintained at the cost of the Borough. 
Torrington, for instance, petitioned the king in 42 Edward 
III. to be exonerated. Besides the cost of the stipend^ 
two shillings a day, to the Borough, the dangers of the 
journey, especially from the far -distant west, made the 
members shrink from attendance; and although the rate 
for the payment of members was fixed in early days at 
four shillings per diem for the knights of the shire and 
two shillings for the Burgesses from the Boroughs, that 
stipend was often reduced by the ratepayers in the Boroughs 


on account of its burdensome character. We read of 
Boroughs petitioning to be relieved, from even so small a 
charge as fourpence a day. Sometimes they neglected to 
send members, sometimes they tried to escape the summons, 
sometimes they even neglected to pay, and compounded 
with the member for lump sums. The earliest form of 
bribery is shown in the occasional offer of a candidate to 
serve without stipend, if elected. The last recorded instance 
of payment of members is that of Andrew Marvell, the poet, 
and friend of Milton, in the Parliament after the Eestoration. 

These early Parliaments usually began with a solemn 
confirmation of the great Charter, and as their power of 
initiating legislation dawned upon them, we find the 
influence of the Borough members coming fh)m the centres 
of trade showing itself in curiously minute regulations in 
matters mainly industriaL They fixed the prices of com- 
modities ; they determined the rate of wages ; they settled 
the component parts of which articles were to be made; 
they dictated the very clothes which the various classes 
of men were to wear, and even the very food they were 
to eat. For instance, in the time of Edward III. it was 
enacted that no man should have more than two courses 
for dinner and more than two plates of each course, an 
Act which continued on the Statute Book until the year 

The Borough members of Devon looked after the interests 
of the trade and wants of the inhabitants. For we find 
that in 1531, in the words of the Statute 23 Henry VIII. 
c. 8, ''piteously sheweth the inhabitants of the Towns 
and Ports of Plimouth Dartmouth and Teignmouth that 
whereas heretofore ships up to 800 tons at low water 
could lie in surety, Uie Ports are being destroyed by 
silting up from tin-works by persons more regarding their 
private lucre than the Commonwealth a ship of 100 tons 
can now scantly enter at half flood, such persons must 
prevent this by sufficient Hatches and Ties at the ends of 
their Buddies and Cords." 

By 1 Jmes I. c. 23 (1604) balkers, huors, condors, 
directors, or guidors attending on the high hills to watch for 
fish, are freed from actions for trespass ; and by 7 James I. 
c. 18 (1609) all persons resident in Devon are enabled to 
dig for sea-sand for tillage under the full sea-mark. 
. Careful also were the Borough, members where the liberty 
of the subject was concerned in the person of one of 
their own body. For by 4 Henry VIII. a 8, entitled '* An 


Act concerning Bichard Strode," we find that Richard Strode, 
one of the Burgesses for the Borough of Plympton, having, 
in conjunction with other meml^rs, who were tinners 
in Devon, brought in bills for the reformation of ports, 
havens, and creeks in the county, had incurred the enmity 
of John Furse, understeward of the Stannaries. He tried 
him at Crockem Tor for the offence of invading the 
privileges of the Stannaries by bringing in these bills, 
fined him £160, and imprisoned him ''in a dungeon and 
deepe pit under the ground in the Castle of lidford for 
three weeks," which prison was "one of the most hanious, 
contagious, and detestable places within the Eealma" It 
seems to have been a family conspiracy of the Furses^ 
for the keeper, Philip Furse, was desired by John Furse 
"strictly to keepe the said Richard in prison and to put 
irons upon him to his more greater paine and jeopardie 
and to give him bread and water onley." Strode had to pay 
large sums to get out Parliament happily set aside the judg- 
ment, and declared the fines void 

Until comparatively late days the popular element in 
the House of Commons lay in the representatives from the 
Boroughs. ThiB was partly due to the fact of such places 
being the centres of trade and industry ; and also to the 
fact that in 1430, 8 Henry YI. c. 7, the fironchise in counties 
was limited to forty-shilling freeholders, by reason of the 
"very great, outrageous and excessive numbers of people 
of small substance" entitled by law to vote for hiiights 
of the shire. That was an Act of Disfranchisement, for 
forty shillings then meant about the equivalent of £25 now. 
Thus it was that in the great contest between Crown and 
People in the days of the Stuarts most of the leaders of 
the popular party were the representatives of the Burgesses 
of the Boroughs. The ultimate decay of Borough repre- 
sentation was due to the gradual and stealthy dispossession 
of the right to the franchise enjoyed by the resident 

It began by the granting of charters of incorporation. 
The desire of Boroughs for incorporation had, in its origin, 
nothing to do witib the franchise. It was asked for, 
probably among other things, to enable the Borough to 
purchase lands, and to sue and be sued in its corporate name. 

Plymouth was the first Devon Borough to petition for in^ 
corporation, in 13 Henry IV. The petition was not granted, 
but twenty-eight years later, in 8 Henry VI. (1439^, the first 
batch of Boroughs was incorporated, Plymouth being among 


the number. Once a Borough was incorporated, there soon 
grew up a custom, having Uie sanction of law, of vesting 
in the official member of the chartered town the right to 
return representatives to Parliament. 

The franchise no longer was a privilege to which the 
freehold resident Burgess was everywhere entitled. Fanciful 
restrictions were introduced, varying with the varying 
customs in particular Boroughs. Besidence becoming no 
longer necessary to a freeman, non-resident freemen who 
did not bear the local burdens could be created by birth, 
by marriage with the widow or daughter of a freeman, by 
purchase, or by gifL The mode of acquisition was different 
in different towns. When resident such freemen could be 
corrupted on the spot^ when non-resident it merely meant 
that the cost of travel was added to swell the corrupt 
expenditure. The king granted charters, and summoned 
Boroughs in order to increase his influence. And although 
the celebrated Election Committee of 23 James L revived 
the pure principle of resident Burgesses, at the Bestoration 
all these absurdities were restored. Parliamentary Com- 
mittees sanctioned any electoral iniquity, and submissive 
Corporations were found te surrender charters, which were 
renewed on terms making them more subservient; and 
self-elected bodies, often non-resident, and sometimes 
individuals, returned the members for the BorougL 

Taking for a date the first half of the last century, we 
find a truly surprising state of things. 

In Exeter the magistrates had the right of election. In 
Plymouth the vote was restricted te freemen, as distinct 
from freeholders. The number of freemen was about 160. 
It was entirely in the hands of the Admiralty, who in 
&ct nominated the member, for if the Corporation refused 
to elect the Admiralty nominee, the Admiralty could ruin 
the town by refusing to pay off ships at the port. The 
charter granted the franchise to the "Commonalty," and 
the resident freeholders made in 1660 a push for their 
rights, but a subservient House of Commons decided that 
the word " Commonalty " did not include the Burgesses. 

In Totnes, mentioned as a Borough in Domesday^ and to 
which Queen Elizabeth granted a charter of incorporation, 
the Corporation nominally elected. The voters were thirty- 
four, but the real electors were two landlords. 

In Plympton the vote?s were forty-four, the Corporation 
elected in form, but the Earl of Mount Edgcumbe returned 
the member. 

32 LOU) oouEnxai's prbbidkhtul addkiss. 

Bamsta^le stood on a more independant footing. Trne, 
there were a mayoi; two aldf-mm, and twenty-two oommon 
cooncilnmi; bnt the yotera were 450» and anuHig \hem 250 
were Boigesses by {oescdption. There was no patron. 

Okehampton likewise dnng to antient ways in the reten- 
tion of 182 freehold Buguses as Toten. An amusing 
incident, illnstative of the timea occnired in an electicm 
in 1790* 

Down to 1623 the pmtreeye of the Borongh was the 
officer who made the retonu After a chiuter had been 
granted to the Boroi^^, the mayor had been in the habit 
of doing thia One Hawkes, an ingenions attorney, got 
himself elected portreeve by the homage in the Court Leet 
He proceeded to hold a poll contemporaneously with the 
mayor. Each rejected the other^s votes. Eadi made a 
retuHL Each rdmmed their own fetvourite candidates. A 
Committee of the House of Commons declared the mayor's 
return to be the ri^ one. The two members returned 
by Hawkes instantly petitioned. On the petition it appeared 
tiiat^ just prior to the poll, seventy-two nominal freeholds 

A 5f^ e^^ by the Duke of Bedford, Earl Spencer, 
Mid Mr. Hams to persons in every part of the United 
Kii^dom. These votes were struck off, and Hawkes* 
candidates crept in by one vote and two votes respectively. 

In 1803 a similar creation of voters took place. But a 
petition was unsuccessful, for Lord Thurlow solemnly decided 
that if a shilling a year was granted to a person not for the 
purpose of his enjoying a shilling a year, but for the purpose 
of his enjoying a vote annexed by the constitution of the 
country and that estate, it was good. Ia plain language, 
If It was charitable it was bad, if it was corrupt it was 
good. ^ 

T ^ ^ fl^ays said that no one could be so wise as 
Lord Thurlow looked, and indeed he must have called in 
aid the wisdom of his aspect to prevent himself from 
laughing while delivering his judgment. 

At Tavurtock there were 110 voters, who were freeholders, 
but these freeholds being aU the property of the Duke of 
i5edford there was in reality only one voter. 

Dartmouth was another Government Borough. There 
were indeed forty freemen voters in theory. But Gtovem- 
ment always gave to more than half of them places of profit 
under the Crown, which disfranchised them under the 
Place Bill, and thus there was Uttle difficulty in manarinff 
the remnant. Once, however, in 1689 the mayor^ms 


to have discovered some flickerings of independence among 
the Burgesses, for after the issue of the writ he created 
twenty-five new freemen to make all safe. This was goiug 
too far, and he was ordered into custody. After this you 
had to remember to create your freemen in good time. 

Ashburton rejoiced in 200 freehold voters, but as they 
were all the property of two proprietors there were really 
only two voters for the Borough, and they could return a 
man apiece. 

Berealston was conducted on strictly economical principles. 
For the proprietor of the Borough granted shilling freeholds 
to voters to enable them to return his nominee, but only 
on condition that the grants of the freeholds should be 
surrendered to him as soon as the election was over. 

Tiverton produced twenty-four voters, all members of the 
Corporation, but the votes were all the property of one man. 
It first sent members to Parliament by a charter granted 
in 1615 by James I. The reason given for bestowing this 
honour on it is given in the preamble to the charter, and 
is curious. It is because it had lately been burnt down ! 

Political feeling must have run high on December Ist, 
1710, for on that day there was an election resulting in a 
tie, each one of three candidates polling eight votes. The 
House of Commons held the election void, and ordered a 
new writ. 

In 1723 the Corporation came to an untimely end, for 
the mayor absented himself on the day named in the charter 
for electing his successor, and the law officers advised that 
thereby the Corporation became dissolved. The king granted 
anew charter, and this defect was remedied by the provisions 
of 11 George I., c. 4 (1724). 

Honiton, before it became a Borough returning representa- 
tives to Parliament, was the property of the earldom of 
BevoiL In 10 Edward I. Isabella, Countess of Albemarle, 
bad the town in her own right as being possessed of the 
earldom, and in that year the jury presented her with a 
Tetom of writs, an assize of bread and beer, which was the 
power or privilege of adjusting the weight and measure of 
those commodities, a free-warren, a pillory, a gallows, and 
a ducking-stool, wherein to cool the fury of the tongues 
of common scolds. It returned members in 28 Edward L 
and 4 Edward II., and then discontinued. The right was 
restored in 16 Charles I. (1640). The voters were 350, and 
extended to pot-wallers. 

In 1710 the House of Commons resolved that the franchise 

34 LOKD Coleridge's presidential address. 

should be restricted to the inhabitants paying scot and lot, 
but in 1724 the pot- wallers were restorea; they were 
inhabitant housekeepers not receiving alms. The repre- 
sentation from 1640 became almost hereditary in the family 
of the Yonges. Each voter got from five to fifty guineas 
for his vote, and from £2000 to £8000 was necessary to 
buy the seat. One of the Yonges usually claimed one seat, 
and with true worldly wisdom ofifered the remaining seat, 
generally to a stranger, on condition that he found the 
money for the return of both. 

This state of things continued until 1832, when, although 
these fancy franchises were preserved for a time, they were 
swamped by the creation of the £10 occupation franchise. 
Beresdston, Plympton, and Okehampton were disfranchised, 
and Ashburton and Dartmouth deprived of one member, 
while Devonport with two members was created a Borough. 

In 1867 an uniform household suffrage added still more 
to the numbers of the electors. Totnes was disfranchised 
for corruption, and Honiton and Tavistock deprived of one 
member. In 1868 Honiton, Ashburton, and Dartmouth 
were disfranchised. 

Finally, in 1885, Barnstaple, Tavistock, and Tiverton were 
disfranchised, and Exeter deprived of one member. 

Such in brief is a history of the vicissitudes of the 
Boroughs of Devon. 

What then of the members whom these Boroughs sent 
up to Parliament? 

To begin with the men of renown in the spatious times 
of great Elizabeth. Their lives and careers are so well 
known that I merely mention them in passing. Plymouth 
in 1571 sent up Sir Humphrey Gilbert and John Hawkins. 
The last words spoken by Gilbert before the torch of the 
Squirrel disappeared in the seas off the coast of Newfound- 
land are the truest epitaph to noble adventure, "We are 
as near to heaven by sea as by land." 

Of adventure, not so noble, John Hawkins had his fill, 
for as a foil to his services as Vice- Admiral in the war with 
the Spanish Armada we must set the sad fact that he began 
the unholy trade of catching slaves on the African coast, 
and selling them for very filthy lucre in the West Indies. 
For this devil's service he was granted as an addition to 
his coat of arms " a demi-Moor, proper, bound with a cord." 

The exploits of Drake, ^ho was returned for Plymouth 
in 1593, are too well known for me to recall to you. The 
end of Drake and Hawkins was ets stormy as their lives, 


for they both died on the same expedition to the West 
Indies in 1595, and at enmity with one another. 

One of the meanest representatives of Plymouth was 
James Bagge, who sat for Plymouth from 1601-1620, who, 
to cuny favour with the Duke of Buckingham, wormed 
Sir John Eliot out of the post of Vice- Admiral of the west^ 
and was practically in league with the Turkish pirates 
who harried the coasts. For these eminent services he 
was knighted by Charles I. 

The representatives from Devon Boroughs took a leading 
part in the great contest between Charles I. and his 
Parliament. It was Oliver St John, who sat for Totnes 
1640-1653, who argued the case of ship-money for John 
Hampden. He helped to draw up the famous petition 
of twelve peers, which led to the calling of the Long 
Parliament, and fiedthful to his view of Parliamentary 
institutions, was the teller with Cromwell in the division 
in the Bump in 1651 in favour of limiting the duration 
of Parliament to three years. 

The greatest Parliamentarian ever sent up by any Devon 
Borough was John Pym, who sat for Tavistock 1623-1643, 
and who conferred an imperishable honour on the Borough 
by becoming its member. On the doing to death of Sir 
John Eliot in prison, Pym became the soul and centre of 
the Parliamentary party. It was Pym who was the 
constitutional lawyer of the cause, the speaker who smote 
the great oratorical strokes. When Buckingham, being 
accu^ of the sale of honours and offices, retorted that he 
at any rate had not enriched himself by it, for he was 
£100,000 in debt, Pym exclaimed, "If this be true, how 
can we hope to sati^ his immense prodigality? if false, 
how can we hope to satisfy his covetousness ? " When the 
courtiers begged the House to leave to the king his sovereign 

C)wer, whic^ being interpreted, meant licence to break the 
w when he thought it convenient to do so, " I am not 
able," cried Pym, "to speak to the question. I know not 
what it is. ML our petition is for the laws of England, and 
this power seems to be another power distinct from the law. 
I know how to add sovereign to the king's person, but not 
to his power. We cannot leave him a sovereign power, for 
we were never possessed of it ! " 

It was Pym who caused the Long Parliament to be 
summoned, who struck down Strafford, who imprisoned 
Laud, who framed and carried the Grand Bemonstrance. 

Never has such a dramatic scene been witnessed in any 


assembly as when Charles attempted to seize the five 
members within the privileged precincts of the House of 
Commons. Of these five members Devon Boroughs had 
the honour of returning two, Pym from Tavistock, and 
William Strode from Berealston. The messenger of warning, 
breathless with his climb over the roofs of houses, the way 
to the House being blocked, communicated the tidings of 
the approach of the king with an. armed band. Pym was 
for quietly departing in time to prevent a bloody scene. 
Strode, bold to folly, had to be dragged from the House 
by his friends. And not too soon; for the king was in 
the House before the five members got to the water. A 
loud knock threw open the door, the armed desperadoes 
were observed huddling round the entrance, and the king 
went into the House, "where never king was (as they 
say) but once, king Henry VIII." The members rose 
and uncovered, the king also removed his hat. He stepped 
up to Pym's well-known seat close by the Bar. Seeing 
that his "bird was flown," he went up to the Speaker's 
chair, and standing by it looked round upon the House. 
He asked the House whether Mr. Pym were present. No 
one answering him, he pressed the question upon Mr. 
Speaker, who, kneeling, told him that "he could neither 
speak nor see but by command of the House." In a 
speech embarrassed and halting, in tone, now couched iu 
fair -seeming and now in threatening phrases, the king 
demanded that the absent members should be sent to him. 
No one replying, he turned to go. But not in silence. 
Mutterings of "Privilege, Privilege," were heard on every 
side, and with this ominous battle-cry resounding in his 
ears he passed from the House of Commons to civil war 
and a death upon the scaffold. 

The House in alarm appealed to the city for protection, 
and Skippon, who subsequently sat for Barnstaple 1646- 
1653, was appointed to take command of the trained band 
of the city, and to have the safety and privileges of the 
Parliament under his keeping. 

In the Committee, which sat at Guildhall after the ad- 
journment of the House of Commons, the most eloquent 
speech in defence of Parliamentary liberties was that made 
by John Maynard, then member for Exeter. 

A curious discussion took place in 1651 between the 
leaders of the Parliamentarians as to the settlement of the 
kingdom, which is characteristic of the men who took part 
in it, all of whom, with one exception, were returned at one 


time or another for Devon Boroughs. Whitlocke, who was 
returned for Exeter (1654), but elected to sit for County 
Bucks, was for inviting the Stuarts to return, on the plea 
that they had learnt wisdom by experience. Oliver St. 
John, then Chief Justice of the Common Pleas^ was for 
something of a monarchical power. Desborow, who was 
returned for Totnes in 1654, held stiff to a Bepublic: 
Cromwell, who listened to the argument, while considering 
the return of the Stuarts impossible, was inclined to agree 
with the. Chief Justice. 

During the times of the Stuart Bestoration the. influence 
of the members for the Devon Boroughs seems to have 
declined. In 1685, for a short time, we find Sir Christopher 
Wren sitting for Plympton. He was then in the 2enith 
of his powers. He was building St. Paul's Cathedral, and 
had already built St Stephen's Walbrook, and the incompar- 
nble steeple of Bow. I doubt if he had much time to attend 
to his Parliamentary duties. 

But after the flight of James II. the Devon men came 
once more prominently on the scene. Old Sir John 
Maynard, the member, for Berecdston, was presented to 
William III. as the doym of the English Bar. "And I 
had like to have outlived the law itself," said he, "had not 
your Highness come over ! " 

In the Convention Parliament. also sat Henry PoUexfen 
for Exeter. He had lately appeared in the uncongenial 
task of Prosecutor for the Crown at the Bloody Assizes in 
1685. In 1683, however, he had distinguished himself in 
his defence of Lord Russell, who was member for Tavistock 
when he perished on the scaflbld for alleged participation in 
the Rye House Plot, and he ended by becoming Attorney- 
General and Chief Justice of the Common Pleas under the 

In 1705 Berealston returned William Cowper, who was 
appointed on December 1st Lord Keeper of the Great Seal. 
It is he of whom Burnet says that at that time **he had 
. for many years been considered as the man who spoke the 
best of any in the House of Commons." He was the first 
to decline the customary New Year's gifts from the officials 
of the Court and the Counsel practising before him, and thus 
set an example of purity on the Bench. 

Years roU on, and in 1756 William Pitt, the great 
Commoner, was returned for the Borough of Okehampton. 
He had been dismissed from his office of paymaster the 
previous year, and stood alone in proud independence. At 


the close of the year 1757 " perfidy," says Walpole, " after 
thirty years had an intermission/' and the king was forced 
to send for Pitt On December 11th Okehampton sent 
him to Parliament as Secretary of State and Leader of the 
House of Commons. But George II. chafed under his 
lofty self-reliance. On April 5th, 1757, he dismissed him* 
" Go to Newcastle," said George ; " tell him I do not look 
upon myself as king whilst I am in the hands of these 
scoundrels ; that I am determined to get rid of them at any 
rate ; that I expect his assistance, and that he may depend 
upon my favour and protection." 

But the voice of the nation rose against the king. ** It 
rained gold boxes," says Walpole, alluding to the presenta- 
tions to Pitt from the great Corporations of England, and on 
June 29th Pitt was again forced on the angry and reluctant 
king as Secretary of State for War, with fidl control of war 
and foreign affairs. " I am sure," cried Pitt magnificently, 
but truly, *' that I can save this country, and t£kt nobody 
else can." And his prophecy came to pass, for it was Pitt's 
first great administration that laid the foundations of the 
British Empire. On July 13th, 1757, he ceased to represent 
the western Borough, but it was Okehampton who first 
placed him in a position to guide the whirlwind and to 
direct the storm. 

It was he of whom it was greatly said : — 

''The Secietary stood alone. Modem degeneracy had not 
reached him; the features of his character bad the hardihood 
of antiquity ; his august mind overawed Majesty ; and one of hia 
Sovereigns thought royalty so impaired by his presence that he 
conspired to remove him, in order to be rdieved from his 
superiority. No State chicanery, no narrow system of vulgar 
politics, no idle contest for ministerial victories sunk him to tiie 
vulgar level of the great; but overbearing, persuasive, and im- 
practicable his subject was England, his ambition fame. Without 
dividing, he destroyed party, without corrupting, he made a venal 
age unanimous. France sunk beneath him. With one hand he 
smote the house of Bourbon^ and wielded in the other the 
democracy of England. 

'' Nor were his political abilities his only talents. His eloquence 
was an era in the Senate, peculiar and spontaneous, familiarly 
expressing gigantic sentiments, and instinctive wisdom ; not like 
the torrent of Demosthenes, or the splendid conflagration of Tully, 
it resembled sometimes the thunder, and sometimes the music 
of the spheres. Like Murray he did not conduct the understanding 
through the painful subtilty of argumentation : nor was he like 


Townfihend for ever on the rack of exertion, but rather lightened 
upon the subject and reached the point by the flashings of his 
mind, which, like those of his eye, coidd be seen, but not 

Two great sea-captains sat about this time for Devon 
Boroughs — Bodney, who sat for Okehampton 1759-1761, and 
Howe, who represented Dartmouth 1761-1782. 

Alexander Wedderbum, afterwards Lord Loughborough, 
sat for Okehampton 1774-1780. George IIL, having first 
carefully ascertained that the melancholy fact of his death 
was true, exclaimed " that a greater rogue was not left in his 

In 1802-1806 Sir Edward Pellew, afterwards Lord 
Exmouth, was returned for Barnstaple. Bloody scenes on 
land and sea inspire me generally with horror, but war 
would be a different thing were it often accompanied by 
such incidents as the freeing of 3000 Christian slaves by 
Pellew at the bombardment of Algiers in 1816. 

Lord Althorpe, when he sat for Okehampton in 1804, was 
a silent member. But the highest tribute paid to character 
by the House of Commons — the finest judge of character 
in the world — was paid to Lord Althorpe when, in answer 
to Croker, he said "he had made calculations which he 
considered entirely conclusive in refutation of his arguments, 
but had mislaid them"; and the House considered the 
answer to be complete. 

Vicary Gibbs, who sat for Totnes 1804-1806, became 
Law Officer, and chiefly utilized the trust committed to his 
charge in an attack on liberty of thought and speech, and 
was in large measure baffled by the stubborn independence 
of British juries. 

Lord Cochrane, whose romantic career deserves a lecture 
to itself, stood for Honiton on March 13th, 1805. The 
success being a question of money, he was hopelessly beaten, 
only a few voting for him. He sent a bellman round the 
town after th^ election offering £10 to anyone who voted 
for him, as a reward for having refused to be corrupted. 
Next year he was returned by a triumphant majority, each 
voter living in hopes of the bellman's offer being repeated. 
No bellman came, and at the dissolution they parted in 
mutual disgust, the exiguity of Lord Cochrane's purse not 
satisfying t£e ravening Parliamentary maw of the pot- waller 
of Honiton. 

It was when Secretary of State for War, and sitting for 


Plympton, that Lord Castlereagh determined the coarse of 
European history by sending Wellesley to the Peninsula 
in 1809, and Ashburton, 1818-1820, helped Lord Lyndhurst 
to the Woolsack, 

But we have come now down to modem times. That 
impossible man, Sir Charles Wetherell, for ever connected 
in history with the Bristol riots, was returned for Plympton 
in 1826. Tavistock in 1830-1831 sent up Lord John 
Russell, and Devonport in 1835 Sir Edwaixl Codrington, 
who fought the batde of Kavarino. 

Tiverton was always fsiithful to her Palmerston, and my 
list winds up with a succession of distinguished lawyers. 

Death cut short the great career opening for Sir William 
FoUett, who sat fqr Exeter, 1835-1847, during the whole 
of his Parliamentary life. And I merely record the names 
of John Bomilly, afterwards Lord Romilly and the Master 
of the Rolls, who sat for Devonport; Roundell Pcdmer, 
afterwards Lord Chancellor and Earl of Selborne ; Robert 
Collier, afterwards Lord Monkswell, who sat for Pl3anouth ; 
Sir Robert Phillimore, who sat for Tavistock ; and the Hon. 
George Denman, who was Lord Palmerston's colleague for 

I am sorry to have nothing better to offer you than 
these few scattered facts respecting the Boroughs of Devon 
and their members. 

Some of these small Boroughs may sigh for a return of 
the days of their Parliamentary renown. But all over 
the face of the country we are witnesses to-day of local 
self-government which restores and strengthens the vitality 
which Reform Bills took away. Municipal Corporations, 
County Councils, District Councils, Parish Councils afford 
our people an opportunity for manifesting their abiding 
interest in their country and their home, which was formerly 
denied them. And manfully have they answered to the 
invitation to assist in the conduct of local administration. 
They have shown on the whole a capacity for and a love 
of honest and devoted work which has warranted the trust 
which the nation has reposed in them. 

I wish that I could speak with the same optimism of 
matters Parliamentary. The brutalities of the old elections 
have disappeared. The open and avowed corruption is no 
more. But we are still far from purity and independence. 
Money still procures votes, though bribery is no longer 
naked and unashamed. The platform has enormously 
increased in influence, but "nursing" is answerable for 


nearly as many majorities. I doubt if at any time in 
our Parliamentary history the House of Commons was as 
fall of wealthy men as it is now. 

Government by tyrants has been the theme of execration 
in all ages. Government by the proletariat alone brings 
grave evils in its train, but government by plutocrats com- 
bines many of the ills of both. 

Laws have been passed to change the faith of men ; laws 
have been passed to make men moral So laws have been 
passed to make men electorally pure. In vain ! in vain ! 
Something no doubt can be, has been, done. But for the 
complete purity and independence of elections, for the time 
when men shall give their votes in accordance with their 
convictions, and without fear of consequences, we must look 
to the healthy vigour of the public spirit. 

When to bring pressure on a voter is considered cowardly, 
when to tempt him from his convictions by reward of any 
kind is considered mean, when to flourish a full purse 
against an empty one is considered shameful, then, and not 
tUl then, will Parliament represent the pure and independent 
mind of a pure and independent people. 

To that end, to the gradual forming and fashioning of 
that public conscience, let all those strive who love their 


^l)ituarp Notices, 




Rev. John Ingle Dredge was born at Edinburgh on the 
10th of June, 1818, and was, in his early days, apprenticed 
to a printer, and the training he had in that business did 
something probably to influence his tastes and direct his 
studies in after years. He then became a Wesleyan minister, 
and remained associated with that body till some thirty 
years since, when he joined the Church of England, and 
was ordained by the Bishop of Chester deacon in 1868, 
and priest in 1869. He held curacies at Warrington, 
Liverpool, Seaforth, and St. Helens 1868-73, and in the 
subsequent year (1874) he was presented by the then 
Premier, Mr. Gladstone, to the living of Buckland Brewer. 
To the honour of Mr. Gladstone be it said, he made the 
appointment in the teeth of the fact that Mr. Dredge had 
taken a leading part in speaking and in working against 
his (Mr. Gladstone's) return for South- West Lancashire. 

A conscientious and thoroughly pious man, Mr. Dredge 
faithfully discharged his duty to his parishioners, and he was 
affectionately regarded and revered by every inhabitant of 
Buckland Brewer, whether Churchman or Dissenter. But 
outside the scope and sphere of his parochial duties, which 
he discharged so well, Mr. Dredge was a man of mark and 
erudition. He was the authority on Cheshire and Devon- 
shire bibliography and genealogy, and his acquaintance with 
Puritan theology was almost unrivalled. In support of 
this statement it may be mentioned that some questions 
were put in Notes and Queries in January, 1897, regarding 


" Non-jurors in the 18th century," and Mr. T. Cann Hughes, 
H.A., of Lancaster, wrote to that paper saying, " The man to 
answer this is the gentleman who haa the honour, I believe, 
to be the oldest living contributor of Notes and Queries that 
'grand old man' the veteran Vicar of Buckland Brewer. 
None knows the history of English theology at the end of 
the seventeenth and beginning of the eighteenth century as 
he does, and his courtesy and readiness to give information 
is an example indeed to younger men. Mr. Dredge con- 
tributed to voL ii. of the Palatine Note-Booh a most interest- 
ing list of the non-jurors of Chester diocese, and his knowledge 
of Uie West country will enable him to add much on that 
topia" This is a lugh tribute, but not one whit more than 
was deserved. Mr. Dredge, in 1878, became a member of 
this Association, and at once began to manifest the warm 
interest he took in its proceedings, and to aid in its work. 
He soon qualified as a member of the Council, and to the 
last was most r^ular and exemplary in his attendance at 
the annual meetings and also at the meetings of the CounciL 
He was the author of several papers printed in the Trans- 
actions, among them accounts of the Bectors of Bideford, 
Huntshaw, Alwington, littleham, Wear Gififord, and High 
Bickington; and at various times ''Five Sheaves of Devon 
BibUography." Among his other published works are The 
BodksdUrs and Printers of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth 
Centuries; Biographies of Downame, Bishop of Derry; 
Massom, Bishop of Kerry; Bichard Bernard, of Epsworth, 
and Abednego Seller, of Charles, Plymouth; The Marwood 
List of Briefs, 1714-1774 ; An Account of FrithUstock Priory, 
together with many others. 

He died December, 1897, in his 80th year, and was buried 
in the parish churchyard of Buckland Brewer. 


William Halliday Halliday, m.a. Oxon., d.l., and j.p., 
was the only son of Sir William R Cosway, of Bilsington, 
Kent, by his marriage with Elizabeth Harvie, daughter 
of Simon Halliday, of Whinnyrigg, Dumfriesshire. He was 
bom in 1828, and married in 1860 Maria, fourth daughter 
of Sir P. H. Farquhar, Bart. In 1872 he succeeded the 
Bev. Walter Halliday, of Glenthom, Lynton, and assumed 
the name of Halliday. In 1882 he was Sheriff of Devon, 
and was Chairman of Quarter Sessions some 25 years. In 
the early part of this year he was making a tour, joined 

D 2 


liis eldest daughter at Singapore, whence the two visited 
Japan and crossed to America. Arrived at Toronto on his 
homeward way, Mr. Halliday was taken ill, and died 
there, leaving three daughters. 

. At the recent sessions Lord Clinton bore testimony to 
Mr. Halliday being a very capable and useful justice, as 
weU as a very competent Chairman of Quarter Sessions ; 
and it was resolved that an entry should be made in the 
minutes expressive- of the **deep regret felt by the court 
at Mr. Halliday's death, and of the great loss the county 
had thereby sustained." 

Mr. Halliday joined the Association as a life member 
in 1873, and was a vice-president in 1875. 


Windham Hunt Holley, of Oaklands, Okehampton, was 
the son of Mr. Japies Hunt Holley, a descendant from the 
ancient Norfolk family of Windhams, who, in the early part 
of the century, purchased the Oakland estates of the ancient 
Okehampton family of Savile. Succeeding to his father's 
property, Mr. Holley took a prominent position in the town 
and county. He was pricked for the Shrievalty for the 
coming year, was Deputy -Lieutenant of the County, Lord 
of the Manor of Okehampton, County Councillor, and 
Justice of the Peace, and was deservedly respected as a 
man of sound judgment and business-like habits. He was 
well known in the hunting field, and for two yec^rs was 
joint master of the Mid-Devon hounds. He rowed in the 
University Boat Race in 1854. 

Mr. Holley joined the Association in 1895, and was 
elected one of the vice-presidents for that year; and the 
Association will remember with pleasure the kind reception 
given by him and Mrs. Holley on that occasion. He died 
on the 17th of April, 1898. 


Peter Orlando Hutchinson, born in 1810, was the 
son of a physician, and great-grandson of His Excellency 
Thomas Hutchinson, the last and loyal Governor of 
Massachusetts, whose diary and letters he published in 
1883. In early life he studied architecture, and was to 
the last a most zealous antiquarian. He visited repeatedly 
all the encampments, tumuli, and other antiquities in the 


neighbourhood of Sidmouth, and wrote a detailed account 
of them, which, beautifully illustrated with his own hand 
drawings, and entitled A History of Stdmouik, in six folio 
vols., he presented to the Albert Museum, Exeter. 

When the chancel of the Parish Church at Sidmouth 
was removed to make way for a larger one, he purchased 
the old materials, and had the stones carefully numbered 
while in situ. Be-erected in his own grounds to the 
north of the church, they formed the nucleus of a curious 
and picturesque house, which he called the Old Chancel. 
The entrance hall has a stone vault of fan tracery; the 
walls are ornamented with tinted* diaper work ; the staircase 
has iron railings wrought from his own design ; the ceiling 
of his study is divided by wooden beams into square 
compartments, which contain the armorial bearings of the 
successive Lords of the Manor of Sidmouth painted by 
himselt In this structure he formed during many years 
a considerable collection of objects of local and antiquarian 
interest, which, however, he dispersed before his death, 
mostly in favour of the Albert Museum in Exeter. The 
handsome pinnacles which now ornament the tower of 
Sidmouth Parish Church were carved from his designs and 
under his superintendence. 

Mr. Hutchinson wrote a Sidmouth guide-book, which ran 
through several editions, and from his versatile pen also 
came The Otology of SidnwiUh and Tke Ferns of Sidmoidh, 
He joined the Association in 1868, and during the earlier 
portion of his membership was a frequent contributor of 

The following is a list of papers read by him : — ^" On Hill 
Fortresses, Sling Stones, and other Antiquities in South- 
Eastern Devon," 1868; "Fossil Elephant's Tooth," 1869; 
"On a Second Fossil Tooth found at Sidmouth," 1871; 
"Bronze Celt found near Sidmouth," 1872; "Iron Pits," 
1872; "Fossil Teeth at Sidmouth," 1872; "Submerged 
Forest and Mammoth Teeth at Sidmouth," 1873; "The 
Population of Sidmouth from 1260 to the Present Time," 
1875; ''Jar found at Musbury," 1876; "A Scheme for a 
History of Devonshire," 1877 ; " Fossil Plant discovered near 
Sidmouth," 1879 ; " The Site of Moridumun," 1882 ; " Honey- 
ditches," 1885. He was a member of the Council, and of 
several committees for special purposes ; he also drew up for 
many years the Index for the annual volume of Transactions 
of the Association* 

He died at his residence, Old Chancel, Sidmouth, October 


1st, 1897, at the advanced age of 87 years. A brass tablet 
inserted in the wall of the south transept bears his coat of 
arms and the following inscription written by himself : 


PsTRus Ohlakdo Hutchinson 

Fil Andriao H de Sidost, et Annffi (Pftrker, do Harbnrn) 

Fil Thoxnffi H de Heayitree, et Sarah (GliTer, de Boston, Mass.) 

Fil Thorns H de Boston, et Margaretae (Sanford, de Newport, R.I.) 

Fil Thorns H de Eod Loc et Sarah (Foster, Aylesbnry, England) 

Fil Eliflhffi H de Eod, et Hannah (Hawkins) 

Fil Edwardi H de Eod, Catherine (Hanby, de Gippewioo, England) 

Fil Gnlielemi H de Halford, oo. Line. Eng, et Anns (Marbury) 

Fil Edwardi H de Eod, et Susanna, £^08 Uzoris 

Fil Johanis H de Givitate Line, et Annas, Uzoris Syns 

Qui Qoidem Petms Nat Est Winton, Not 17, 1810 

Bap Heavitree Jnzta Exon, Oct 22, 1811 

Et Gbiit Sidost Oct 1, 1897 



TwBiiTiBTH Bbpobt of tiu Committee — consisting of Mr. J. 
& Amery, Mr. F. Brent, Dr. Brushfield, Mr. Edberi 
Bumard, Mr. A. Chandler, JUv. W. Earpley, Mr. C. 
E. Bcibinson^ Mr. Brooking Bowe, Mr. A. SoTnervaU, and 
Mr. H. B. S. Woodhovse, for the purpose of noting the 
discovery or occurrence of such facts in any departm,ewt 
of scientific enquiry, and connected vrith Devon, as it inay 
he destrahle to place on permanent record, btU which may 
not be of sufficient importanu in themselves to form the 
subject of separate papers. 

Edited by J. Bbookino Rowb, Hon. Secretary. 
(Betd at Honiton, Angast, 1806.) 


About two years ago, when sawing a large tree into planks 
at Devonport Dockyard, a large hollow was uoexpectedly 
disclosed, containing the bodies of two birds, an old and 
a young stariing. The hollow, six feet long and about 
a foot across, was surrounded by about 12 inches of solid 
and perfectly sound timber. Its lower end was 22 feet 
from the ground, and its upper end about 4 feet below the 
point where the branches forked. On one side of the 
hoUow, about its middle, a hole extended laterally for 
6 inches, or half way towards the outside of the tree. The 
remaining 6 inches showed no curl in the grain such as 
nu^t be expected if the timber had, in growing, closed and 
oovered the hole 6 inches deep. The birds had apparently 
been there a long time ; the flesh was black, and oi^y by the 


bill and one remaining foot could the species be identified. 
The hollow had much rotten ddbris in it and was very damp. 
Above the top of the hollow the wood was for 3 or 4 inches 
soft and rotten ; from thence upwards to where the branches 
divided, nearly 4 feet, a perpendicular passage, some 2 inches 
in diameter, was fully occupied by two opposing coats of 
bark, showing that the branches sprang just above the 
hollow, but for a height of 4 feet had grown perpendicularly 
upwards, or rather side by side, instead of forking. As the 
two grew, putting on coats year by year, the bark would 
approach and press together, finally closing all external 
appearance of division, and this actually resulted, as no 
external examination could detect any appearance of it. 
Expert opinion declared -thie hollow to have been formed by 
internal decay downwards, from the infiltration of water 
from above. It can only be supposed that the mother bird 
entered the hollow from above, but could not struggle out 
again, and had with her solitary ofTspring been entombed 
for many years. The extent to which holes in the sid^ of 
trees can be covered over by the annual layers put on by 
trees in growing would form an interesting subject for 
enquiry, but it cannot be supposed that the phenomenon 
described above is an instcmce of it (H. M. £van&) 


(A section of which, with photographs, was exhibited.) 

It is an English oak, of perhaps seventy or eighty years 
of age, and about 30 feet in height to the first branches, with a 
girth of nearly 4 feet at the bole, and of 2 feet 6 inches at 
the forking of the branches. It was discovered in a wood 
at Sigford Farm, near Bag-tor and Bickington, between 
Ashburton and Newton Abbot. 

The tree was growing in this wood amongst others pur- 
chased by Mr. John Wright, of the Saw Mills, Newton 
Abbot, and his manager, Mr. MiUman, when having this 
tree cut down, found to his astonishment that it contained 
an inner tree quite perfect, right up from root to top of the 
central trunk. 

The inner tree shows a perfect heart, with the sappy 
wood outside, and the outer tree also shows a perfect heart, 
with the sappy wood and the bark. From the fact that the 
inner tree bears no bark, it is inferred that this is the younger 
of the two, having grown up perfectly, with the exception of 
the bark, to manhood within its paFent. Probably the outer 


or parent tree is of not much greater age than the inner tree. 
Has anything been seen of this manner before, and, if so, 
has it been noted ? (Alfred Chandler.) 


Probably the mildest and driest winter for twenty-five 
years. At Torquay the blackberry (Rubus vulgaris) wsls in 
bloom in January, and setting for fruit in February. The 
plant grew on the rock at the east or colder side of the 
Observatory, at the summit of Chapel Hill, 300 feet above 
sea-level, and the fruiting stem was a branch from a very 
strong vine. 

On February 22nd a swallow was picked up alive, but 
somewhat exhausted by its too early arrival, on the Royal 
Terrace Gardens, Torquay. 

At the end of January, at Exeter, a thorn tree was found 
in bloom. 

These phenological wonders are explainable by the follow- 
ing facts : — The high mean temperature during the last two 
autumn months, October and November, of 1897, and during 
the winter months of December, January, and February, was 
quite phenomenal. The mean temperature of each of these 
months, and the excess or accumulation of heat degrees above 
the average of twenty-two years, during this period are : — 

October, 1897, the mean temperature was 54°% or 3^*1 above the average. 
November „ „ „ 49^*4 „ 2°'3 „ „ 

December „ „ „ 4e»-0 „ 3°-l „ „ 

January, 1898 „ „ 47-1 „ 5°-6 „ „ 

February „ „ „ " 44<'l „ 0^-7 „ 

The mean temperature of the five months was 4S''2, or 
14"'8 of accumulated heat degrees above the average of 
twenty-two years* observations at Torquay. 

(Alfred Chandlbr.) 



Amongst horticulturists in South Devon great curiosity 
was excited by the appearance of a hitherto little known 
parasitic tree pest In January and February of the present 
year Mr. Dundee Hooper, of Ardoar, Torquay, discovered on 
his Cedrus deodara trees this insect in enormous swarms, 
destroying, locust-like, all the foliage then on the trees. This 
tree being of the Conifera variety, retaiiis its foliage through- 
out the year. 

Some of. these insects, with branches of foliage from the 


trees, were at once sent to expert entomologists, such as Miss 
Ormerod, of the Boyal Agricultural Society of England ; Mr. 
Charles Whitehead, Technical Adviser to t^e Board of Trade; 
and Mr. W. F. H. Blandford, of Kew Gardens, who reported 
on the insect, which was shown to be the Loichmm pini or 
Pine aphis. At first there was some difficulty in destroying 
the pest, but a kerosine insecticide, or an emulsion of soft 
soap and paraffin, was effectiva A cold wind or a slight frost 
was, however, the best destroying agent 

Mr. Whitehead stated in his report " that it is unusual to 
find these aphides so active at this time of the year (winter^ 
but it is due to the abnormcdly mild season." 

(Alfred Chandler.) 



The crossbill is a wandering species, generally noticed 
in this country from June to February, some remaining to 
breed. In Devonshire only two nests have been recorded, 
one in April, 1839, the other in June, 1894 The latter is 
briefly mentioned in Messrs. D'Urban and Mathew's Supple- 
ment, 1895. Dr. Glinn has kindly furnished me with the 
following account : 

"June, 1894. — A pair of crossbills (Loxia curvirostra) appear 
to have built in the garden of Mr. C. £. Pearson, in Hatherleighf 
in this month. Mr. Pearson has a good knowledge of birds, and 
had no doubt of the identity of the birds, he tells me, as he had 
several distinct views of them. He first noticed the nest; it 
resembled a large greenfinch's, and was placed in the fork between 
the trunk and a large branch of a Scotch fir, about 18 feet ftom the 
groand. This was about June 10th. 

" On June 16th the first egg was laid. Until then neither of the 
birds could be seen ; but one, probably the hen, flew off the nest 
on that day. It was reddish in colour, and was seen twice subse- 
quently; Uie other bird, green in colour, was seen twice; the 
curiously-shaped bill was noticed distinctly in both birds. 

" The eggs somewhat resembled a greenfinch's, but were half as 
large again, and longer and more pointed. Mr. Pearson has two of 
them, which I have seen. The nest was unfortunately deserted ; 
as when three eggs had been laid Mr. Pearson took out two, and 
substituted two greenfinch's (blown); one of these was found 
broken, and may have accounted for the nest being deserted." 

It seems a pity that the eggs have not been compared 
with known specimens of the crossbill for complete identi* 
ficatiom (U. M. Evams.) 



The allied summer appearance of the shore lark at 
Paignton, described at the Society's meeting at Kingsbridge 
last year, claims farther remark from its unexpected and 
unlikely nature. 

There are four species or sub-species of the shore lark in 
Europe, eleven or twelve in America. The one inhabiting 
Greenland and Arctic America is known as our bird. It 
migrates to the temperate r^on in autumn, returning north 
in spring. It was first recorded in the British Islands in 
1830. From that time to 1868 it was a rare and irregular 
visitor to the S. and E. coasts of England. In 1869 there 
was a considerable incursion, mainly on the K coast, and 
£rom that date its numbers have greaUy increased. In 1874 
one was shot near Bristol. In 1875 a flock was seen at 
Northam Burrows. In 1879 two specimens were obtained 
at St Merryn, near Padstow. Two, now in Devonshire 
collections, are said to have been obtained on Dawlish 
Warren. One in the collection of the late Mr. Cecil Smith 
is said to have been shot at Paignton. The birds now pass 
over Heligoland in thousands, flying West Messrs. D'Urban 
and Mathew remark (Supplement, 1895) that 'in the Eastern 
Counties the shore lark is now a numerous and common 
visitor in the autumn, and is pushing its way further to the 
West' Within the last few years it has become tolerably 
conmion in the neighbourhood of Christchurch. Three 
specimens have been obtained in Dorset The Una list, 
1883, records it as occurring from Aberdeen to Torbay. Two 
considerations may throw light on the alleged appearance in 
July last year. The one, that individuals of many species, 
stragglers from a stream of migration, remain in their winter 
home to breed ; the other, that so many American birds find 
their way to this countiy. In any case, the bird seen at 
Paignton cannot be assigned to any other species. 

(H. M. Evans.) 


Mr. Howard Saunders, in his revised Mamud, now in 
coarse of issue, describes the reed-warbler as nesting freely 
in South Devon. As this may convey an entirely mistaken 
impression, it should be stated that up to about twenty years 
ago the reed-warbler was only a rare straggler to Devon and 
Cornwall; and that at the present moment its nesting in 
Devonshire is, so far as is known, confined to a district 


within a five or six mile radius of Eingsbridge. It may be, 
as suggested by Messrs. D'Urban and Mathew, a bird which 
is pushing its way westward; but so far as is known, its 
status in other parts of the country is not altered; and 
before 1871 its presence, even in the small district defined 
above, was not suspected. Montagu, living at Kingsbridge, 
declared the bird unknown in the south-western counties; 
and up to about twenty years ago, Messrs. NichoUs, of 
Kingsbridge, whose opportunities for observation in their 
neighbourhood were most exceptional, had never heard of an 
occurrence. The late Mr. J. Gatcombe, a keen observer at 
Plymouth, knew nothing of its presence. Neither of the 
Plymouth bird-stuflfers ever had one brought them ; and I 
myself, though familiar with the nest, having found it on the 
Thames, have searched in vain for it in every likely place 
within ten or twelve miles round Plymouth. On the whole, 
I venture to believe that the nesting of the reed-warbler in 
Devonshire is due to a chance incursion from a stream of 
migration into a district which happens, rarely enough in 
this county, to present the conditions natural to its habits. 
A perusal of Messrs. D'Urban and Mathew's general remarks 
on the Aquatic Warblers in their Birds of Devon, p. 26, will 
show to what extent this conclusion is justified. 

(H. M. Evans.) 


The red-backed shrike must be considered a scarce bird 
in South Devon, where it has rarely been known to breed, 
but we find it a fairly common breeding species in North 
Devon, from Lynton to Hartland Point. Westwards of this, 
in Cornwall, it is considered a rare visitant, and I never met 
with it in the neighbourhood of Padstow. In East and 
South-east Devon it breeds regularly, but in sparse numbers ; 
but in the adjoining counties of Dorset and Somerset, I am 
informed the species is slowly increasing in numbers. 

The interest in this distinctly local distribution lies in 
the fact that the north coast of Devon lies directly in the 
track of a well-known line of migration taken by both 
summer and winter migrants to our islands from the 
continent of Europe, namely, that line from The Wash 
to the Bristol Channel. Migrants making their way across 
England to the Bristol Channel, in the direction indicated, 
strike the north coast of our county, but find further 
progress southwards barred by the Exmoor and Dartmoor 


TBnge of hills, which seem a very real barrier to birds 
rSgration. ipeciaUy to such wi7h weak flighting powers 
like the species under consideration. 

Migrants striking our south coast usually do so farther 
to the eastwards than our county. It is only when persistent 
and strong east winds drive the feathered host down the 
English Channel that we see the red-backed shrike in 
South Devon, together with such scarce visitants to this 
part as the redstart, nightingale, godwit, grey plover, knot, 
eta It is an interesting fact which bears on this point, 
that in the only known instance of the red-backed shrike 
breeding in the South Hams, the birds did not return the 
following year; for it is well known that this bird returns 
year after year to its old haunts, often building its nest 
a few feet from the site of the old one; indeed, one 
welcomes the bird back quite as an old friend as a matter 
of course. 

An imaginary line drawn across the county from Ilfra- 
combe to Plymouth is stated to be the limit west of which 
the bird may be considered scarce. But this is an .erroneous 
impres.sion ; it is only in North Devon, and that near the 
coast, that this species may be described as numerous. 
Probably this increase is a progressive movement of com- 
paratively recent development. Nearly every combe running 
up from the sea holds its pair of birds — for the boys do not 
seem to recognize the bird, nor do they know its egg. 

The red-backed shrike is a bird that arrests the attention 
of the most casual observer, as he (I write of the male, the 
female being of a more modest and retiring disposition, as 
befits the sex) stands perched on a commanding twig, jerking 
his tail from side to side like an angry cat, watching the 
intruder's movements, ready to entice him away with a 
short, easily-made flight to another twig, or to scold him 
with his angry and harsh chock, chock, if he ventures too 
near the nesting-place. 

The nest, although a bulky structure, is not always easily 
found, as it is generally placed in a thick thorn bush, low 
down, or as often as not in the middle of a bramble thicket 
on top of the hedge. A tjrpical nest is composed of short 
pieces of stick, bits of dead bramble, moss, wool, roots, and 
•lined with a little horsehair. But I once found a nest, con- 
taining five %g8 of the greenish white type, composed 
entirely of roots, coarser on the outside, and gradually 
fining down to a beautiful lining of small roots, with no 
hair whatever. 

54 twenthth bbpobt of the committee 

The ^gs, which are seldom commeuced to be laid before 
the last week in May, are amongst the most beautiful, 
and the pity is that so much of this beauty should be 
lost on blowing them, which is the case with so many 
eggs. Three, if not four, well-recognized types are found, 
all the eggs in the same nest being of the same type, 
and the same type laid by the same female year atlber 
year. The ground colour varies from greenish white to 
buff and pinkish salmon, the spots — ^which usually form a 
zone round the broader half of the egg, rarely irregularly 
distributed over the whole surface — ^varying in shade from 
brown to deep red ; but another set of spots, pale lavender 
in colour, which is of the same tint in nearly every egg, 
coalesces with the other spots, offering a pleasing contrast 
to the ground colour. In a large clutch of eggs, five or six 
in number, one egg will often be found smaller than the 
others, which is fertile however. This description is taken 
from a series of eggs taken in the county, the first set, which 
I still possess, taken when I was at school here nearly thirty 
years ago. 

Along the north coast of Devon this species will be found 
nesting in the greatest number in the little combes running 
up from the sea, preferring the neighbourhood of villages — 
in the house I was staying, at I could watch two pairs 
of birds, one at the back, the other in front a little distance 
off, through the binoculars — and the hedges of the lanes 
rather than the open fields. Here, perched on a commanding 
twig or telegraph wire, with an expression of the deepest 
cunning in every movement, the male may be watched 
hour after hour, as he seldom strays far from the same 
spot, only dropping down now and again on some luckless 
beetle, mouse, or bird as they run in the grass beneath 
him, and then bearing his struggling prey, if sufficiently 
large, to a neighbouring thorn, on which the hapless victim is 
impaled alive. 

Close by one nest of a shrike I found nests also of a 
robin, a yellow-hammer, and a hedge-sparrow. The robin's 
nest contained young just ready to fly, and over the nest 
was a bare bramble branch, a favourite stand for the male 
shrike. All the young robins fell victims, as the remains 
I found on neighbouring thorns testified, the feet con* 
vulsively clutching the main stem of the branch they were 
impaled on, showing the lingering end the poor little beggars 
had met with. 

Tyrant as this species is, its presence seems to cause no 


uneasiness or alarm amongst other small birds, which may 
be accounted for by the silent and sly way in which this 
shrike secures its prey, dropping down on insect or bird 
like a bolt from the blue, without giving a chance for 
escape ere the wretched victim finds itself spitted in the 

Mr. 0. V. Aplin contributes to the Ibis an excellent 
account of this bird's distribution in our islands. It should 
be noted that the species is exceedingly rare in Scotland and 
Wales, and practically unknown in Ireland, which suggests 
the explanation that its distribution depends on conditions 
of climate, soil, attractive breeding haunts, and food. But 
I venture to say that none of these conditions afiect the 
distribution of the species in Devon ; and unless we assume 
that the stream of migration has certainly been directed 
in a narrow track across England, and arrested on the 
north coast of Devon, I consider the problem of this 
bird's distribution in the south-west peninsula still one 
to be solved by the field naturalist. (E. E. S. Elliot.) 


Mr. Ralph Nevill exhibited a brass Roman coin. 
Obverse: nero claud caesar aug gerpm 


Reverse: A seated female figure on dexter side; on 
sinister side a standing female figure with a cornucopia, 


below the figures so. 

The coin was found some twenty years ago by a labourer 
in a lump of cob, part of a wall of Livermore Farm that 
bad been pulled down. 

The farm is just below St, Michael's Church, and there 
are old marl pits on the road above the church, said to have 
been a Roman road. 

The coin was given by the labourer to Mr. Towell, of New 
Street, Honiton, the present owner. (J. B. R.) 




Seventeenth Report of the Committee — consisting of Mr, J. 
S. Amenj, Mr. F. T. Elworthy (Secretary), Mr. R H. 
Firthy Mr. P. Q. Karkedc, Dr. W. C. Lake, Dr. BmshfieLd, 
and Mrs. J, Rose Troup — for the purpose of noting and 
recording the existing use of any Verbal Provincialisms 
in Devonshire^ in either tcritten or spoken language, not 
included in the lists publisJicd in the Transactions of the 

Edited by F. T. Elworthy. 

(RMd at Honiton, August, 1S9S.) 

After seventeen years of work your Committee may v^ell 
be looking forward to its majority, and although the English 
Dialect IHctianary will doubtless before then have completed 
its task, there is still so much to be done by us, that it is 
earnestly to be hoped when it issues its Tweuty-first Report 
your Committee may find itself in the full vigour of man- 
hood and energy. 

On this occasion your Editor has ventured to imitate his 
friend Dr. Murray, so far as to slightly disregard your rules, 
and to issue a list of desiderata — consisting of a number of 
well-known Devonshire words, of which, up to the present 
time no quotations have been furnished, so as to bring them 
within the limits of your Committee's work. These words, 
which have been kindly furnished by Miss Helen Saunders, 
are printed at the end of this Report, and it is hoped that 
they will prove suggestive to many members of the Associa- 
tion, 80 that before another year your Committee may be 
furnished with apt and authenticated illustrations of them, and 
of many more which have yet to be gleaned from the great 


harvest of Devon Provincialisms. Attention is earnestly 
directed to the " Instructions " printed in the earlier Beports. 
If there should be any new member who is interested in th^ 
subject to whom these rules are unknown^ the Editor will 
be much pleased to supply them on application. 


Each provincialism is placed within inverted commas, and 
the whole contribution ends with the initials of the con- 
tributor. All remarks following the initials are simply 

The full address of each contributor is given below, and 
it must be fully understood that he or she is responsible 
only for the statements to which his or her initials are 


= p. F. S. Amery, Druid, Ashburton, 

= Eev, J. S. Bums, Barnstaple. 

= B. Pearse Chope, 107, Ledbury Boad, 

London, W. . 
= 6. M. Doe, Torrington. 
= F, T. Elworthy, Wellington, Somerset. 
= C. T. Ford, Oakbay, Stoke Canon. 
= P. Q. Karkeek, Torquay. 
= Sir F. Pollock, Bart, 48, Great Cumberland 

Place, London, W. 
= J. L. Warden Page, Elmfield, Totnes. 
= Bev. O. Beichel, Lympstone. 
- Miss Helen Saunders, South Molton, 
= EL B. S. Woodhouse, Plymouth. 

"A DONED UP = repaired. A poor woman, mother of a 
young family, native of Highbray, having removed to a 
cottage near the town, I asked her if she found the place 

comfortable. She answered, * He will be when Mr. A 's 

a doned 'en up, he 'as a whitewashed 'un.' Pronounced like 
done or dund.— April 5th, 1898. H. S." 

In this very common phrase there is a reminder of the 
past and also of the present. The old and well-known 
prefix to the past participle is still the rule in West Country 
speech — as in a a-doned, a-stopt, etc. Although dealt with 
at some length in the Fourth Beport, it may be again pointed 
out that it is the survival of the Old Eng. participial prefix 
ge, which is still the regular inflection for that tense in the 
Mod. Germ. In speech it is one of those indefinite vowel- 



F. S. A, 


S. B. 

RP. C. 


M. D. 


T. E. 


T. F. 







L. W. P. 




H. B. S. W. 


sounds which may be expressed by any one of them in its 
short form, and has been written with a, y^ t, u. In the 
Chronicon Vilodunense of 1420 we find both a and y used 
on the same page. 

" Bot ]n8 lady was a angry d and a grefoydfuYi sore'* 

St. 1216. 

" To asJce of hym sdme help for torong J?' was to hym ydo^ 

St. 1214. 

Other writers, as in Sir Ferumbras, use a, t, and y. 

Here also in the West, in olden times, the past part, of 
do was as often like the above ado, ydo, as it was idon, while 
in these modem days, until recently, provincial speakers 
said always ado or ado'd. It is only since the advance of 
universal education (?) that the people's children have learnt 
that done is the only correct past participial form of do. But 
while learning the proper way to speak, they cannot forget 
that they have always sounded a <£ in that tense, though they 
never learnt grammar ; and so " adoned up " is an apt illustra- 
tion of modern lingual development ; whereas fifty years ago 
a house repaired had been " addd up** now that they have 
learnt so much our young mothers say ^^ adoned** Pre- 
cisely for the same reason a mother who would then have 
said, " Joe, your shoes be proper aweared out," would now 
say awored ovi. Or, again, instead of "Our sheep be all 
asheared** we hear now ** Our sheep be all ashored** • 

"Allen Summer == a late or second summer. On Septem- 
ber 12th, 1897, a Hartland farmer, age about 60, remarked 
to me : ' Beautiful weather, is it not ? We are having quite 
an alien summer.* Shortly afterwards another farmer, age 
about 70, said : " This is what they call an alien summer.* 
I suppose this is really all-hallown summer* (See English 
Dial, Diet,) But the word in each case was pronounced 
with two syllables only, and exactly like the surname Allen. 

" * Farewell, AU-hallown summer ! ' 
" Shakespeare, 1 Hen, IV. I. ii. 178. R. P. C." 

This is as obvious a contraction as Marlin Tower or 
Testing Well. 

" A-STOPT = stopped. A servant girl, native of North 
Molton, aged 15, said, 'Please, miss, the clock's a-stopt' — 
March 31st, 1898. H. S.** 

See Adoned. 

" Barlet-iles = awns or beards of barley. The widow of 
a yeoman, middle-aged, native of Culmstock, who had been 


suffering from weak eyes, said, ' My eyes feel as if they were 
full of barley-iles/ — Autumn of 1898. 

" I find Noah Webster gives it : — 

"'Ilk. 2. An ear of corn (not used) Ainsworth/ 
but she meant awns. H. S." 

See Ile in Sixth Beport. 

Webster is wrong ; it never meant an ear of com. 

In the Old English Gospel of St. Luke vL 41 the word 
which Wiclif and all later translators have written as moot 
or mote, was written ezle or eizle, and now it has come to be 
spelt ail. See ff. E. Diet. 

" Birchen = breeches. See Drayshbl. 

" BuTTONY-HEARTED = hard or callous — a small, hard knob. 
A farm bailiff, a native of Ashburton, speaking of the field 
cabbages, remarked, ' Last year's cabbage plants got buttony- 
hearted, and never came to anything.' P. F. S. A." 

Quite common, and very expressive. 

" Churching. The following dialogue was heard at Barn- 
staple, 1897: 'There ain't no churching to-night' 'Yes, 
there be churching to-night' ' I say there ain't no churching 
to-night,' etc.— meaning any service at church: a more 
logical use of the word than that authorized by the 
dictionaries, and a very convenient term. J. S. B." 

"Clam or perhaps CLAMM = a narrow, wooden bridge over 
the Teign, about three-quarters of a mile above Chudleigh 
Bridge.— June 11th, 1898. P. Q. K." 

In Somerset this is usually a clammti\ 

"Whan tha comst over the Clam way tha Old Hugh 
Hosegood . . . whan tha wart just abuddled?" — Exmoor 
Scolding, L 133. 

" Clam = to maul or handle. 'Don't clam the book all 
over ' — ^very common in this neighbourhood, G. M. D." 

This is quite different from the meaning of clam given in 
the H. E. D,, i.e., " To clutch, to grasp." Here there is dis- 
tinctly the idea of soiling by the handling, conveyed in 
"all over the book," and at once connects the expression 
with clammy — " soft, moist, sticky." 

Clam, v,, "To stick together by some viscid matter." 
Forby, East ATiglian Vocdb. 

Anglo-Saxon, clam, lutum ; cloemian, linere, 

"Clammy, as breed is not through baken, pasteux." 
Palsgrave. Allied to this is Gleymous or lymous. 

ZimosuSf viscosus gltUi/nosus. Promp. Parv, 

" Visquevx^ clammy, cleaving, birdlimelike." Cotgrave, 

B 2 


"-4 damp of jecdousy hangs on my brows, and clams upon 
my limbsJ' Dryden, Amphitryon^ act iii 

•*Clibby. *The barley loaf was so clibby you could ait 
it way a spune' — Jim Slocum, of Parracombe, to the North 
Devon Herald, 31st March, 1898. .J. S. B." 

Facetious dialect writing in newspapers should always be 
regarded with much caution. This, however, is of course 
a well-known word. 

'* Collie Cows. May I bring under your notice and ask 
for explanation of the following : — 

"A native of Lympstone, aged twenty-four, wife of my 
gardener, always speaks of ' collie cows ' [the spelling is mine] 
to express cows on milk, I have never heard the phrase 
before.— Nov. 18th, 1897. 0. R" 

Possibly from cavl a pen — hence a cauly cow might be one 
penned up at night because of her belonging to the dairy. 

" Deceive [pronounced de-say ve]. The following use of the 
word seems to be peculiar, differing both from the ordinary 
literary use and the use given in W, S. W, B. Beferring to a 
lecture I had given, a Hartland mason, age about sixty, said 
to me : 'I thort there would a been more folks there. But, 
bless ee ! they was desayvd, they did'n think 'twould be so 
good.'— R. P. C." 

The word often means merely mistaken, as in the above, 
whereas ordinarily it has now become limited to the sense 
of wilful deception. 

"Lorenzo. Thai is the voice, or I am much deceived, of 
Portia!* Merchant of Venice, act v. sc. i 

"Ditch wall = a stone wall — made without mortar (?). 
Letter from Jim Slocum, Parracombe, to the North Devon 
Herald, December 30th, 1897: 'Wan Kursmas they waz 
gwain tu zing outzide a varm ouze wat stood pun tha 
knap, en down tha lawer side tha ku-ert thur waz a law 
ditch wall, en inzide a steep claive.' R. P. C." 

The meaning is rather that of a facing of stone walling 
against a bank ; a ditch wall would not be intended to stand 
alone like a "dry wall," i.e., one built without mortar. Ditch 
wall would be well understood in Somerset, though the act 
of making such is to dike. To dig and to dike are quite 
different operations, as may be seen by the use of the word 
in several passages in Piers Plowman, a 1360. 

"Ac 3e myite tratcaille as trevihe wolde . . . 
Diken or deluen or dyngen upon sheves" 

Piers Plow., Pass. xi. 1. 141, B text. 


" To deltie and dike a deop diche'* 

lb., Pasa xxii 1. 365, C text 

"Dole, What is it? 'Before the hedge was put up 
there was a dole.' Evidence given before the lifbon magis- 
trates in a dispute as to rights on Bridestowe Common and 
the pulling down of a hedge. — Western Morning News, Jan. 
28th, 1898. J.S.B." 

This is a boundary mark, sometimes spelt Dool and Doole. 

Ang.-Sax. dcdan, to divide. 

Dole, merke, Meta, tramaricia, Fromp. Parv, 

^'And noioe he hath pulled uppe the doolis, and seithe he wolle 
maJcen a dyche ryght over the weyeJ* Paston Letters, iii. 38. 

*' Dool, Dole, s., a boundary mark in an uninclosed field. It 
is very often a low post ; thence called a Dool-^os^." Forby, 
Vocab. of Ea^ Anglia. 

See ako Halliwell, s.v. Dole — ^Dole-stone. 

" Qtt into thy hopyard with plenty of poles. 
Amongst those same hillocks devlde them by doles." 

Tusser, Apia's husbandrie, 48/6. 

•* Doxy maid ~ spruce girl — lively with a suspicion of 

"A domestic servant, a native of Ashburton, remarked that 
Mrs. had a * doxy maid ' as servant. P. F. S. A." 

This is a good old-fashioned word, and conveys the uotion 
rather of a flirt, perhaps a little worsa The meaning is 
sweetheart — though Brockett {North CaurUry Words) says it 
does not bear the equivocal sense conveyed by Shakespeare 
in the song in Wivier's Tale, act iv, sc. ii. : 
" When daffodils begin to peer, — 
With, heigh ! the doxy over the dale." 

Brockett derives the word from Fr. doux-oeil. 

"DBASHEL=the well-known thrashing instrument. 

" The following are the names of the various parts, which 
being combined make up a drashel : — 

" 1. Hand stave of hazel, 3 ft. 9 in. long. 

"2. Horn cable made of ram's horn fastened so as to 
revolve round head of stave (and forming a loop at the end). 

"3. Middle^ beam binder, made of raw horsehide, one 
end of which is passed through a slit in the other, and 
fastened with a wooden peg (thus forming a kind of ring). 

"4 Flesh cable of wide, raw horsehide, fastened to flaQ 
by a thong through holes, and very rigid. (The flesh cable 
projects from the flail to form a loop, matching that on the 


'hand stave/ through both of which passes the 'middle 
beam/ and so forming the double joint of the ' drashel/) 

" 5. Flail made of holly, 2 ft. 7 in. long and 2 in. x 1^ in. 
thick. It is slightly flattened, and the narrow sides are 
made quite true, so that it may fall evenly on one or other 
of these, its whole length.— May, 1898. P. F. S. A." 

Though it is evident that the literary name of this 
implement has always been JlaU^ it is no less evident that 
in local speech that word has only represented one particular 
part — on this see W. S. W. J5., pp. 209-256, etc. As further 
proof of this, and that it was always so, is implicated in 
the Promp. Farv., p. 165 n, where we find " S%oyngyl Jleyle,** 
also **A flayle, Jlagellum, tribult^, tribulum" while below, 
tribidum is given as the meaning of Swevylle — showing that 
swivel was as important as fiail, inasmuch as the same word 
stood for both. Curiously, too, so early as 1483 we find the 
several parts had each their names, of which our modem ones 
are the manifest survivals. Trihulum was the Latin for both 
flail and staivel, hence for the whole implement 

•* Tres tribuli partes, manuterUum, cappa, flagellum. Manvr- 
tentum, a hande stalOTe ; cappa, a cape ; flagellum, a swewille, 
QiLO fruges, iactantur,** — Catholicon Ariglicum, p. 133. 

" Faitoures for fere her-offl^owen in-to hemes, 
And flapten on with flayles f ram morwe til euen'' 

Piers Plowman, Pass. vL 186, B text. 

"Dray8HEL= flail *I bate my birchen (breeches) way 
tha drayshel, you knaw what I mean, the vlial' — Jim Slocum 
to NoHh Devon Herald, 31st March, 1898. J. S. B." 

It would be very interesting to know if this plural en is 
still commonly used in North Devon. Rosen, shoesen, and 
hoicsen, etc., are still heard in Dorset, but are not in the 
Exmoor Scolding. The above birchen has every appearance 
of having been called up by "Jim Slocum" out of his 
literary reminiscences, a frequent pitfall of dialect writers, 
where real speakers never even trip. 

" Enterlain. At Barnstaple an old woman of about 70, 
a native of Croyde, remarked to me, *I like a bit o* th' 
enterlain/ *0f the what?' 'Oh! that's what we call 
the streaky bacon.'— February, 1898. J. S. B." 

This is merely the common interlean, 

" Ee, £ or y (verbal termination variously represented in 
the Beports). I have heard the following examples at 
Barnstaple in the last twelve months: — 


** ' I was so weak I wad'n able to crawl-ee over the stall's.' 
A man about 50, native of a neighbouring parish. 

'* ' I was that bad I wad'n able to dust-ee.' An old woman 
about 70, native of Croyde. 

"'Bun on and spin-ee.' Said by a mother to her little 
girl as she sent her oif with her hoop. 

"A stranger to Devonshire is tempted to regard this 
termination as a weakness identical with the talkee talket 
terminations of Pigeon and other broken English. It should 
be observed that its use is not indiscriminate. It is only 
heard after intransitive verbs or transitive verbs used with- 
out any definite object The woman would not have said 
she could not 'dustee a table.* Nor, again, would the man 
have said he was forced to go *crawleeing over the stairs! 
To my mind it is one of the elegancies of the dialect, the 
ee suffix representing the Devonshire equivalent of the poetic 
and energetic use of the indefinite it after certain verbs — 
*to lord it,' *to queen it,* or as we may hear energetically 
expressed in the street, 'go it ! ' ' slip it ! ' etc. The 
elegance of the Miltonian 

' Come, and trip it as you go 
On the light fantastic toe ' 

would flow naturally in Devonshire speech : — 

* Come, and trip-ee as you go.* J. S. B." 

This verbal inflection is treated at length in West Somerset 
Grammar (Eng. Dial Soc), p. 49, and in W. S, W. B,, 
p. 843; also sa>. Masony, ii., p. 464. 

In Mid. Eng. it was used with both transitive and in- 
transitive verbs, but in the dialects it is almost always 
confined to the latter. In literature it is obsolete. 

Old Dan Michel, 1340, uses it with both. 

" Huet may \>e zone betere acsy to his uader: ]>an bread 
vry \HnUe mxyre uor ]>ane day to endy f " 

Ayeribite of Inwyt, p. 110. (Ed. Morris.) 

^^ And to pouri itu sseaweres and ine hare here wel to 
croki!' lb,, p. 177. 

" \>ed%Lc Willam anon uo7*bed alle his, 

\hU non nere so wod to robby Tie no maner harm do ]>ere" 
Eobert of Gloucester, William the Conq., 1. 68. 

" FegTs: the potato disease. A Hartland farmer, age about 
70, gives me the following example : * The feet is got into 
the tetties dreadful airly these year.' Of course, one hears, 
' My tetties be 'fected dreadful bad,' but the use of feet as 
a noun seems to be very peculiar. — August, 1897. jj p q « 


"Floweb-nat= flower-bed. A young Highbray woman 
said she had a nice fiower-nat to her cottage. — April 5tb, 
1898. H.T." • 

Flower-knot is the regular term for the little plot between 
the cottage and the road, when the space is no more than 
a few square feet. 

"FRAPE^to bind or lace tight A woman, native of 
Ashburton, speaking of a young woman, remarked, 'She 
fraped herself so tight' P. F. S. A." 

Frap is an old word meaning to bind tightly, but appears 
to have been chiefly used in literature as a nautical term. 

It also means to brace up a drum. 

Moreover, though written frop^ it seems to have been 
pronounced frape. 

The correct use of the word by the Ashburton woman 
is interesting, showing once more what unexpected stores 
of language exist among the people. 

"F&EATHING. 'Each support of the arches of Bideford 

Bridge is guarded by what is locally known as a tterling or 

oval bank of loose stones, which, in turn, is protected by a 

freathvng or wickerwork arrangement to keep the stones in 

their places.' — Western Morning News, January 10th, 1898. 

J. S. B. 

See Vraith, Eleventh Eeport, W. S. W. B,, 8.v. Vreath, etc. 

This is another literary rendering of a dialect pronuncia- 
tion. The word in literature is wreathing, in which the w is 
dropped, as in luright, vmte, wrong, etc. All of these in 
North Devon and West Somerset have the true old double 
V sound, as above in Vreath, while the newspaper writer, 
knowing that in the vulgarity of local speech /'s are turned 
into v*Sy displays his education by giving the correct form. 

How much injury may be done by the ignorance of those 
who write in newspapers, whose knowledge and truth is so 
implicitly believed in by Hodge : — 

" It must be true, vor I zeed it in pimt" 

"Hairy vethery (feathery), 'like a garden toad.' An 
expression used by a young woman, a native of Ashburton, 
learned from her mother, a Drewsteignton woman. She was 
knitting a stocking, and complained that the wool was bad, 
'all hairy vethery like a garden toad,' meaning rough and 
loosely spun. P. F. S. A." 

An expressive alliteration, but scarcely apt as a simile, for 
toads are neither hairy nor feathery, but they are good pegs 
on which to hang small abusives. 


" Havage = family reputation. A retired gentleman farmer, 
living a few miles north of Exeter, was speaking of a labour- 
ing man, whom he described as having ' a good havage/ and 
on my asking what he considered the meaning of that word 
he said one of a family who bore a good character ; and this 
I find to be generally considered the meaning of the word. — 
January 13th, 1898. C. T. F." 

This is clearly a true West-country word, for though it has 
not escaped Dr. Murray (see H. E. D,), examples can only 
be found in purely western prints. He gives the meaning 
as "lineage, parentage," which is very different from the 


'^Healed or hailed = covered. A man giving evidence in 
the County Court to me as to the state of a dog, said, 'It 
was hedUd in dirt all over.' G. M. D." 

We have had this word several times (see Sixth, Seventh, 
Tenth, Twelfth Eeports), but the above use is slightly 

"Hoard (pronounce word), *No, sir, they got to be 
worded* (hoarded). Said by a young man at Bishop's 
Tawton when asked if some pears were then ripe. — Autumn, 
1887. J. S.B." 

See W, S. W, B., $.'9. Pixy-wording. 

Apples for keeping are always called word-apples. 

" Homer = nearest home. A farm labourer, a native of 
Widecombe, age about 70, remarked he had finished 'the 
homer bed of onions in the garden,' meaning those nearest 
the gate. P. F. S. A." 

It is suggested that this is merely the home bed, which 
would be quite natural, like the home field, home farm, etc. ; 
but the connection is unusual, and the pronunciation would 
seem to the labourer to need some euphony between m and h, 
therefore he inserts r, the easiest to sound. 

"Hook brimble = briar or wild rose. A farm labourer, 
aged 70, reared up in Widecombe parish. — April, 1897. 
P. r.S.A." 

*' HORNEN = made of horn (common). Letter from Jim 
Slocum, Parracombe, in the North Devon Herald^ December 
30th, 1897 : ' Wan ov tha zingers . . . waz oldin a omin 
lantera vur tha clanynit player tu zee ees noats.' R P. C." 

See W. S. W. B. 


''H5STLING (the long, as in hast). 'I goes hda'ling 
market days/ i.e., doing hostler's work. Said by a young 
man of Barnstaple when asked about his employment — 
June, 1898. J. S. B." 

This is a good example of the common custom of shorten- 
ing words by dropping a syllable, especially when the 
euphony is not injured — similarly the occupation of a 
butcher is always hutchin^ of a farrier farrin. 

See W. S, W, B., 8.v, Botching. Even in standard English 
we find plumber's work is always plumbing, whereas to plumb 
means something altogether different. 

Comp. also hawlin for hollowing or hollerin, in Peter 
Pindar. See Pillum. 

'* JoSEP. At Kingsbridge an old coachman, describing the 
quaint manner of a former Quaker acquaintance, quoted him 
as saying, ' Josep, thee must mind to catch the train/ On 
my informant driving on sharply, he was addressed : ' Josep, 
dosn't thee think thee art driving very fast ? ' Later, at a 
steep hill where everybody used to walk, it was, * Josep, I 
pay thee to ride, and dost thee think I mean to walk ? ' 
—July 29th, 1897. F. T. E." 

This pronunciation is the common one everywhere in the 
West, when the name is not shortened into Joe. 

It is an apt illustration of the well-known interchange- 
ability of p. b. with V. /. 

" Knap = the top of a hill ( W. S. W. B.). Letter from Jim 
Slocum, Parracombe, to the North Devon Herald, December 
30th, 1897 : * Wan Kursmas they waz gwain tu zing outzide 
a varm ouze wat stood pun tha knap, en down tha lawer zide 
tha ku-ert thur waz a law ditch wall, en inzide a steep claive.' 
E. P. C." 

A very old British word, found in Aug.- Saxon, Modem 
Welsh, and Irish. 

" Leert or LEARY = empty. A servant girl, aged 20, native 
of South Molton parish, said, ' I can tell it 's breakfast time, 
because I'm got leery' — ^February, 1898. 

" In N. Bailey's English Dictionary I find * lere (Sax.), leer, 
vain, empty, spare ; as leer-horse, a spare horse.' H. S." 

See Eleventh Beport 

" Lew = sheltered (rhymes with too). I was admiring a 
little garden in the vUlage of Greorge Nympton, when a 
farmer (middle-aged) passed and said, ' That 's a lew corner.' 
—April 26th, 1898. . . 


" Webster gives it, ' Lew, tepid, lukewarm, pale, wan (obs.)/ 
'The lew side of the hedge' is a common expression in 
North Devon. H. S." 

See W. S. W. B. 

'* So lew 's a cupboard " is a regular simile. 

The antithesis of lew is fleet, 

" LiBiPERN SCRIMP = the cow-parsnip ( W. S. W. B). Letter 
from Jim Slocum, Parracombe, to the North Devon HereUd, 
December 30th, 1897 : ' Tu laast e vailed right in auver tha 
wall, en rowled down the claive, ornin lantern en all, amangst 
the dyshils, en zower zabs, en limpem scrimps,* B. P. C." 

** LrviBR (two syllables only) = a householder. A Hartland 
farmer, age about 50, remarked: 'I've yurd tell this was 
wance the beggest village in the parish. I mind myzell 
when there was *lebm liviers yur.* This use of the word 
seems to be slightly different from that given in the Sixth 
and Eighth Reports. R. P. C." 

See W. S. W. B., p. 443. 

"Mbasb of herrings (Rep. and Traits, Dev. Assoc,, 1897, 
p. 58). Many years ago {Eng, Illust, Mag,, Dec, 1884, 
p. 159) I published my local information as to this, which 
makes the number not 600 but 612, made up thus : 3 fish = 
1 cast; 50 cast+1 cast for luck = 153 (a long hundred + 10 
cast); 4x153 = 612. 

"I cannot say for certain that the word is peculiar to 
Clovelly.— January 28th, 1897. F. P." 

" MuFFLE-FAGED = freckled. A farm labourer, a native of 
Ashburton, age 60, remarked on May morning, that to wash 
in May dew was * a cure for muffle-faced people,* for he 
had tried it when a boy. P. F. S. A." 

"MusiCKER^a player on a musical instrument (common). 
Letter from Jim Slocum, Parracombe, to the North Devon 
Herald, December 30th, 1897: 'He kep oldin tha leart 
higher en higher vur tha moosicur to zee.' In this case the 
*m4)osicur* was a *clarrynit player.' (See W,S, W,B.) R. P. C." 

Very common. 

''Nbw8Haggino== gossiping. A woman, aged about 83, 
native of Rose Ash, speaking of some neighbours, said, 
' They newshagging people go from houze to houze and tell 
their tales.'— February 26th, 1898. H. S." 


Is this pronounced new-shagging or news-hagging ? We 
presume the latter; and in that case there is perhaps a 
confusion between hogging and hawking^ probably a Bttle 
of both. 

Hagging was a word used repeatedly by Scott (1589), 
Discovery of Witchcraft, ^*He wovld spie unto what place his 
wife rvent to hogging" IL iv. p. 19. 

*" NiCKLEETHiES. *A final note. — Can anyone give the 
derivation of the word nickleethies ? It is the island 
equivalent for harvest home. In the old days, when grain 
was grown extensively on the isles, it was the custom for 
farmers to invite their neighbours to " nickleethies,'' t.e., to 
help bring in the corn, and to participate in the subsequent 
merry-makingSk Nickleethies would last for weeks ; first at 
this farm, now at that, and the fun waxed fast and furious. 
There is a tale told that at St. Agnes, which was famous for 
its feasts, the young men amused themselves at the end 
of one nickleethies by putting the horse belonging to a 
morose neighbour down that neighbour's chimney. How 
that horse got out, or whether it ever did get out, deponent 
sayeth not. The ceremonies and feasts have passed, but the 
word remains. What was its origin ? ' — * Notes from Scilly/ 
Western Morning News, September 15th, 1897." 

" Ordained = intended. 'I ordaimd to have come on 
Monday.' Spoken by a carpenter of this town. G. M. D." 

This word has become absurdly limited in Modern English, 
almost entirely, it may be said, to ecclesiastical technicality. 
Here again the carpenter becomes a teacher to the over-taught. 

The Old French ordener, from Latin ordinare, became later 
ordonner. We have retained the Old French pronunciation 
while changing the meaning. The French have changed the 
vowel sound, but retained the meaning. 

The first meaning in Modern French of ordonner is 
" Mettre en un certain orrangemerU'* (Littrei). The following 
prove these changes : — 

*^ Al onfourtene nizt, hii hdeuede ]>er ahoute, 
And conseilede of baiayle and ordeinede hor rovleJ* 
1298, Robert of Gloucester, Will, the Conq., I 71. 

" Of pe hous of OlastTiebureo gret ordeynour he toos.'* 

lb,, Life of 8t, Dunstan, 1. 45. 

^*Adam inohedyent ordaynt to blysse.'* 

1360, AUiteritive Poems, " The Deluge," 1. 237. 


*'PAPEREN»made of paper. May I record the use of this 
word as follows^? I was in a shop at Tavistock on May 14tb, 
1898, when a man of about 60 came in, and speaking to the 

shopkeeper said, *Mr. , have'e got a paperen b«^ you 

can let me have V H. B. S. W." 

This is qiiite in accordance with the old form of true 
noun adjective, now only surviving in a few literary words, 
such as wooden, Jlaocen, It is quite sad to note how synthetic 
our language is becoming. 

Compare Hobnen. 

"Pass the time of day = to greet. Having enquired 
of a Southmolton woman, aged nearly 60, if she knew a 
certain person, she replied, 'I just speak to her, and pass 
the time of day.'— March, 1898. H. S." 

See W. S. W. B. 

"Pee. 'She made a pee of it,' meaning that ''she kept 
"nagging" or "throwing up" the subject.' Said by the 
wife of a tradesman of this town. G. M. D." 

** Persuaded = advised. A police - constable, in giving 
evidence before the magistrates at Great Torrington, said, 
*I permadei him to go away, but he would not do so.* 
G. M. D." 

The policeman meant "used persuasion," and what he 
said, though unusual, -does not seem to be incorrect, as 
the first meaning of persuadeo in the dictionaries is to 
thoroughly advise ; whereas our modem development 
implies the success or acceptance of the advice given. 
Uneducated speakers are constantly more strictly correct 
than the highly taught 

"PlCKEY-PALE= pointed. A workman, who was fixing a 
small gate in my garden, suggested that it should be *pickey- 
pale ' at the top. 6. M. D." 

This is, of course, the old word jnck^d, or possibly picky, 
the shortened form of spih/. We much incline to the 
former, and that the workman shortened his word from 
pickety into picky. We have the word qncMd for spotted, 
and when used in . combination with the noun spickety, so 
that the above phrase would be precisely analogous to " a 
spicky *effer,'* i.e., a speckled heifer. 

Pyked: rostrattcs, 

A Pyke of A Staffe ; Cuspis, Catholicon Anglieum, 

Pykyd, as a stafTe, Cuspidatus. 


Pyke, of a stafife, or oJ?er lyke. Ctupts^ stiga. 

J^romp. Parv. 

"... moo \>an a thousand, 

In paltokes and pyked shoes, and pisseres long knyues, 
Comen aldn conscience ; with coueUyse \>ei heldenJ* 

Piers Plowman, Pass. xx. 1. 218. 

" He wente his way, no lenger wold he reste, 
With scrip and pyked staf, y-touked hye ; 
In euery hotis he gan to pore and prye^ 

Chaucer, Sompnoare's Tale, 1. 28. 

" PiLLUM. See Eeport of 1897. I was told by a Barn- 
staple medical man, in 1896, that he had heard the following 
definition of this word: 'Pillum is mucksy droo'd'; per- 
haps better written thus : ' Pillum is mucks a-droo'd,' mud 
dried, mtuks being used as singular, as in Nathan Hogg 
frequently. J. S. B." 

For the original story, see Sir John Bowring in Trans. Defv, 
Assoc., 1866, p. 27. There it is given correctly, * Mux a- 

" Leek bullocks sting*d by appledranes, 
Currantin it about the lanes, 
Vokes theese way dreav'd and that ; 
Zom hooting, heavin, soalin, hawlin ! 
Zom in the mu^ck, and 'peUxxm g^rawlin; 
Leek pancakes all zoJUU" 

Peter Pindar, jRoyal Visit to Exeter, v. 3. 

" EUBBEY. A labourer of Great Torrington, whilst tying a 
small sapling to a stake, said: 'I must put some binding 
round it, or else it '11 rubbey the tree.' 6. M. D." 

We cannot but believe that our informant has omitted a 
little word, and that the labourer said rubby agin, or 'pon the 
tree. If the labourer actually spoke as reported there is a 
distinct development going on, and the Boaid School teaching 
is not only levelling our pronunciation, but is destroying 
the force of our old grammatical inflections. 

"RusHURE or RoosHER = a falling away of the cliff. A 
leading tradesman at Budleigh Salterton said to me : 'There 's 
been a big rushure of the cliff last night.' He said it was a 
very common term amongst the fishermen. — Aug. 3rd, 1898. 
T. N. B." 

This is a new form of a very old word. 

ffal has: "Ruse. To slide down a declivity with a 
rustling noise, Devon." 


See RusHMENT, First Eeport Dev. Prov. 

To Buse, and rusemeTit, are the very common words through- 
out the West for any spontaneous slipping of earth, rock, or 
similar substance. 

Ang.-Sax. hredsan, to shake or tumble down, or slide. 

See W. S. W. A, s. v. EusE. 

" Sarvient = servant — so pronounced by country people. A 

middle-aged domestic servant remarked that ' Mrs. can't 

get no sarvient* 

" In Totnes Corporation Accounts there is an entry, 1645, 
* F*. the Governor's sarvient of Dartmouth/ etc. P. F. S. A." 

This is a very common form. 

Compare LrviER, ante, Barriel, Lauriel, Borier, and the 
literary Hellier, Haulier, etc. 

'^ Score = a weight of 20 lbs., the usual unit of weight for 
com, cattle, etc. The following extract from the North 
Devon Herald of November 4th, 1897, is a good example of 
the method of reckoning by scores and pounds: 'Dispute 
ABOUT PIGS. . . . Mr. Crosse put in a small piece of paper 
containing the following entries: 8 score 7, at 8s. a score; 
13 score 19, at 9s. 6d. a score.' Of course, this means 167 
pounds and 279 pounds respectively. R. P. C." 

A hundred is five score, a ''long hundred'' is six score. 
The score in the West is matched by the stone in the North 
and East, as the wholesale integer of weight for stock of all 

''SoT=8et=to let. An allotment tenant, a native of 
Ashburton, who underlet a portion of his plot, when asked 
about it, replied, * I sot the garden to he.' P. F. S. A." 

This use of set is quite peculiar to Devon, where, es- 
pecially in North Devon, it is the common form. 

"Spear sticks = sticks for making spears or ^ars for 
thatching (see Seventh Eeport, spear; W, S. W, R, spar; 
Dial of Hartland, SPEAR). From the North Devon Herald, 
December 2nd, 1897 : — * Wanted, spear sticks. State price 
per bundle. " X," Herald Office, Barnstaple.' R P. C." 

In Somerset these are called simply spars. See W. S, W. B, 

"Succourable = sheltered. A farmer of Great Torrington 
said to me, 'You'll find it more succowraile down here.' 
G. M. D." 

This is another archaic form — i,e,, of the active con- 
struction — surviving in literature only in a very few words, 
such as comfortahle, suitable, etc., and must be defined as 


oJZe to sitccour, comfort, suit. Now, nearly all our words 
of this class are distinctly passive in meaning : e.g,, remarkable 
means able to be or capable of being remarked upon; de-- 
fenddble is able to be defended. The same applies to all 
the numerous words now compounded with ible, which, 
being from Latin through French, are all passive in signifi- 
cation, such as accessible, capable of being entered, or reached, 
defeasible, ostensible, etc. 

Compare Fightable (Twelfth Report), used in the active 
voice, and giving the meaning not only of being capable, but 
of being ready. 

" SUCC50URABLE = providing succour or shelter. A Hartland 
farmer, age about 30, said to me, 'It's a very good little 
meadow for yawning time \i.e,, the lambing season]. There 's 
a succourahle 'adge all round.' (See Dial, of Hartland,) 
—September, 1897. R. P. C." 

"Swank. When I was a boy at Tavistock Grammar 
School this word was of common occurrence. It was used 
in the sense of 'bother,* 'worry,* e.g„ 'I am not going to 
swank over that exercise,* 'Don't swank about that,' etc. 
Many years later I came upon ' Swenjcan^ to vex, to harass,* 
in Angus' English Language, and it at once struck me that 
our schoolboy slang (for as such we always regarded Swank) 
was an Anglo-Saxon survival. J. L. W. P." 

" Tare = passion. A labourer, speaking of a woman with 
whom he had had an altercation, said, ' She was in a rare 
tare: G. M. D." 

Very common expression. The idea is, however, tear; 
leading to " tearing the things " — a not infrequent result 
of conjugal squabbles, when one of the parties happens to 
be " overtookt." 

"Tbech = touch. 'I shid like to zee a good teech o* it,' 
referring to frosty weather. A woman about 60, native of 
Barnstaple,— February, 1898. J, S. B." 

The above pronunciation is a development on quite 
regular lines. Touch is generally pronounced titch (see 
Fifth Export), and in the West short i constantly becomes 
long e : pin is always peen, bit is beet, pUl is ped, etc. In 
meaning the above tov^h means time or occasion. "Tou 
baint gwain vor 'ave me theese titch mind," is a very usual 
form of speech. 

"Tin-bag. A farm bailiff, referring to a bag of manure, 
remarked it was only the size of a tin-bag. 


** A long, narrow bag, in which 3 cwt. of dressed tin-ore 
was carri^ on a horse's back, about 32 in. long by 10 in. 
diameter.— 1897. P. F. S. A." 

It is carious to note how limited a sense the universal 
word stick has here in the West. Except as a measure of 
four bushels, and as a bag of a size to bold that quantity, 
the term is scarcely used. Bag is a far commoner word, 
and while specially expressing a certain quantity, as " bag o' 
taties," it is also the word for every kind of flexible hold-all, 
from game-bag and ditty-bag to wool-bag (not wool-sack, 
which is the Lord Chancellor's seat) and tin-bag as above. 
Even sack-cloth is haggin, 

"UsEN = use. 'The 5ven han't been usened this good 
bit.' A woman about 50, native of Barnstaple. — Oct. 1897. 
J. S. B. 

Though very unusual, there is a distinction in this word 
from simply used. An idea of frequentativeness or con- 
tinuous action is conveyed by this form, which is not 
alluded to in H, K D. The difference is precisely the 
same as between to loose and to loosen — ^very slight, yet 
quite appreciable. The examples given in H. E, D, are 
ail from verbs made from adjectives, as darken, deepen, 
harden, etc., while no note is taken of this purely verbal 

" Way = with. * Way a spune.' See Clibby. ' Way tha 
draysheL* See Drayshkl. — March, 1898. J. S. B." 
See W. S. W. B, Nearly always so. 

*' I promised thee, dear Zester Nan, 
That thee shudst hear from Br ether Jan, 
About the king wey speed,** 

Peter Pindar, Royal Visit to Exeter, v. 1. 

" But what wey zich have I to dot " Ih,, v. 7. 

** Yaw = bite. *I had to ax wan ov tha men to cut the 
cheese for me, twaz tu hard to yaw off.* — Jim Slocum, 
Parracombe, letter to North Devon Herald, 31st March, 1898. 
J. S. B." 

This means to hew (always pronounced yoa or yau). A 
common saying about hard cheese is : " Anybody mus' 'av' a 
axe or a hook to cut it." 

" Zand = sand. A farm bailiff said he would send 'a cart 
after a load of zand: P. F. S. A." 

This is one of the words never sounded with sharp s, 




list of Devon words (for which illustrative sentences are 
asked in accordance with the rules of the Association), by 
Miss Helen Saunders. 



Abide ; canH abide 

Do not like. 


The wroDg end first. 

Backsunded (said of a farm) 

Situated on the north side of a 



A large farm ; the manor or abbey 



Broom (a plant). 

Beat or bait 

Peat, turf 

Barm or burm . 



A trivet. 

Brandise comer 

A three-cross road. 

Bare-ridged (g soft) 

Without a saddle. 

Bliddy-ioaryera . 


Catdk or calk . 

To roughen a horse's shoe. 


A thatched pit for potatoes. 

Cavel piece 

A beam across a chimney on which 

kettles are hung. 


Cleavers (a plant). 


A slight wooden bridge. 


. . A vidley. 



Daps, " The very daps of hi« 

father " 

Likeness in habits, etc. 


. Thistle (a plant). 


. Yeast 


A narrow passage between houses 

or walls. 


A wooden pan. 


. Stubble. 

Fuz or tni2 

Furze (a plant). 

Furzypig oi fussy pig 

A hedgehog. 

Gapes nesting . 

Stariog about. 


Young people at a giglots' market 


To look, to glance. 

Gurt or girt 



Refuse of lard. 

Hange {g soft) . 

The pluck of an animal. 


A haycock. 


Stock, race, or family. 


A ditch or gutter. 



Hitch up 

. To haDg up. 


. A woman. 

Huffling wind . 

Howling wind. 


Husks of peas, etc. 

Hurtleherry^ eartleberry^ wu 


or erU 

. Whortlebury. 


A large quantity. 


Tub or vat 

Knee-knapped . 



. Teachable. 

Lew side 

The sheltered side. 

Lime ash 

Flooring composed of lime, sand, 

and ashes. 




To sham or pretend. 

Masts or masks . 

. Acorns. 


A kind of cherry. 


Lard or fat 

Mutch 'n dotcn . 

Caress a restive animaL 

Mooty-hearted . 

Tender-hearted; one who easily 

sheds tears. 

Nestledraft or nessledra/t 

The smallest or weakest of a 

family ; said also of animals. 


. The nape of the neck. 

Older ing away . 

Gretting old, showing age. 


. Bewitched. 


Overcast, cloudy. 


Dust of roads, etc 


A large pie formerly made for 

revels, etc 


Delicate (said of children). 


. A kind of fairy. 


. Planks of a floor. 


. A hay cock. 

Purl or pearl , 

An upset 


A pane of glass. 

Heaping the ground 

Said of a long dress. 

Rare sight of . 

. A large quantity. 

Bound shaving . 

A reprimand. 


A small landslip. 


Rubbish, nonsense. 


Shilling's worth. 


Broken pottery. 


A skewer. 





Slat wood 

To split wood. 


To slide down. 


Made of meat, onions, apples, etc. 




Couch grass. 


Pour water, etc., violently. 


Stuck in mud. 

Sugar toast 

Cake toasted and covered with 

sugar and cider, formerly used 

at christenings. 


• • 

An animal that does not thrive. 

Skittle little rogue 

• • 

Said of a pony that shies. 


• • 

Mess, dirty marks. 

A mistress 

asked her 

maid why she wrote her letter 

upstairs. She replied, ** 

Because I do not like to make 

skammers on 

kitchen table." 


• • 

To change (said of the moon). 

Thickf thicky 



Threads, ravellings. 


A funnel. 


Not that I know. 


A farthing. 




Ferns (plants). 


Furze (a plant). 



Zettle^ settle 

A wooden screen with a seat. 


The sun, also son. 



The following 


\ are frequently used in North 

Devon : — 

In f other house 

• • 

In another room. 

*Tis much 

• « 

It is strange. 


• • 

For last night. 

Ain date 

• • 

To throw something at one. 

A chest of pair of drawers . 

A chest of drawers. 

Crive or pass the time of day . 

To say **good morning," etc. 

The both 


• • 


Broth. Such as "Will you 
have a few broth. They 
are very good" 

Coming yark over 

Hovered up with cold 

Broth is used in the plural. 
Getting the upper hand. 




Fi«- 2. 
.Flint Kiiire, Lake Head KJGtva 

Bakrow Cohmittke. 

Lake Hkad Kiutvabn. 
Flint Knives and Scrai«ra. 

FrAgnients cif I'ottt'ry. 



Seventeenth Report of iht Committee, consisting of Mr. P. 
F, S. Amery^ Rev. S. Baring-Gould, Dr, Brushfield, 
Mr. R. Bumard, Mr. P. 0. Hutchinson, Mr, J. Brooking 
Rowe, and Mr. R. Hansford Worth, appointed to collect 
and record facts relating to Barrows in Devonshire, and 
to take steps, where possible, for their investigation. 

Edited by R. H. Worth, Hon. Secretary. 
(RMd at Honiton, Aogtut, 1898.) 

Your Committee presents but a short report this year. 
The most noteworthy feature is, that from the results ob- 
tained in exploring the kistvaen at Lake Head Hill it 
may be gathered that many kistvaens hitherto passed over 
as having been previously rifled will well repay investigation. 

This is being systematically taken in hand by the Com- 
mittee at various parts of Dartmoor, and results of some 
value have already been obtained. Inasmuch however as 
no one district has yet been completely investigated, these 
results are held over until next year. 

Your Committee is endeavouring to collect information 
as to the existence of unopened barrows, and as to the 
results known to have been obtained from such barrows 
as have been opened within living memory. A short re- 
port from one district is given herewith as an example of 
the nature and character of the information desired. 



There is a small kistvaen on that part of Lake Head 
Hill which is included in sheet 99 S.W. 6-inch survey. 
It is not shown in any of the sheets hitherto published, 
but will be included in future editions. The accompany- 


iDg plan illustrates construction and conveys dimensions. 
This small kist stands like a box, with about half its 
height showing above the surface of the ground. Its 
extreme depth is 2 feet. The cover -stone has been 
removed. (Plate I. fig. 1.) No trace of a surrounding circle 
is visible, but there are slight remains of the once existing 
barrow. It had been opened at some unknown period, but 
as there seemed to be a good deal of undisturbed soil im- 
mediately contiguous to the inside walls, I determined to 
clear it out and subject the interior to a close search. 

The result was very gratifying, for no less than three 
flint knives and three scrapers of the same material were 
found packed in close against the S.S.R end stone of the 
kist. (See illustration, Plate I. fig. 2, and Plate II.) The 
scrapers are apparently quite unused, and are very fine 
specimens. One of the knives by its shape suggests the 
idea of a spear-head. It may however be safer to include 
it in the knife class. 

In addition to these implements about thirty small pot- 
sherds were found representing two vessels, one evidently 
being a large urn, and the other a small food vase. The 
pottery is of the usual type, and the vessels were hand-made. 

The small specimen was considerably ornamented, judging 
from a portion of the rim which is herein illustrated. (Plate II.) 

Some wood charcoal was found, but no tiace of bones 
or bone-ash. 

When originally rifled the kist was not entirely cleared 
out around the sides, so that the flint implements were 
not discovered. 

The urns were probably broken up, leaving some of the 
sherds in the bottom of the kist 

The small heap of debris which either came from the 
interior of the kist or formed part of the barrow was 
carefully examined, but nothing was found. 

The large urn evidently held the cremated remains, and 
the small example the ofiering of food. The interment 
indicates the late Neolithic and early Bronze Age — the same 
period as the hut circles which have been explored by the 
Dartmoor Exploration Committee. (Robert Burnakd.) 

Lew Trenchard. — Galford Down, a dilapidated and un- 
opened cairn. 

Maristaw, — Middle Eaddon, a large tumulus at apex of 
hill, much defaced and trampled by cattle, unopened, 
on the property of J. Tremayne, Esq. 


Lydford. — Gallows Hill, a fine tumulus, unopened. 

Exboume, — A large tumulus, unopened, on the property 
of J. S. Tattershall, Esq., Court Barton. 

Okehampton, near "Eoman Eoad," two or more cairns 
unopened, on the property of Mrs. Trevor Roper. 

Bridestowe. — O. S. IxxxviiL N.W., beside road from 
Bridestowe to station, on left side in field opposite guide 
post, and where marked 722, a barrow so ploughed down 
that it would not be noticed, but that it is indicated on 
an early 16th century map of the Bidlake Estate, in 
possession of Sev. J. B. WoUacombe, as Crossheath 
Burrow, and drawn on it. Crossheath, so called on the 
same map, has 2 crosses indicated as then standing, where 
is now Leawood plantation. Crossheath Farm, now in ruins, 
is now set on 0. S. as Cocksheath. (S. BxRiNG-GtoULD.) 


Sixteenth Report of the Committee — consisting of Mr, James 
Hamlyn, J.p. (Chairman), Mr, P. F. S. Amery, j.p., 
Mr, W, Ingham, C.E., and Mr, A, Chandler, f.rmet.soc. 
(Secretary) — to collect and tabulate trustworthy and 
comparaUe observations on the climate of Devon. 

Edited by Alfred Chandler, F.R.Met.Soc., Honorary Secretary. 

(Read at Honiton, August, 1898.) 

The Annual Report of the Meteorological Observations taken 
during the year 1897 throughout the County of Devon is 
here presented by your Committee, in which are given care- 
fully prepared monthly tables, with a summary for the year, 
of Rainfall, Temperature, Humidity, Cloud, and Sunshine. 

All the observations are taken simultaneously daily at 
9 a.m., local time, with the exception of Salcombe (Prawle 
Point) which, being a Station of the Meteorological Office, 
reads at 8 a.m. 

A new Rainfall Station has this year been established, 
through the kindness of Mr. J. R. T. Kingwell, at South 
Brent. The observations taken so long at the Athenseum, 
Barnstaple, are here given for the first time, and also the 
important Rainfall Stations at the large Reservoirs of Totti- 
ford and Head Weir. 

Much care has been exercised to make all the observations 
comparable, and as accurate and trustworthy as possible 
for future reference; and at all the Stations only Kew 
certificated instruments are in use, and the readings have 
the instrumental errors applied for correction. 

The special thanks of your Committee are due to the 
Observers, whose names are here given, for their voluntary 


work 80 exceUently done daring the past year. The height 
of the Station above mean sea-level is given also in this list 

It has not been possible np to the present to carry out the 
nsefol suggestion of Mr. Cuthbert Peek, of Bousdon Obser- 
vatory, with regard to the Agri-Meteorological returns from 
about five selected districts of the County of Devon. 

Mr. Peek's plan consists in placing in parallel columns, 
with plus or minus signs, the annual average results of 
cereal, root, hay and straw, fruit and potato crops, with the 
annual average records of Sunshine, Bainfall, and Tempera- 
ture of the several districts into which the County is divided. 

These districts would be, as far as it was possible, placed 
under North, South, East, West, and Central Divisions, and 
again into Corn-growing, Grass-growing, and Moor or High- 
land Districts. 

The records might be well worth working up and printing 
for future reference. 

It is first necessary, however, to obtain some Meteorological 
mean data upon which to work. 

For example, it is required to know what is the average 
Sunshine, Bainfall, and Temperature of the different districts, 
and no average can be properly stated which is not based 
at least on ten years' accurate work with certificated 

If it could be possible — and your Committee think it is — 
to make an Agri-Meteorological Map of the County of 
Devon, showing the Corn and Grass Districts and the Moor- 
lands separately, with their average amount of annual 
Sunshine, Bainfall, and Mean Temperature, the results when 
published in the Transactions of the Society would be of 
undoubted practical use in the futura With this map 
before us it might then be profitable to give an analysis 
of the figures so carefully and with so much labour brought 
together in a comparative form in, these tables for many 
years past. 

Successful Agriculture, as well as her allied sister. Horti- 
culture, are both so dependent upon Meteorological conditions, 
that to know what these local conditions are, and how best 
to use them for the service of man, is a subject well worth 
the highest and most careful work and study. 

Your Committee desire to call the attention of all the 
members of this Association, as well as the public generally, 
to the very great importance of using their solicitous in- 
fluence to preserve carefully and to have maintained in situ 
all Ordnance Survey Marks, and also all Storm and Flood 



Marks, which are of such great use to Meteorologists in their 

It is unfortunate that some of the measured arrow marks 
of the Ordnance Survey are placed in such precarious 
positions as kerb stones, old walls, etc.; they should be 
fixed on small pedestals having deep and wide bases, which 
will not sink or bend; but if kerb stones are moved or 
old walls taken down, which bear on their faces these 
important signs, then it should be seen to that they are 
very carefully replaced in sitxL 

The particulars of the Stations with their approximate 
heights and the names of the Observers are as follows : — 


Ashburton ^ Druid) 584 ... P. F. S. Amery, j.p. 

Barnstaple (Athenaeum) 

... 25 

Buckfastleigh 250 

CuUompton 202 

Head Weir (Plymouth Water- 
shed) 690 

Holne (vicarage) 650 

Ilfracombe 20 

Newton Abbot (Teignbridge 

House) 27 

Plymouth 116 

Prlncetown (H.M. Prison) 1359 
Rousdon (The Observatory) ... 516 

Salcombe (Prawle Point) ... 332 

Sidmouth (Sidmount) ... 186 

South Brent (Qreat Aish) ... 500 
Southmolton (Castle Hill 
School) ... ... ... 363 

Tavistock ^Rose Villa) ... 392 

Teignmoutn 70 

Tottiford (Torquay Water- 
shed) 718 

Torquay (Gary Green) ... 12 
„ (Chapel Hill Obser- 
vatory) 286 

Woolacombe Bay 

Thomas Wainwright 

James Hamlyn, j.p. 

T. Turner, j.p., f.r.Mbt.Soo. 

Edward Sandeman, o.E. 
Rev. J. Gill, M.A, 
M, W. Tattam. 

F. H. Plumptree, j.p. 

H. Victor Prigg, A.M.I.O.E. 

W. Marriott, F.R.MET.Soa 

C. E. Peek, m.a., j.p., f.r.a.8., 


R. H. Scott, M.A., F.R.&, 

W. T. Radford, M.D., F.R.A.&, 


Miss Kingwell. 

W. H. Reeve. 

E. E. Glyde, f.r Mbt.soo. 

W. C. Lake, m.d. 

William Ingham, c.B. 
Charles Shapley, F.R.MBT.Soa 

Alfred Chandler, P.R.M*r.8oo. 

60 ... Edward Henshcdl, a.m.i.o.e. 

James Hamlyn, J.P., Chairman. 

Alfred Chandler, F.RMet.Soc, Secretary. 













































Alhbarton . 
Baek^Ueigh . 
Hewl Weir Res. . 

Newton Abbot . 
Pljmoatii . 
Rcmdon Obaerv. 
Sdmoath . 
^Totii Brent 
Tanitock . 
Tootf ord Res. . 
Torquay (C. G.) . 
Torquay (C. H.). 
Wooiaoombe Bay 














2 22 







4 47 















• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 




• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • ■ 











• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

3 29 







5 39 


1. 10 









33 « 



















• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

















• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• « • 




• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 






















18. 1 


• • • 




• • • 


• • • 






• • • 





• • • 






• • • 


hrs. m. 

• t • 

• • • 



• • 1 

• • ( 

• • < 

• • • 


• • • 


• • • 

• • • 

9 • * 

• • • 




• • • 




53 35 
74 3 


• • a 

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• • • 



• • • 


• • t 

• • • 

• • • 

• • 1 

• • • 




• • • 



60 50 

• • ) 

• • 4 


• • 




• • • 


t • • 


• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 



Ashboiton . 
Head Weir Res. 

Newton Abbot 
Plymouth . 
Romdon Observ 
8idinooth . 
South Brent 
Tafistock . 
Tottiford Res. 
Torquay (C. G.) 
Torquay (C. H. ) 
Wookacombe Bay 












• •• 

• • t 



I. II 









• • t 

• • • 












• • • 

• • • 










• • • 


40 10 

• • • 


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• • • 












• • • 

• • • 




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• • • 

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• • • 

• • • 












39 29 













• • • 

• • • 





43 5 





53 9 



43 6 














• • • 

• • • 













• • • 




t • • 

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• • • 

• • • 






























• • • 


• • • 








■» A t1_ 

k.V> . 

r « 







m 5 


















9 a.m. 













Ashbuiton . 
Head Weir Res. 
Ilfracombe . 
Newton Abbot 
Plymouth . 
Rousdon Observ 
Sidmouth . 
South Brent 
Tavistock . 
Tottiford Res. 
Torquay (C. G.) 
Torquay (C. H.) 
Woolaoombe Bay 










6. 1 1 




• • • 












• • • 














• • • 




• • • 











brs. m. 






33 9 




• • • 

• • • 








• •• 

« • • 








• • • 

• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


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• • • 

>«3 15 

• • • 

• ■ • 

• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 

• •• 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 

102 44 









• • • 

• • • 








127 27 









• • • 

• • • 








133 15 

• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 


• • • 

• • • 

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• • • 








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• ■ • 








136 50 









78 SO 

• • • 


• • 


• • 




Ashburton . 
Buckfastleigh . 
Head Weir Res. . 
Newton Abbot . 
Plymouth . 
Rousdon Observ. 
Sidmouth . 
South Brent 
Tavistock . 
Tottiford Res. . 
Torquay (C. G.) . 
Torquay (C.n.). 
Woolacombe Bay 


6 70 















• • • 














• • • 







1. 18 


46. 5 





• • • 





• • • 



• • • 







• • • 






• • • 




39 39 45-62 










• • • 




• • • 



• • • 






61.3 83 

• • • • • • 

60.0 81 

60.8 qo 

61.6 83 

61.0 92 

64.6 81 

• • • 

66 I 



59-9 79 
635 I 84 
62.2 I 80 



• • • 


• • • 




• • • I 9 i 

136 20 

124 38 

• • • 

142 15 

139 35 
III 30 


■ • • 


• • • 

• • • 

• • • 


• • • 


• « • 








































Per cenfi 
Actaal of P< 












hrs. ni. 















• • • 

• • • 













.. • 

• • • 

• • • 

Backiastleigh . 













• • • 

• ■ • 

Head Weir Res. . 

1. 41 









• • • 



• • • 



• ■ • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

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• • • 





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• • • 

• • • 

• • • 






47 3 







• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

Nevtcm Abbot . 




• ■ • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• « • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

Plymouth . 












259 25 









53 •« 






• • • 

■ • • 

• • • 

Rooadon Obaerv. 












226 24 















• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

Mdmonth . 












232 45 

• • • 


South Brent 




• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

■ • • 

« • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 













• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

Tavistock . 












• « • 

• • ■ 

• • • 





• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 



• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

Tottiiord Res. . 




• • • 

* • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

•• • 

• • « 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

ToraoaT (C. Q.) . 




53^ 2 








• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

Torqaay (C. H.). 
WooJaoombe Bay 












247 30 



1. 16 











206 20 

• • • 


. JUNE. 

Bocklastldgh . 
Head Weir Res. . 

Ilfraoombe . 
Newton Abbot . 
Plymouth . 
Roiwlon Obsenr. 
Sidmoath . 
South Brent 
Taviatock . 
Tottilord Res. . 
Torquay (C. G.) . 
Torquay (0. H. ) . 
Woolacombe Bay 

































• • • 













• • • 





• • • 






• • • 





• • • 







• • • 



• • • 







• • • 





« • • 







• • • 



• • • 


• • • 







• • • 




• • • 



• ■ • 





• • • 





• • • 






• • • 




• • • 



198 25 

239 44 

« • • 

202 6 

• • • 

199 o 

239 10 
161 30 


• • • 





■ • 




























s l& 












iD. 1 ilea- di'K. : dug, 1 deii- 

d.g. 1 deg. 


hr..nn. % 



14 i.4oU7-8'4J-8 5J.4 4S.1 

34.9! 599 

92 8.7 



.68:474 41.1 537147.4 




Biickfutleigh . 



I-3S 489 

4^.8 53 1 479 






.26 46.5 

40.2 S2.8 




... 8.7 

41 SS 







1.42 ... 


a- 77 

.75 50.6 






8: 6.9 

Newton Abbot 



.63* ... 


Plymouth . 


.46; 49.4 



48' 7 

33. ■ 


88 8,0 49 14 






38. g 47.7 




94,9.3 ■-". , 

Rouadon ObMTv 








94 1 7 9 65 a6 







45 ' 





93 : 7.6 

Sidmouth . 








90 7.9 

51 'S 


South Brent 















T»»i«tock . 













59 4 





Torqiiaj (C. G.) 











Torquaj {C. H.) 











8.9 33 SS 


Woolacombe Ba; 







49- J 





49 50 


AihburtoD . 
Head Weir Res. 

Jlf racombe . 
Newton Abbot 
Plymonth . 
RoQidon ObMrv 
Sidmouth . 
Soath Brent 
Tavittock . 
Toltiford Rea. 
Torquay (C. Q.) 
Torquay (C.H.) 
Wuolacoube B<iy 
























































35- 5 










43 3 


















'^' ":^ 





76 15 




37- '4 42 74 





43 S 

49.6 43.6 


















44. 8 
















































43. j6 








BneUMtleiKh . 


















IS. I 


Hod Weir Bm.. 










5*- 7 







SwtoD Abbot . 

























SoudoD UbMrr. 






















SOmmth . . 












63- 57 



SoQthBlottOIl . 



1. 41 








TiTiftodc . 









82. J 


rignmonth . 





Dttiford Rea. . 




CFrqQ»7 (C. G.) . 






























5 153340 ., 
7 ... 

i 164801 

? '655 as - 


Fifteenth Report of the Committee — consisting of Mr. P, F, 
S, Amery (Secretary), Mr, O, if. Doe, Mr, 2>. 0. Evans, 
Rev, W. Harpley, Mr, P, Q. Karkeek, Mrs, Radford, Mr, 
J. Brooking Rowe, F.S.A^ Mrs. Troup, and Mr, H. B,,S. 

Edited by P. F. S. Ambrt, Honorary Secretary. 
(Read at Honiton, August, 1898.) 

Your Committee beg to present the following scraps of 
Folk-lore received since the last report made at Ashburton 
in 1896, as being worthy of record. 

They will be found to include several valuable local stories 
contributed by Rev. S. Baring-Gould, to whom, with the Rev. 
J. P. Benson, Dr. Brushfield, Mr. 6. Doe, and Mr. J. Stevens 
Neck, the thanks of the Committee are due. 

W. Harpley, Chairman. 

P. F. S. Amery, Secretary. 


Sheepstor. — There is a Holy Well, S. Leonards, at Sheepstor, 
in a field belonging to the glebe east of the church. Re- 
cently the rector has led the water from the spring, which 
never fails, to the roadside, for the convenience of the vil- 
lagers, and to prevent incessant traffic over the field. 

Below this churchyard is the Bull-ring, still roughly circular. 
To see the baiting the people sat on the south wall of the 
churchyard and round the raised bank of the further side. 

There is at Sheepstor, above Lerystone House, the old seat 
of the Elfords, a Windstone, an elevated platform of cut 
granite, on which the wheat was winnowed. It bears date 
and initials— <« j^ e. A. E. 1637." 

That is, John and Anne Elford. She was daughter of John 
Northcote, of Hayne, and they were married in 1637. 


Coryton. — North of the church, in a field, is a Holy WeU. 

Broadwood Widger. — In Slew Wood ia a Holy WeU, Slew 
Well, probably S. Lo's well. 

Bradstone. — On the glebe is an unfailing spring. A former 
rector, Eev. — Johns, told me it was a Holy Well 

Femworthy. — In Bridestowe parish there is here an ancient 
chapel now converted into a cottage. A mason working for 
me told me that he repaired it some thirty years ago, and 
that the timber above the ceiling was richly carved. 

Lifton, — Below Dunce Hill is a never- failing well, the 
Holy Well, from which till within a few years the water was 
always fetched for baptism. Lately the pathway has been 
stopped. It is not five minutes from the church. 

(S. Baring-Gould.) 


West Mclland. — This is an old house that belonged once 
to the Courtenays. It came to them through the Hunger- 
fords, and the Hungerfords had it from the Botreaux. Over 
the doorway is carved a hawk with clipped wings. This is 
not a Courtenay cognizance, but that matters not, the story 
is told of a Courtenay in reference to this hawk. 

Once a Ck)urtenay killed a man, and he was tried for it at 
Exeter. But as he was so high in family they set him 
beside the judge. The judge went hard against him, and 
condemned him as guilty. Then Courtenay turned round 
and ** knacked the judge over 'ed and 'eals down into the 

For that complaint was made to the king. Well, Cour- 
tenay he mounted his horse and rode and rode till he came 
to London town to see the king. 

Now the king " he wor out on the watter wi' the queen, 
and 'a seed sumwan swimmin' 'is 'oss out in the water to he.' 
So sez the king to the queen, 'Darn'd if that baint old 
Courtenay. What iver in the world ha' he been arter ? ' 

** * WeU now,' sez the queen, sez she, * if it be old Cour- 
tenay ye '11 let'n off aisy now won't 'y, what iver he ha' 
done?' 'Well, I don't naw,' sez the king, *I'll clip his 
wings for 'n anyhow.' Courtenay he comed up to the king's 
boat, swimmin' of his 'oss, and he up and tells the king the 
'ole taale. * I muss clip thy wings a bit,' sed the king, * but 
nip oflf thy 'ead that 1 won't do.' So he prived him of a lot 

o 2 


o' his manors; and so arter that the hawk had his wings 
clipped, to betoken how Courtenay were sarved by his 
Majesty, Gkni bless 'n." 

This was told to Rev. Kichard Turner, Vicar of Meavy, 
whose brother now occupies West Holland House. It was 
told him by an old workman at the place. I give it as told 
me by Mr. Turner. (S. Baring-Gould.) 

A somewhat similar story is told at Sampford Courtenay, 
which manor also formerly belonged to the Courtenay family 
as part of the Barony of Okehampton, to account for the 
manor and presentation to the rectory now being held by 
Provost and Fellows of King's College, Cambridge, in which 
the Courtenay of that day is said to have pulled the nose of 
the judge in the Court at Exeter, for which offence the 
manor was given to the college. The resentment of the 
inhabitants to the change of lords may have led to Sampford 
Courtenay being the place where the Western Kebellion broke 
out in 1549. (P. F. S. A.) 

Sheepstor, — "There was once an old squire called North- 
more Uved there. He had an eldest son as were a bit totte ; 
and the old gentleman he thought 'twould be a purty job if 
the property were to come to this silly chap, so he sent word 
and had'n pressed for sea. The press-gang came as they 
was all haymakin', and they nabbed the young chap and 
carried'n off just as he were tossin' hay. He went to say. 
He was away a long time. In those days them as went to 
say didn't often return. But this young Northmore he sims 
to ha' tould his shipmates what he was, and they let out 
as how his father had contrived it all. So he war nigh mad, 
and when he came to Plymouth he made up a party, and 
they went to Sheepstor ; they was to sarve the old chap out, 
and ransack the house and carry off the title-deeds. Well, 
I reck'n, they broke in at night, and they turned everything 
upside down, and if the old squire hadn't hidden atween the 
ceiling and the hellens, they 'd a done for he, and they carried 
away the papers and everything they could lay hands 
on. But after that the young Northmore were never heard 
on no more. Whether he died at say, whether he were 
killed in war, or whether he were so soft he got rid o' the 
papers, I can't say. However, I '11 tell'y what comed o* the 
old man. He took to drinking, and he 'd ride home from the 
public-house that tipsy, he 'd ride right into his kitchen and 
tumble off his boss, and he 'd get out a bottle o' gin, and sit 
in his settle, and make the 'oss stand there too for good 


company, and he 'd drink to the 'oss, and when the ou'd 'oss 
nodded his 'ead, Squire Northmore 'd say, ' Same to you, sir ; 
I drinks to 'y again.' 

"But all went bad after that, and the family couldn't 
bide there. You see they 'd lost the papers, and things went 
agin 'em. I reck'n no gude niver comes o' doin' a wrang 
action, does it ? " 

Told by an old woman at Sheepstor. 

(S. Baring-Gould.) 

Broadwood Widger. — 1. There is a farm in this parish 
where the young son was in a decline. He insisted on 
helping in the hayfield in the hay harvest, and he tossed 
the hay up into the waggon. WeU, he broke a blood-vessel 
and died right off. After that a little blue flame used to 
come and dance over the place where he made hay, and then 
travel along to the hayrick and dance over it. 

2. There is a bridge, I believe, now over the Wulf ; but 
formerly there was none. A spirit lived near this ford, and 
used to take folk up at night and carry them over. But if 
anyone who was being carried spoke a word, then the spirit 
let them drop into the water. 

3. Joanna was engaged to a certain young man, who 

made her a present of a handkerchief. Before they were 
married he died. Then she became engaged to the man she 
afterwards married. The night before she was married, her 
first lover came to her bedside and asked for the handker- 
chief. He said he would not allow her to marry till she had 
returned his present Then she had to get out of bed and 
fetch the kerchief. She put it into his hand, and he 
vanished. After that she never could find the kerchief 
again. And she maintained the truth of this story stead- 
fastly. She is now dead. I knew the woman, but the story 
I heard from the wife of the vicar. 

Lifton, — The neighbourhood of Wortham, the ancient seat 
of the Dinhams, is haunted by a spirit called Long Strike. 
He has very long legs, and is seen at night either striding 
along the lanes, or stepping over a lane from one hedge to 

Bridgende. — ^There was an old woman lived in Bridgerule 
parish, and she had a very handsome daughter. 

One evening a carriage and four drove to the door, and a 
gentleman stepped out He was a fine-looking man, and he 
made some excuse to stay in the cottage talking, and he 


made love to the maideD, and she was rather taken with 

Then he drove away, but next evening he came again, and 
it was just the same thing, and he axed the maid if on the 
third night she would come ii^ the coach with him and be 
married. She said yes, and he made her swear that she 

Well, the old mother did not think that all was quite 
right, so she went to the pass'n of Bridgerule and axed he 
about it " My dear," said he, " I recken it *s the Old 'Un. 
Now look'y hera Take this 'ere candle, and ax that gentle- 
man next time he comes to let your Polly alone till this 'ere 
candle be burnt out Then take it, blow it out, and rin 
along on all your legs to me," 

So the old woman did so. 

Next night the gen'leman came in his carriage and four, 
and he went into the cottage and axed the maid to come wi' 
he, as she *d sworn and promised. 

She said, *• I will, but you must give me a bit o* time to 
dress myself." He said, " I '11 give you till thickey candle be 
burnt out" 

Now when he said this, the old woman blew the candle 
out, and rinned away as fast as her could right on . end 
to Bridgerule, and the pass'n he tooked the can'l and walled 
it up in the side o' the church ; you can see where it be to 
this day (it is the roodloft staircase now walled up). Well, 
when the gen'leman saw he was done, he got into his carriage 
and drove away, and he drove till he comed to AGGBdand 
Moor, and then, all to wance down went the carriage and 
bosses and all into a sort o' bog there, and blue flames came 
up all round where they went down. 

Told me by a woman who lives at Mountlane in Lufiincott 
parish. (S. Barikg-Gould.) 

Fardel in Comwood. — I have heard an incident which 
illustrates how a foundation of fact holds together a 
tradition of fiction. 

In a railway carriage, travelling between Ivybridge and 
Cornwood, a stranger recently inquired of a countryman 
if there were any places of interest in the neighbourhood. 

Beply, *' I don't knaw of no places of interest hereabouts." 

Stranger. " But are there no old houses ? " 

Native. " Ees, there be a sight of old tumble-down houses 
as wants doing up." 

Stranger. " But are there no ancient houses of the gentry?" 


Naiive. '^Ees, there be wan most noted house there under 
they trees" (pointing out of the window to the old farm- 
house at Fardel) ; " there was wance a most noted baccynist 
died there." 

Stranger. *'0h! I was not aware that any important 
tobacconist ever died in Devonshire." 

Native, "Lor* 'twas hundreds of years agone, one very 
celebrated man, not a baccynist like they now what keeps 
shop and sells baccy and snuff, but a mazing noted man. 
I'll tell 'e ee's name present" Then scratching his head 
he continued, "Why 'twas one Walter Kawley who died 

Stranger. "I was always informed by history that Sir 
Walter Kaleigh was executed on Tower Hill." 

Naiive. "Well, sir, I don't wish to contradict you, and 
I've no fault to find with history; he may have been 
executed where you say, but er died to Fardel." 

Here we have the facts of tobacco and Fardel connected 
with Sir Walter Kaleigh, and that formerly "tobacconist" 
meant one who used tobacco, and not one who sold it 
Fardel, as a fact, was his father's estate, and afterwards Sir 
Walter's. (P. F. S. A.) 

Pixy Ovens. — In the review of Mr. Elworthy's work on 
" The Evil Eye," in the Quarterly Review of July, 1895, the 
writer cites the following : — 

"An old man in Devonshire lately told to a lady a tale of 
a boy who found * a Pixy's oven,' an object made of wood. The 
boy broke it up, exclaimiDg that he hated the Pixies, whereon he 
was beaten black and blue by invisible hands. The nature of 
a Pixy's oven the old gentleman did not explain." (p. 214.) 

(T. N. Brushfield.) 


For Whooping-cough. — When a child has whooping-cough, 
if a hair is taken from its head, put between slices of bread 
and butter, and given to a dog ; and if in eating it the dog 
coughs, as naturally he will, the cough will be transferred to 
the animal, and the child will go free. (J. S. K) 

Future Mate, — You will marry the man (or woman, as the 
case may be) that you meet first on "Valentine's mom." 
A popular belief is that the first unmarried person of the 
other sex whom one meets on St. Valentine's day on walking 
abroad is his or her destined wife or husband. (J. S. TS.) 


Dead People*8 Things. — An old servant was standing near 
her master; the latter was examining an old framed 
engraving. He said, " Good gracious, how the picture is 
mildewed." To which the servant replied, "You could 
expect nothing elsa" The master natuMdly inquired why. 
To which the old servitor replied, "You bought the picture 
at a sale, and the persons who once owned it are dead, and 
dead people's things always turn mouldy." (J. S. N.) 

UrdtLcky to baptize more than one girl in the same water. — 
The Vicar of Witheridge writes that three women, natives 
of Devon, two having been bom in Witheridge and the 
other in Backenford, were to have their babies — all girls — 
baptized on Whit Sunday (1898). Each applied to have 
the baptism taken at a different time, because they had 
heard it was unfortunate (imlucky) to baptize more than 
one girl in the same water. (J. P. R) 

A domestic servant of Great Torrington told me that the 
windows ought not to be opened on the 1st of March, as 
if they were the fleas would swarm into the house. 

(6. M. D.) 

The same servant told me that if people cut their corns 
when the moon was "on its back," they (the corns) would 
not grow as they otherwise would. (G. M. D.) 



(Retd ftt Honiton, August, 1898.) 

Tbe following works have been undertaken since the 
presentation of the last report: — 

1. Exploration of a hut circle in Berry Field, Huccaby. 

2. Examination and measurement of an unrecorded stone 
row on Stannon Newtake. 

3. Exploration of a collection of hut circles within and 
without an enclosure on the slope of Yes Tor Bottom, a 
valley which lies south of the Princetown Eailway, and east 
of Swell Tor Quarries. (See CVI. S.K) 

4. Exploration of hut circles at West Dart Head. 

5. Examination and measurement of an unrecorded stone 
row on Soussons Warren Hill, near Postbridge. 

6. Exploration of Cox Tor. 

7. Exploration of barrows and stone circle at Fernworthy, 
of three small barrows close to Langstone stone circle, and 
two small barrows near the Grey Wethers. 

8. Examination of an unrecorded stone row on Whiten Tor. 

9. Discovery of a hoard of Boman coins at Park Hill, 
near Okehampton railway station. 


Stannon outer Newtake. (XCIX. N.E.) 

This row runs N.N.E. to S.S.W., starting from a ruined 
cairn. The total length is 320 feet, but was probably longer, 
for it has been pillaged and stones used in the construction 
of the newtake wall. No blocking stone remains. There are 
twelve small standing stones, and about the same number 
were traced which were either fallen, broken, or buried. The 
row appears to have been originally a double one. It is too 
dilapidated and unimportant for accurate planning. 


Soussons Warren Hill. (XCIX. S.E.) 

There are four fine tumuli on the highest point of this 
hill, the largest of which was apparently once surrounded 
by a circle of stones, but of these one only now remains. 
These tumuli show some signs of having been dug into, 
but if so the operations were of a very superficial character, 
and the mounds should be properly explored. 

They are honeycombed with rabbit burrows, and the 
appearance of previous partial explorations may be due to 
the sinking in of the centres owing to the extensive under- 
ground excavations made by these animals. 

Due north on the ridge near Golden Dagger is a rifled 
cairn 31 feet in diameter, and starting from this is a very 
ruined and pillaged stone row, which seems when perfect 
to have been composed of three lines of stones. The 
standing examples are small, and only seven in number, 
but numerous fallen and buried stones can be traced. This 
row has been very recently destroyed, probably within the 
last twelve months, for the pits from which the stones 
contributing to the row were taken are freshly dug and 
very apparent. The surface of the moor for a considerable 
distance around the row has been carefully picked over and 
almost every stone removed. 

A newly -built wall in the near neighbourhood is the 
evident reason for this destruction and collection. The 
former was probably done in pure ignorance, for the stones 
were evidently mostly fallen and small, and with the 
surrounding surface stones not easily recognized as the 
work of man. 

Had the Committee known of this row earlier, and set 
up the fallen stones, the nature of the remains would have 
been recognized and respected. The row runs from north 
to south, the ruined cairn beiug north, and it can be traced 
for 202 feet. 

Higher Whiten Tor. (XCIX. S.W.) 

On ascending the hill at the back of the Powder Mills 
a newtake wall is encountered, which must be crossed to 
reach the ridge connectiug Longaford Tor and Higher White 
Tor; on this ridge, but near the latter tor, and running 
roughly parallel with the newtake wall, are the remains 
of what is apparently a double stone row, that runs from 
N.N.E. to S.S.W. No traces of any cairn can, however, be 
found in connection with it, and the position is exceptionally 
near the clitter of stones of the tor ; stone rows are almost 


always^ if not always, planted where the surface is free 
from such natural clitters. 

The double row can be traced for 330 feet. But ten stones 
remain in the southern row, and fifteen only in the northern. 
Of these all in the former are standing, and eleven in the 
latter. The height of the stones varies from three feet to 
a few inches. The rows apparently end in a long earth-fast 
stone or rock at the N.N.E. extremity. But their extent 
S.S.W. is uncertain, the rows having been pillaged for the 
construction of the newtake walL 


Berry Field, Huccaby. (CVII. N.K) 

This field contains the remains of a small ''pound," and 
within this, at the eastern end, was a heap of stones which 
supplied the road-menders with material. These, finding 
fragments of xude pottery, reported the matter to the 
Committee, and the heap was thoroughly examined. 

The remains of a hut circle were found underneath, and 
this, on exploration, yielded wood charcoal, a red grit rubber 
stone, seven cooking stones, the rim of a small shallow vessel, 
and a large sherd which formed part of the mouth of a hand- 
made cooking pot The paste and ornamentation were of the 
usual type. 

Yes Tor Bottom. (CVI. S.E.) 

The Princetown Eailway, just beyond the twentieth mile- 
stone, and between Foggin Tor and Swell Tor Quarries, makes 
a considerable bend to the south-east and south, and a 
reference to the six-inch Ordnance map discloses the fact 
that south of this bend there is a smaJl collection of hut 
circles. Six of these are within an irregular enclosure 
(not shown on the map), and five lie outside between the 
enclosure and the field on the west, which has in its north- 
east angle a single hut circle. 

This enclosure and the hut circles are visible from the 
train, and with this description of locality should be easily 
seen and recognized. 

The exploration of the collection was commenced by the 
examination of the hut circle nearest the railway. This 
is a fine circle, with a diameter N. to S. of 26 feet 9 inches, 
whilst £. to W. it is 26 feet 6 inches. The wall is double- 
faced, with a core of small stones and earth between, and 
is 4 feet wide from out to out. On the western side the 
wall was between 3 and 4 feet in height, and this hut 



circle would have been a very perfect example, but for 
the fact that during recent years stonecutters had been 
at work within it. Large stones from the wall had been 
thrown down, and piled against the inside of the western 
circumference of the circle, and left unworked. Others 
again had evidently been cut and worked and removed, 
for underneath the turf of the hut quantities of spalls 
struck off by the stonecutters were found. 

The Committee at first thought that the heap of unworked 
stones formed a ruined portion of the structure of the 
dwelling, but their removal and evidence of the spalls made 
it perfectly clear why they had been thus accumulated. 

The excavation was commenced at the ruined entrance, 
which faces S.S.W., and continued over the whole of the 
floor of the hut. 

There was a pavement of rough flat stones in the entrance, 
and this was carried a short distance inside. On removing 
the turf and " meat " earth to a depth of six inches, not only 
were stonecutters' spalls met with, but occasional small 
pieces of unmistakable tin-slag, and the latter increased in 
quantity as the N.E. part of the circle was reached. Here 
was a large stone which had fallen inwards from the wall of 
the circle, and on removing this more slag was found under- 
neath, together with some of the fragments of a mug or jug 
of highly-glazed ware. These were too small and few in 
number to settle shape of vessel. 

The paste is well made and thin, barely an eighth of 
an inch at the rim; the interior is somewhat deeply 
corrugated, but this is only faintly apparent on the exterior. 
These sherds have been submitted to experts at the British 
Museum, and compared with standard examples of late 
mediaeval pottery. They correspond with fourteenth century 
work and some early fifteenth century, and may be ascribed 
to these periods. These sherds and the slag were found 
together, and the age of the former is the measure of the age 
of the latter. Both were found sub-surface, and both were 
covered by the stone which had fallen from the wall. 

Yes Tor Bottom has been very extensively streamed for 
tin, but so far no sign of a blowing-house has been observed. 
A closer search may reveal this. Smelting must have been 
carried on in the neighbourhood, and either smelters or 
streamers must have temporarily sheltered in the hut There 
was no evidence of their use of the hut as a habitation, as 
the further exploration demonstrated. 

Further stopes of the surface were removed until a depth 


of 20 inches was obtained, and the floor of the hut resting on 
the " calm " was reached. This, the prehistoric level, yielded 
the rim and two fragments of a hand-made cooking pot, 
with chevron ornamentation and one fragment of flint and 
a flake of the same material. There was a cooking hole 
nearly in the centre of the circle 1 foot 9 inches long, 
1 foot 4 inches wide, and 1 foot 3 inches deep. The 
hole had within it three cooking stones and much charcoal 
No regular hearth or fireplace was found, but the whole floor 
was more or less strewn with wood charcoal. 

Hui Circle No, 2 lies south of No. 1, and is represented 
on the Ordnance map as two circles attached to each other. 
No. 2 is really a hut 22 feet in diameter N. and S., and 
19 i feet £. and W., constructed with a semicircular outer 
wall protecting the northern half of the dwelling. Both 
arms of the semicircle embrace the southern half of the 
wall of the circle, and are therein merged, so that it is 
not quite a circle within another, although at first sight 
it looks very much like it 

The wall of the circle proper is about 4 feet in width, 
the width of the wall of the semicircle due north is 5 feet, 
and at this point the space between the two walls is 4 feet 
7 inches. 

This space was explored, but yielded no sign of human 
occupancy, and the Committee came to the conclusion that 
the semicircular wall was erected for the protection of the 
hut below it, for the slope of the ground is somewhat 
steep, and such a barrier on the high ground above would 
be desirable in very wet weather for the purpose of pre- 
venting surface-water from washing through the lower wall 
into the dwelling. 

The arrangement is unusual, and the explanation may 
be inadequate. It is however more reasonable and likely 
than that the builders intended in the first place to con* 
struct a larger hut circle, and subsequently built a smaller 
one, for had this been the case they would surely have used 
up the stones of the outer circle for the construction of the 

The entrance to the hut circle proper faces S.S.W., and is 
unusually massive. The wall at the entrance is 5 feet thick. 
On the east side of the door there is a fine stone 4 feet 
7 inches high, with a breadth varying from 2\ feet at ground 
level to 18 inches half-way up, and about 1 foot at the top. 
This forms an outer jamb, which projects somewhat from the 
outer wall of entrance. 


Another stone 3 feet 2 inches high forms the inner jamb, 
and this is flush with the inner wall 

The corresponding inner jamb on the west side of door^^ 
way is standing ; this is 3 feet 5 inches high, with a greatest 
breisuith of 2 feet 5 inches. The outer jamb on this side has 
been removed. 

The lintel was evidently placed over the inner stones, so 
that the entrance must have been about 3 feet high and 
2 feet wide. 

The outer standing stones probably supported a porch or 
penthouse, which protected the entrance. Outside this is a 
paved plateau, with a width of 14 feet nearest the entrance ; 
this curves somewhat on each side, and has a total length 
of 14 feet. The paving is composed of rough flat stones. 

A trench 4 feet wide was dug through it from the door 
outwards, and the following objects were unearthed : — Two 
fragments of flint, a small river stone, and five small rough 
pieces of slate. 

Deep pits were dug K and W. of this paved plateau with 
the hope of finding middens, but none were discovered. 

The exploration of the hut was commenced at the entrance 
as usual, and it was found that the paving was continued a 
short distance in the interior and towards the western 
circumference. The following results were obtained:— 

Under western wall, the stones of which leaned somewhat 
inwards, some sherds of rude hand-made pottery were found. 
These were without ornamentation. 

About 2 feet from the centre towards the northern portion 
of the circle more broken pottery occurred, and on carefully 
removing this the bottom of a cooking pot was found resting 
on the " calm." (Plate I.) It had a diameter of 11 inches, and 
the inside bottom was strengthened by ridges crossing each 
other at right angles and forming a cross. These ridges are 
an inch wide, and raised a quarter of an inch above the 
bottom. There was a good deal of charcoal around the 
remains of the pot, but no cooking hole could be made out 
near it As a rule the cooking holes and most of the finds 
occur either in or about the centre of the hut, or from this 
point to the entrance, and often under the western portion of 
the wall. If the hut is built on a slope, as they mostly are, 
the lower portion of the hut gives, as a rule, the best results ; 
but in this case this experience was reversed as far as the 
cooking holes are concerned, for no less than three were un- 
covered in the northern part of the circle, and on the higher 
portion of the slope. 


No. 1 was 1 foot 6 inches long, 1 foot wide, and 9 inches 
deep, and contained some charcoal. 

No. 2 was 1 foot 5 inches long, 1 foot 7 inches wide, and 
14 inches deep, and contained much charcoal. 

No. 3 was a double example, like a big-waisted figure 8 ; 
one was 10 inches by 14 inches, and the other 9 inches by 
10 inches, whilst the waist connecting the two was 9 inches 
wide. The holes were respectively 10 inches and 16 inches 

These holes yielded a goodly quantity of charcoal, a broken 
cooking stone, and sherds representing about one-third of a 
shallow vessel. These were of hand-pottery of the usual 
type, without ornamentation. 

A round hole in the ** calm," 6 inches deep and 3 inches 
in diameter at the top, was found, 4 feet 6 inches from the 
north to south central line of the circle towards the east, and 
about 4 feet from the centre. A similar hole was found in a 
hut circle at Gullacombe, Shapley Common,^ and in the latter 
case the Committee thought it might have contained a 
support for the roof. In the present case this explanation 
does not appear to be so feasible, as the hole is not sufSciently 

The further finds in this hut circle were two fragments of 
flint, two more cooking stones, and some fragments of slate, 
which were probably Uie remains of a pot coverer. 

On the whole this proved to be a most interesting hut, 
and justified the two days which were spent over its thorough 

Hut Circle No. 3. Diameter 11 feet, entrance facing south. 
The only finds made were charcoal and a flat river pebble. 

Hut Circle No. 4. Diameter 17 feet, entrance facing 
south. This circle was partially paved, mostly over the 
southern half. A little charcoal only was found. 

Hut Circle No. 5. Diameter 15 feet. The feature of this 
dwelling was a large fire or cooking hole 4 feet long, 2 feet 
wide, and 15 inches deep. It contained much charcoal. The 
exploration of the floor of the hut yielded a flint scraper, 
two portions of a river pebble, and three rubber stones of 

HtU Circle No. 6. The floor near the entrance was paved. 
There was a cooking hole in the N.E. portion of the circle, 
which was 11 inches deep and 9 inches in diameter. This 
circle yielded charcoal, one cooking stone, a crystal of quartz, 
and some fragments of pottery. 

^ See p. xsvii. 89. 


H%fJt Circle No, 7 was commenced, but owing to changes 
in weather which came on last autumn the further 
examination of this and other hut circles in the neighbour- 
hood was postponed. 

West Dart Head. (XCIX. N.W.) 

There are four small hut circles on the east slope of the 
hill lying between Horse Hole Bottom and West Dart Head. 
They are in a very remote district, and are close to the great 
central bogs. The attraction to the primitive dwellers of 
these huts seems to have been the dry pasture land which 
lies between West Dart Head up to Flat Tor on the north, 
Horse Hole Bottom on the west, and the slope of the hill 
on the east known as Summer Hill — a dry oasis sand- 
wiched between the great bogs. 

On the south this firm pasture land runs down to 
Loogaford Tor and beyond. This district is a valued cattle 
and sheep run to-day, and in the summer is always well 
stocked with beasts. 

The whole of the four small hut circles, which are all 
connected with the ruins of small paddocks, were explored, 
but only one gave any results, and that was the first dug 
inta This had a diameter of 14 feet, a wall, very ruined, 
2 feet wide, and a dilapidated entrance facing S.S.W. 

The floor of the hut resting on the " calm " was 20 inches 
below the surface, and on this were found much charcoal, 
some rotten fragments of pottery, eight cooking stones very 
much fired, two flint scrapers, three fragments of the same 
.material, and a flint arrow-head, the only one the Committee 
has so far found in a hut circle. It is of the tanged and 
barbed variety, one of the barbs being missing, but other- 
wise it is in a fairly perfect condition. 


The following is a list of the antiquities on Cox Tor : — 

1. The outcrop of granite on the summit is surrounded 
by an ancient wall, enclosing a space of some 70 feet in 
diameter, built of small stones brought from the surrounding 
slopes in immense quantities. What is left of it is 4 to 5 
feet high, with a width at the base of some 6 to 7 feet 
approximately. It has been pillaged, and part of it has 
been used in the erection of the cairn for the 1887 Jubilee. 
There is no trace of any cairn in the centre, which is a 
mass of rock, though at one side there is a collection of 

Dakttcoor Eici 





/? C//A/SO /</S T 



Dahtuoor Explo ratios. 


UllS KHOM B.VUIil.W Xo. 1. 

Dartmoor Explobatioh. 

Fifth Report. 


DiBTMoon Exp 




K/S Tt/^£/V 





KlsCVAEN Xi). 2, LANOi^ 

OS Moon. 


stones which may possibly prove to be a cairn. One would 
suppose it to be for purposes of defence were it not for 
its analogy to Nos. 4 and 5, which are certainly not intended 
for that purpose. 

2. In a sheltered nook twenty yards below the summit 
of this cairn, but forming part of it, on the N.E. side, there 
is a little hut circle with a doorway facing north. The 
walls have been recently raised, apparently to afford 
additional protection for a fire or some such purpose, and 
the doorposts have been carried off. It is an oval, 8 feet 
from N. to S., and 5 feet 6 inches from R to W. There 
was no regular floor, and the walls seem to have been laid 
on the solid rock just below the original surface of the soil. 
It is possible that it served as a shelter for the man who 
managed the beacon or kept a look-out Nothing was found 
in it, and there was no trace of charcoal 

3. Three or four hundred yards north of the summit is 
a very large cairn of stones which has been much pillaged, 
but which is still large enough to form a landmark. The 
centre is hollow, and has every appearance of having been 

For this reason, and also because five or six workmen 
would be required to explore it, no exploration was 
attempted, but it will have to be examined at some future 
time. Dimensions were not taken. It is composed of small 
stones only. 

4 Some two hundred yards KN.W. of No. 3, at a lower 
level, there are two very curious cairns close together on 
a grassy plateau. The larger of the two and No. 3 are 
marked on the six-inch Ordnance map. They were both 
partially examined last autumn, and the larger may be 
described as follows: — 

It is a ring of small stones 55 feet in dicuneter, the 
ring wall varying in breadth from 4 to 6 feet, and raised 
15 to 18 inches above the surrounding grass. It is a perfect 
circle, but 28 feet from the eastern side occurs a line of 
original rock outcrop bisecting the circle. West of this 
line of rock the circle appears to have been continued for 
the sake of symmetry, because the intervening space is 
encumbered with original earth-fast rocks and can contain 
nothing, and here the circle itself is less carefully made. 
On the eastern side of the ring there are two small hollows 
3 feet 6 inches in diameter. From one of these we drove 
a trench westward to the line of rocks, and a second trench 
north at right angles. We found that in the ring the stones 



were laid on the "calm/* built in with very little earth, 
but when the ring was passed we came to larger stones 
loosely impacted with meat earth. The "calm" was 
encountered at 18 inches, and no trace of charcoal or flint 
was found. 

5. The second ring cairn lies 41 feet E. by S. from 
No. 4. It is exactly similar in shape, though smaller, 
and not encumbered by a line of rocks, though several 
earth-fast stones were encountered in the middle. It is 
27 feet in diameter. The "calm" lay 15 inches below 
the surface. The construction of the central portion was 
somewhat looser, much earth being mingled with the stone. 
The whole of the contents of the ring was examined, but 
not the ring wall. Nothing was found, nor was there any 
pit in the "calm." 

These ring cairns are a puzzle. They were certainly not 
dwellings; they cost great labour to erect; and so far 
they have shown no trace of interment. 

6. On the southern slope of the Tor, 200 feet below 
the summit, there is a cluster of little cairns, evidently 

Five are certainly cairns, while there are other mounds 
which are doubtful. Two were examined. Thev were 
9 feet by 4 feet, but originally circular, and 18 inches 
high, composed of earth and stones, similar to the barrow 
near Langstone Circle, which yielded a small kistvaen. In 
neither was anything found. The rest remain to be 

7. On the S.E. slope (S.E. of No. 1), about 200 yards, 
there is a single hut circle. The surrounding land is rocky 
and grassed, and traces of other hut circles were detected, 
which have been pillaged for road-mending, as indeed have 
all the remainder in this neighbourhood quite recently. 
The walls of this circle are exceptionally high. Poorway 
faces S.E., doorposts fallen. 100 yards south of the circle 
runs an old wall or trackway, which is probably more 
modem than the circle, because the circles nearest to it 
seem to have been pillaged to build it. The floor was 
very uneven. Not a trace of charcoal was found, nor of 
a cooking hole or pottery; but on the "calm," about the 
centre, a flint flake and a pebble were found. The stones 
on the "calm" showed traces of long exposure to the 
weather. Interior measurement 11 feet by 12. 

1. On the S.W. slopes of the Tor are several (six or seven) 
hut circles not yet examined. 




This very important group of antiquities received con- 
siderable attention at the hands of the Committee during 
last autumn, permission to do so having been very kindly 
granted by Sir John D. Ferguson-Davie, Bart. The stone, 
or so-called " sacred '* circle, is the prominent feature of the 
group. It is almost a true circle, being 64^ feet from 
N. to S., and 64 feet from E. to W., internal diameter. 
There are 27 stones standing, the highest being 3^ feet 
above ground, and the shortest 1 foot. There is a gap in 
the south circumference of the circle, probably caused by 
the removal of a stone or stones. This can be verified by 
a search for the pit or pits in which these stood. 

But for this gap the circle would be a very perfect one ; 
as it is it is a good example, notwithstanding the smallness 
of the stones. 

About 80 yards KS.E. of the circle is a small barrow, 
which was reported to the Committee by Mr. F. N. Budd, 
of Batworthy, as being unviolated. It stands on a slight 
rise in the ground, and is numbered 1 on the accompanying 

No. 2 is another barrow, containing a ruined kistvaen, 
from which a stone row starts, connecting No. 2 with 
another barrow, No. 4. 

No. 3 is also a small barrow, encircled with small standing 
stones, from which another stone row leads to a large stone 
fixed in the newtake wall. This stone looks very much 
as if it might have been the blocking stone of the row. 
Both the latter are of the double variety, but have been 
much robbed for wall-building. 

Barrows numbered 2, 3, and 4 have all been disturbed 
at some unknown time. 

. A little way north of the stone circle are the remains 
of another double stone row. This also has been pillaged, 
for the pits in which the stones originally stood can be 
traced for a considerable distance. 

The row points to the stone circle, but whether it was 
ever actually joined to it is doubtful. 

The graves and stone rows are grouped about the stone 
circle, cdl evidently being in connection one with the other, 
and probably erected at about the same period. 

The leading idea was evidently sepulchral, and as No. 1 
.barrow appeared to have escaped previous disturbance it 

H 2 


was determined to devote a large share of time to the tho- 
rough exploration of the whole of the group of antiquities. 
If the exploration of No. 1 resulted successfully, it was felt 
that the i^e of the remains could be determined, and probably 
some light would be thrown on the purpose of the " sacred " 
stone circles. 

To incontestably settle the period of the erection of 
three stone rows in addition to the circle and the barrows 
seemed almost too good to expect The most sanguine 
expectation was happily fulfilled by the thorough ex- 
ploration of No. 1. It had a diameter of 19 feet, was 

2 feet above ground in the centre, but was concealed by 
a growth of heather and short furze and bracken — the roots 
of the two latter were found deep down into the barrow. 
The barrow was originally surrounded by standing stones; 
three of these were in position 9 to 10 feet from the existing 
foot of the slope of the barrow. 

The accompanying plans (Plate II.) explain the structure of 
the barrow. It was evidently made by clearing away a circular 
area of ground, with a diameter of about 19 feet, and ex- 
cavating about 14 inches into the ''calm,'' and in about 
the centre sinking a pit to a depth of 18 inches. This 
pit was 4 feet wide from E. to W., whilst from N. to S. 
it was 7 feet 

The depth of this pit from original ground -level was 

3 feet 3 inches, so that the total depth from the highest 
barrow surface was 5 feet 3 inches. 

A trench was dug from W. to K, and subsequently 
another was cut from N. to S., so that almost the whole 
of the interior of the barrow was exposed. 

These trenches disclosed the area occupied by the pit. 
The portions of the barrow left intact were subsequently 
examined, but nothing was found in these. 

On removing the turf of the barrow it was found to be 
built of handy-sized stones, gathered from the surface. 
Some were large enough to require two hands to lift Not 
only was the barrow piled up of these stones, but the 
entire pit was filled up or packed with them, so that some 
little difficulty was experienced in getting them out 

In the central pit at a depth of about 4^ feet from the sur- 
face a small piece of oxidised bronze was found, with fragments 
of some fibrous wood attached to it The bronze object is 
1^ inches long, with a greatest width of three-quarters of an 
inch, and weighs half an ounce ; it is apparently either the 
remains of a small knife or spear-head, most likely the former. 


Near this were two or three fragments of pottery, and clo&e 
under these a small urn was discovered (Plate III.)) which had 
been crashed by the subsidence of the cairn stones. Before 
ttie latter was removed a large dress- fastener, or button of 
Eimmeridge *'coal" was found on the same level as the bronze 
(Plate IV.), and distant 2 feet towards the N.W, The upper 
surface is polished, and has a brown lustre.^ The bottom 
of the urn was resting on the "calm/' and lying amongst the 
sherds was a flint knife (Plate V.) in such a manner as to 
suggest that it might have been placed in the urn. 

The sherds still had adhering to them some light brown 
soil, which gave traces of phosphoric acid. This appears to 
be '' calm" with a similar composition to the substance found 
in the urn discovered in the kist on Western Down.* It con- 
tained a little peaty matter. 

The urn from its size and shape corresponds with those 
known as food vases, and the presence of traces of phosphoric 
acid in the fine soil which was therein contained may 
indicate the remains of food. 

Not a trace of bone, burnt or unburnt, could be detected 
anywhere in the pit of the barrow, nor were there any of the 
larger sized urns or remains of same for containiug a cinerary 

This absence of bone may seem surprising, but when 
it is remembered that the roots of the furze, ete., penetrated 
down to the lowest depths of the barrow it is not difficult to 
realize that these plante growing for an unknown period 
had assimilated, and thus entirely removed, any signs of 
phosphatic matter. 

The food vase was evidently placed in the bottom of the 
pit on the " calm," and some of the cairn stones were roughly 
built around it, two flat stones forming the cover of this rude 
receptacle. The bronze object was found lying on the upper 

Although no bone ashes were found the Committee has no 
hesitation in considering this to be an interment after in- 
cineration, for wood charcoal was discovered in the bottom 
of the pit. 

The dress fastener or button may have been deposited 
in the barrow alone or it may have been attached to the 
dress, and the whole placed therein with the ashes of the 
dead, the food vase, the bronze object, and the flint knife 

* Eimmeridge, Dorset. The brown lostre is conclusiye agaiDst its being 
jet or "cannel coal " from Yorkshire. 

' See *• Barrow Committee's Report,'* vol. xxix. 


at the time of interment This most interesting and im- 
portant exploration settles the period of the interment as 
that of the period of culture known as the late Neolithic 
and early Bronze Age. 

The bronze object above the food vase and the flint knife 
below links. the Stone and early Metal Periods in a most 
satisfactory manner, and in addition to this there is the 
decoration on the food vase and the evidence of the dress 

The dimensions of the vase are as follows : Extreme 
height, 7^ inches ; diameter of bottom, 3 inches ; at mouth 
(internal), 5 inches ; thickness at rim, one-eighth of an inch. 
The dress fastener has a diameter of 2^ inches. (Plate III.) 

Barrow No. 2. A very much wasted example contained a 
ruined kistvaen. (See plan, Plate II.) Although this had been 
previously rifled, masses of burnt bone mixed with " calm " 
and peaty earth weighing 4^ pounds were found in the bottom 
of the kist. This was submitted to Professor Stewart, F.R.S., 
of the Eoyal College of Surgeons, who could not positively 
identify them as human, as they were too fragmentary and 
burnt, but they correspond with the characteristics of human 
remains. The kist also contained a little wood charcoal, but 
no trace of pottery. It is curious that the bony matter 
found in this kist should have survived the disintegrating 
efiTect of time and vegetation, for thus far the experience 
of the Committee has been that in other cases the bone has 
almost or wholly disappeared ; in fact, in only one other case 
has burnt bone been visible in unviolated barrows, whether 
the interment was placed in a kistvaen or in a hole dug 
in the ** calm." (See Barrow No. 2., Langstone Circle.) 

Barrows Nos. 3 and 4 gave no results, with the exception 
of a tiny flint chip in No. 4. Both had pits dug in the 
'' calm," which contained nothing but soil Each had been 
extensively pillaged, doubtless for material for the newtake 
wall hard by. No. 4 might be further examined in its S.W. 
and western portion, but the prospect is not encouraging. 

The next step taken was to examine the interior of the 

* For further particulars of buttons or dress fasteners consult Evans's Stone 
Implements and Green well's British Barroufs, and espocially Much (Mattha- 
sus), Die Kupfer zcil in Eurapa^ Jena, 1898, who bases his argument in 
favour of a Copper Age having preceded that of Bronze, in part on the fact 
that buttons of this character, with the peculiar V perforation for fastening 
to the dress, belong only to the very earliest Bronze reriod. At the request 
of the Committee Sir J. D. Ferguson-Davie very graciously consented that 
these extremely interesting objects recovered from this barrow should be 
given to the Plymouth Municipal Museum to form a portion of a coUection 
of relics illustrative of the antiquities of Dartmoor. 


stone circle, and this was done by driving a trench north and 
south and another east and west. These were cut through 
peat locally known as "ven" forming a layer 18 inches thick, 
and which rested on the " calm." There was no meat earth. 
The trenches were driven right through the circle with 
a width of 2 feet, and from end to end it was observed 
that the floor of the " calm " was strewn with small pieces 
of wood charcoal. There was no charcoal in the " calm " ; it 
was all existing on it, and the floor of this material was 
as definite as those found in the hut circles. 

Three pits were dug between the trenches, and another at 
the foot of the large square stone at A. The whole of these 
gave the same indications of charcoal — the remnants of fires 
of wood ; in fact, fires seem to have been kindled all over the 
circle, for every scoop of the pick and shovel which was 
removed firom the " calm " floor displayed charcoal. 

This is a very interesting and important discovery, for 
it may unravel the mystery of the so-called " sacred " circles. 

Femworthy Stone Circle is the important and predominant 
feature of a group of sepulchral remains, and it is very 
probable that we can now see in this the crematorium or 
the site of the funeral feasts, or both. 

It is likely that similar circles will yield the same results. 
A preliminary exploration of the Grey Wethers confirms 
Femworthy; and but for the fact that the Committee* 
recognized that the Grey Wethers were probably part and 
parcel of a sepulchral arrangement, the unviolated barrows, 
which were found and examined later on near them, would 
never have been discovered. 

It is also likely that more unviolated barrows will be 
found near the large stone circles — their mounds perhaps 
wasted down so as to be hardly recognizable, or interments 
might have taken place in pits with no definite mounds over 
them — the latter being almost hopeless to find. The Com- 
mittee intend pursuing this subject further, and hope to give 
additional particulars and the results of the exploration of 
some of the well-known stone circles in next year's report 

It is hoped that more unviolated barrows will be found, 
and some valuable results obtained from their exploration. 
It is evident that the mode of interment in the late Neolithic 
and early Bronze Age varied, some being in kistvaens with an 
urn, others being in kistvaens with no urn, or in pits dug in 
the " calm " witi^ neither kistvaen nor urn. If the bulk of 
the people were disposed of in the latter manner it would 
account for the few visible graves compared with the large 


number of hut circles. The important folk were buried in 
the more imposing graves, whilst the common people were 
disposed of in a cheaper manner. 



No. 1. 336 feet from the centre of the stone circle in an 
KS.E. direction is a wasted barrow 15 feet in diameter. 
There are the remains of a circle of stones surrounding it. 
The usual pit, 2 feet wide and 1 foot 10 inches deep, dug in 
the " calm," was found, but no kistvaen. This contained no 
trace of the interment, nor even a particle of charcoal. 

No. 2. 42 feet S.W. of No. 1. Diameter 11 feet. Slight 
trace of surrounding circle. The barrow is 1 foot above 
ground in centre, and is made up of small stones and earth. 
Found a large thick stone in about the centre, and under 
this a large fiat stone, which on removal disclosed an un- 
violated kistvaen. It was packed full of " calm," containing 
small pieces of wood charcoal and a little bone asL No 
pottery or implements. 

The bottom of the kistvaen was paved. 

This is the smallest and the best made kistvaen yet ex- 
plored by the Committee, and is yet another variation in the 
•form of burial. 

It is only 21 inches long, 13 inches wide, and 14 inches 
deep. (See accompanying plan, Plate VI.) 

Owing to the beauty of the little kistvaen, the Committee 
has approached His Grace the Duke of Bedford with the 
request that he would allow of its removal to the Plymouth 
Municipal Museum. 

No, 3. Small barrow very much ruined. The interment 
hole in the " calm " was 18 inches square and 12 inches deep. 
It contained nothing but soil. 



No. 1 lies 700 yards south of the stone circles known as 
the Grey Wethers. Diameter 16 feet ; not very visible, as it 
stands only about 9 inches above the ground, and is concealed 
with heather. 

It was found to be quite intact, and on exploration dis- 
closed a large hole in the " calm,'' in which nothing was found 
excepting a little wood charcoal. 

The interment pit was oval in shape, 4 feet by 3 feet, and 


2 feet 2 inches deep. As it was cleared out water came in 
plentifully, the grave being situated in a damp, boggy place. 

If it ever contained bony matter this had long since dis- 
appeared through the medium of the water. No pottery or 
implements were found. There was no stone circle around 
the barrow. This was probably a cinerary burial, the ashes 
being thrown into the pit, without urn or implements. 

No. 2 is situated about 300 yards east of the stone circles. 
Like No. 1 it had never been violated. 

Diameter 16 feet. The pit in the centre of the barrow was 

3 feet by 3 feet, and 2^ feet deep. 

In both these cases the soil and charcoal taken from the 
pits were carefully examined for phosphoric acid, but only 
traces in either case could be detected. 

If they had originally contained bone or bone ash these 
substances had in process of time been assimilated, and had 



On October 6th, 1897, a workman named R Furze found a 
hoard of Soman coins under a rock on Park Hill, above the 
present Okehampton Railway Station, and within a stone's 
throw of the old Soman i*oad, or supposed Soman road. 
He showed those that he had found to Dr. Toung, of Oke- 
hampton, who at once communicated with the Dartmoor 
Exploration Committee, and a deputation was appointed to 
at once examine the spot, and continue the clearing of the 
place where the hoard had been discovered. Accordingly on 
October 12th the investigation was made, Dr. Toung and 
R Furze being also present 

The collection would seem to have been secreted under a 
leaning natural rock on the side of the hill ; earth had 
accumulated, and the whole covered up till discovered by 
Mr. Furze. He had originally found about 160, and 40 
more were recovered by sifting the earth by the deputation. 

A considerable number of the coins was broken or so 
corroded as to be indecipherable. The entire collection 
was made up of third brass pieces of dates between A.D. 
320 and 330. It is very probable that it was the store 
of a beggar who sat beside the Soman road begging, as 
every coin was of the smallest size and most insignificant 
value in itself. The b^gar either died, or could not find the 
place where he had deposited his collection. 


The coins were kindly classified by H. A. Grueber, Esq., 
of the British Museum, as follows : — 

3 copper denarii of Constantine the Great, with on 
Ee verse, "D. N. constantin. max. auo." and a wreath 
with " vot. XX " ; the date, 325-330. J 

1 ditto of Licinius I., with on Eeverse, "lovi cx)N- 
SERVATORI " and Jupiter, with attributes ; date, arc. 320. 

4 ditto of Constantine the Great. Eeverse, " providentiae 
AUGG." and gateway ; date, 325. 

1 copper denarius of Constantine the Great, struck at 
Lyons; circ. 330. Obverse, Head of Constantine; Reverse, 

5 ditto of Constantine II. as Caesar, with Eeverse, 
"CAESARUM NOSTRORUM," a wreath, and "vot. x"; date, 

1 ditto of Constantine II. as Caesar, with Eeverse, 
"PROVIDENTIAE CAE8S." and gateway; drc. 325. 

42 ditto of Constantine the Great, with Obverse, "urbs 
KOMA " and head of the city ; and Eeverse, Wolf and Twins ; 
drc, 330. 

34 ditto of Constantine the Great, with Eeverse, " gloria 
EXBRCiTUs" and two warriors holding standards; date, circ. 

28 ditto of Constantine the Great, struck at Treves ; circ. 
330. Obverse, Head of Constantinopolis ; Eeverse, Victory. 

1 ditto of Crispus, with Eeverse, " cabsarum nostrorum," 
a wreath, and " VOT. x " ; circ. 325. 

4 ditto of Constantine the Great, with Eeverse, "beata 
TRANQUILITAS " and altar with globe ; circ. 325. 

1 ditto of Constantine the Great, with Eeverse, " sarmatis 
DEViCTis."; drc. 325. 

4 ditto of Constantine II. as Caesar, with Eeverse, 
"GLORIA EXERCiTUS'* and two soldiers holding standards; 
drc. 330. 

2 ditto of Crispus, with Eeverse, " beata tranquilitas " 
and altar with globe ; drc. 325. 

. 18 copper denarii of Constantine II. as Caesar, with 
Eeverse, "gloria exercitds" and two warriors holding 
standards; drc. 330. 

10 pieces of denarii of copper of Constantine II. as Caesar, 
so corroded as not to be decipherable. 

15 pieces of denarii of copper, with figures holding 

Other fragments of which nothing could be made. 

The Committee deemed it imperative to secure the entire 


•*■ ♦ 

t % 


collection by purchase of the finder, and then communicated 
with Mrs. Trevor Roper and Mrs. Lees, to whom the 
manor belongs. These ladies, after reserving some 
specimens, kindly allowed the Committee to retain the 
rest of the purchase for presentation to the Plymouth 
Municipal Museum. 

The collection, though of very small intrinsic value, as 
the coins are of the commonest, is important as being the 
only Soman coins found on the outskirts of Dartmoor, as 
far as is known; the sole exception being a couple dis- 
covered at Princetown, but these probably had come from 
the pockets of some of the French prisoners. French 
peasants have very generally a number of such coins about 
them which are found in quantities in ploughing, and are 
often dropped by them into the collecting-bags in the churches. 
It will be seen that the date of this little store can be 
pretty accurately determined, as between 320 and 330, and 
the hoard cannot have been majie earlier than the latter 
date. Constantine the Great died in 337, on May 22nd. 
The denarii with the head of Constantinople on them are in- 
teresting, because it was precisely in 330 that Constantine 
dedicated the New Eome at Byzantium on the Bosphorus, 
and called it after his own name. No coin in the hoard is 
later in date than that 

In conclusion your Committee may mention that the 
exploration of the very interesting crest of White Tor, 
near Cudlip town, has been commenced, and that it is 
hoped that the report that will be presented at the 
ensuing meeting of the Devonshire Association, the sixth of 
the Exploration Committee, may contain an account of this 

It is also hoped that the next report will contain further 
experiments with clay obtained from the Forest and its border- 
land. Some samples have been collected, but these arrived 
too late for present report 

S. Baring-Gould. 

Robert Bdrnard. 

J. Brooking Rowe. 

John D. Pode. 

R. Hansford Worth. 


(Read at Honiton, Angost, 1898.) 

During the current year the contributions of photographs 
have not been very numerous, but of those sent in some are 
of great interest and value. 

It is hoped that next year the Committee will be in a 
position to exhibit at the Annual Meeting a selection of 
the photographs received, and to furnish a list of the subjects 
dealt with, and the names of all those who have assisted in 
the work. 

J. S. Amery. C. E. Robinson, Hon. See. 

R. BuRNARD. Mrs. Frances B. Tboup. 

S. Grose. R. Hansford Worth. 


(Read at Hooiton, Augost, 1898.) 

The early history of Honiton is wrapped in obscurity, and 
eyen the origin of its name is a matter of dispute. We 
might trace it to Danish origin if we had any proof that 
it was the ''town of Hanna." There is said to have been an 
active Danish chieftain of that name who was associated 
with Hannaford, Hennaford, Henbury Fort, and Henna- 
borough in North Devon, and with Hanna-ditches, now 
corrupted to Honeyditches, near Seaton, and perhaps with 
our own Henbuiy Fort, as it was styled frequently in the 
early part of this century, though this is most doubtful, and 
many other derivations of the name have been suggested. 

But without attempting to trace the history of the town 
from its earliest days, let us try to picture the place and its 
surroundings about the year of grace 1530. 

The roads approaching it must have been very different. 
Dr. Stuckley, writing at a later date, describes his approach 
from Chard as by " a very bad road of stones and sand over 
brooks, spring heads, and barren downs." In the sixteenth 
century the old British trackways and the ancient Boman 
road would have formed the chief ways of entering the town. 
The latter came down Church Hill, passed along the High 
Street, and so into the Exeter road. It probably followed a 
British trackway through the watery course of the Giseage, 
and near the site of the Turk's Head Tavern branched off to 
Hembury Fort. The road from Axminster did not then come 
down the smoothly-graded King's Road, but under Spring- 
field by Shipley Lane, from Copper Castle Gate, and Hale 
Lane to the old Taunton road near Holy Shute. 

On leaving Honiton for Exeter, Dr. Stuckley wrote: — 
"The scene of travelling mended apace, and the fine Devon- 
shire prospects entertftined the eye in a manner new and 

118 HONITON IN 1630. 

beautiful ; for here the hills are very long and broad, the 
vallies between proportioned, so that the vastly-extended 
concavity presented an immense landskape of pastures md 
hedgerows, distinct like a map of an actual survey, and not 
beyond ken. These are full of springs, brooks, and villages, 
copses, and gentlemen's seats, and when }rou have passed 
over one hill, you see the like repeated before you with 
nature's usual diversity."^ 

Another writer describes this country as ''the sweetest 
scene of cultivation I ever beheld. This may be called the 
garden of Devonshire, not only from its own intrinsic 
superiority, but the beauteous order in which it is disposed — 
a fine amphitheatre of meadow and arable inclosure, gradually 
ascending towards the south, in the highest cultivation, up 
to its natural boundary of open hills ranged in all the 
uniformity of a perfect wall."^ Wipe out some of the gentle- 
men's seats, make part of the pasture land rough, and the 
arable land unreclaimed, increase the copses and add a 
morass or two, and you should have a fair picture of the 
district three hundred and seventy years ago. 

But on entering the High Street, then nearly three-quarters 
of a mile in length, we would not have seen the broad high- 
way of which the town is now so justly proud. It could 
have been little more than two lanes passing on each side of 
the low buildings that occupied the centre of the present 
street, with some intervening spaces, from Allhallows Chapel 
to below the Dolphin Inn. The street, too, has been graded 
in recent times, so that three centuries ago the sharp decline 
to the ford of the Giseage must have been exceedingly steep. 
From an early date the little stream flowed through the 
town, perhaps not then confined in any conduit, nor fur- 
nished with dipping-places, nor banked with green turf. 

Nearly opposite the present market-house stood the 
shambles, styled "tottering shambles" in 1807, but prob- 
ably of comparatively recent erection at the period I am 
describing. Behind them stretched a few houses, perhaps 
extending as far as Mr. Murch's shop even then. On one 
side of the street stood the house not long before occupied 
by that worthy couple, John and Joan Takell, now inherited 
by their grandson, Michael Mallett. Joan's " new house over 
the way" with the shambles under it had passed to John 
Swayn. Lower down on the north side stood a flint-&onted 
house owned by the Abbot of Dunkeswell; this may be 

* Qaoted in Polwhele*h Devon ^ p. 278. 

* Shaw's Tour in the West, 1788. 

HONITON IN 1630. 119 

identified with the present post-ofiSce building, which shows 
evidence of having been erected in the sixteenth century. 
Either this building or one near at hand was leased in 
1533 to John Tryppe. The worthy abbot may have already 
recoguized the approaching wave that was to sweep bim from 
his place, and sought, as many did at this period, to save 
something from the rapacious maw of Henry VIII. by 
placing the property in the hands of some faithful layman. 
To the east of Tryppe's tenement stood the mansion house of 
the Courtenays, styled "Le Place," evidently the greatest 
place in the town. The gardens of this residence may have 
extended to the site of the present '* Dolphin," which takes 
its name from the badge of the Courtenay family, to whom it 
belonged. On the south side of the street, nearly opposite, 
would have been the house soon afterwards occupied by the 
busy silversmith Murch, a Protestant refugee from Flanders, 
whose descendants still own the house. 

Near the market-place would have been the stocks for the 
punishment of delinquents, and at hand would have been 
the ducking-stool — ^reserved for the punishment of women, 
and still in use in 1760 — and it may have had as a companion 
a scold's bridle. In those days it behoved naught to a 
supposed witch whether she sank or swam when thrown 
into the duck-pond; for if she sank and was drowned she 
proved her innocence at the cost of her life, but if she swam 
she was proved a witch, and only survived to be dealt with 
accordingly. So the poor women of early days ran risks 
more terrible than those of their advanced daughters, whose 
greatest danger seems to lie in careering down the steep hill 
on their bicycles, with the chance of being pitched over the 
bridge into the ducking-pool at the foot should they en- 
counter a chance stone scattered with too lavish hand by the 

Among the usual shops we would find those of the serge- 
dealers, but it was some years before another great manu- 
facture of the town was introduced, so we would look in vain 
for the place where James Rodge displayed his bone-lace. 
The makers of this " pretty toy " at a later date would have 
been found in the surrounding district, but doubtless when 
they brought their wares to town on market-day they would 
take occasion to bathe their eyes, wearied with close atten- 
tion to their pillows, at the Holy Wells, at the east end of 
Honiton, which by the faithful were believed to possess 
wonderful healing properties. Perhaps, too, they would re- 
ceive from their admirers the daintily ornamented bobbins. 

120 HONITON IN 1630. 

What inns were standiDg in the sixteenth century we can 
hardly say, but it is recorded that there have been 56 
hostelries in the town, and that 32 were closed in the last 
century, while at the present time Honiton boasts of 25. 
Possibly, as it has from time immemorial been a " thorough- 
fare," it may have had an abundance of such places. The 
'^ Angel House'' is mentioned as early as 1605, and occupied 
the site of the present Angel Inn, close to the Chapel of 
AUhallows. Before the doors of the inns we may imagine 
a group of pack-horses, or the brilliant train of the Bishop 
of Exeter on his way to his cathedral. 

Of the great people who might have been met in the 
streets of Honiton there were the Courtenays, who would 
come for a brief stay at their country house on the hill or to 
attend a rent audit in the town, and the Chardes, who had 
inherited Traceyhayes. Sir John Kirkham, recently Sheriff 
of Devon (1524), and who had at that time generously given 
lands to the charity of AUhallows, might have ridden in from 
Feniton, as he had married the daughter of Bichard Malherbe, 
of that place; and Sir Amias Powlett, who soon after sold 
part of Batishorn to an ancestor of the Yonges, a name so 
closely associated with Honiton; and Humphrey Arundell, 
owner of another portion of Batishorn, who a few years later 
(1549) was to suffer a traitor's death at Tyburn on account 
of his action in the Western Rebellion ; and Baldwin Mallett, 
Solicitor-General to Henry VIIT., who had married the heiress 
of John Takell ; and Thomas Marwood, afterwards the famous 
doctor, now but a youth of eighteen. Members of the family 
of Drake, of Ash, who held a reputed manor here, the Lote- 
rells, who held Blannicomb, and the Minifies, who obtained 
Northcote after the dissolution. 

To these may be added a number of country gentry from 
the surrounding district, including Sir Greorge Carew, of 
Mohun's Ottery, years after as Vice- Admiral to go down in 
the ill-fated Mary Rose, and his imcles. Sir Peter and Sir 
Gawen, famous for their connection with the Western Eebel- 
lion ; the aged Cicely Bonville, Marchioness of Dorset, 
weighed down by years of sorrow, passing on her way from 
Shute to Ottery St. Mary, where she had added an aisle to 
the church; Nicholas Wadham, of Branscombe, some years 
previously Sheriff* of the county, and the father of the founder 
of Wadham College ; while the incumbents of the neighbour- 
ing parish churches may have discussed in low voices the 
threatened ecclesiastical changes, but would have doffed their 
hats respectfully to the Abbots of Dunkeswell, Newnhami 

HONITON IN 1580. 121 

and Fold, or other high ecclesiastics passing through the 

But, leaving the High Street, let us climb, by way of New 
Street, to the ancient church of St. Michael's on the hill 
to the south of the town, near which stood the old manor- 
house. The Manor of Honiton had belonged to that strong- 
minded lady, Isabella de Fortibus, and by her had been sold 
with the Isle of Wight to the king in 1297 ; but there was 
a doubt cast on the transaction as far as it related to the 
Isle of Wight, and it may have been deemed politic to hand 
over Honiton to her heir, Hugh Courtenay, or he may have 
obtained it by purchase. Id either event we know the 
living was in his possession in 1314, and that the manor, 
with all its rights, view of frank-pledge, assize of bread 
and ale, and tumbrell and pillory, descended from him, 
through the Powderham branch of the family, to Eichard 
Courtenay, who was made Bishop of Norwich in 1413. 
Five years previously he had presented Kobert Fynour 
to the living. In his day there was, near the Courtenay 
manor-house on the hill, a chapel, some say of mendicant 
friars, others that it was a family oratory ; tradition says 
that it occupied the centre of the present chancel, and 
about this period became the parish church, and that this 
Bichard Courtenay, impressed by the necessity of greater 
accommodation, undertook to enlarge the building. The 
nave and perhaps the tower of the present church we may 
assign to this worthy bishop, aided by his parishioners, for 
John Chepman, in his will dated the Monday next before 
the Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula (26th July), 1406, left 
money for the "works at the parish Church," and desired 
to be buried before the Great Cross in St. MichaeVs. The 
work would have occupied a number of years, doubtless 
proceeding slowly; meanwhile Fynour died, and we learn 
that he left the chancel and parsonage in a dilapidated 
condition, so that an inquiry was instituted into the matter 
at the instance of his successor, John Sneynton, on 
13th June, 1413. Whatever work was in progress was 
presumably stopped on the death of the Bishop of Norwich 
in 1415, and during the minority of his nephew and heir 
little would have been done. Nearly three-quarters of a 
century after the bishop's death the manor and living were 
in the possession of another bishop, his great -nephew, 
Peter Courtenay, Dean of Exeter in 1477, and made Bishop 
of that see in 1478. He appears to have carried on the 
good work of his predecessor, and to him perhaps we may 

VOL. XXX. 1 

122 HONITON IN 1580. 

ascribe the south aisle, where the Gourtenay arms appear, 
with its chapels of St. George and St James, and the screen 
of carved and painted woodwork, which stretched across 
the nave and aisle, and we know that he inserted some 
stained glass — a portion with the arms of his father impaling 
those of his mother, a daughter of Lord Hungerford, stiU 
remained in the tower window when Ezra Oleaveland was 
rector early in the eighteenth century ; a fragment with the 
Gourtenay arms still exists in the window of the south 
transept. Possibly he began to rebuild the chancel, but may 
not have completed it before 1491, when he died. 

Still his work was not sufiScient to bring the fabric to 
its present dimensions; either the church was not large 
enough to meet the requirements of the community, or 
else the wave of enthusiasm for church restoration that 
swept over the country just prior to the Reformation 
touched Honiton, and another aisle to the north was 
erected. The date of this may fairly be placed between 
14th August, 1506, and 26th August^ 1528, and it was 
largely, if not entirely, due to the generosity of a worthy 
Honiton couple, John and Joan Takell. 

John Takell, to whom I have already referred as residing 
in the town near the Shambles, we have reason to believe, 
was not " a man learned in the law," as has been said, but 
a merchant of some sort — perhaps a dealer in leather or 
the son of one, as he desires his parents' names and his own 
should be put on the Brotherhood of St. John at Bradninch, 
and the chapel of this fraternity belonged to the Guild of 
Gordwainers. Or could he have been a miller? for a mill-rind 
is carved on the pillar at St Michael's Ghurch, though no 
mills are mentioned in his will.^ That he was a man of con- 
siderable wealth we may infer from his will, and it may have 
been that which furthered the marriage of his daughter with 
Baldwin Mallett, Solicitor-General to Henry VIII. 

John Takell had married Joan, daughter of John and 
Alice Stonard and widow of William Hede ; after his death 
she evidently carried on the business, and lived as a wealthy 
widow for over twenty years. During this time she must 

3 That he had a shop of some kind we know from his reference to goods 
in it in his will, immediately followed by the words, ** I will that three pieces 
of cloth be divided among the poor." His widow refers to "a great brazen 
mortar and stamper of iron being in mjr shop." Soane gives, "The Mill-rind 
(or Fer-de-Moulin, or InJce-de- Moulin) is the name of the iron which upholds 
a Mill-stone, and is a very ancient and honourable bearing." No arms of 
Takell have been traced. Takell owned a manor in Gittisham that descended 
to the Malletts. See Pole's Coll, p. 169. 

HONITON IN 1630. 123 

have been engaged upon the task of restoring the parish 
church, to which, it is thought, she added the north aisle, "the 
newe chapell of our Blessed Lady," or " the newe Isle," as 
she calls it in her will, and in which she was buried. It is 
probable she enlarged the chancel as well, for here we find 
on the capitals of the two eastern pillars the memorial 
inscription, "Pray for ye soul of Joh'n Takell and Jone 
hys wyffe," in old English letters. 

It would not be difficult to imagine the appearance of the 
interior of the church in the year of grace 1530, when 
Nicholas Courtenay was rector, an absentee rector we may 
fancy, if he was identical with Nicholas, son of Sir William 
Courtenay, at that time Hector of Powderham, and after- 
wards deprived by Queen Mary in 1554. Perhaps Sir John 
Cocks, clerk, was the curate-in-charge. On entering the 
charch, after passing the holy-water stoup, into which as 
devout Catholics we would have dipped our fingers, we 
would be struck by the beautiful screen, recently continued 
across the north aisle, and freshly painted under the will 
of Joan Takell, and gleaming with the reflection of many 
candles. Surmounting it was the massive rood, representing 
our Saviour upon the Cross, with images of St. John and 
the Blessed Virgin on either hand. The top of the cross 
may have reached to the chancel arch, and above that 
may have risen a lantern tower, where there are now four 
curving beams carved with heads, one with wings, and the 
others with mitre, cowl, and armour, supposed to represent 
St Michael, the bishop, the rector, and the patron. A lamp 
would have been burning before the rood, a silver lamp 
suspended by chains. Another burned before the sacrament 
on the high altar, another twinkled before the images of 
St. George to the west of the screen in the south transept, 
and others before that of St. James in the south chancel 
aisle and before the altar of Our Lady in the new north aisle. 
If our visit were upon the 25th March the statue of the 
Virgin would have been adorned with Joan Takell's "best 
girdle of blew colour, harnessed with silver," while her 
" best table-cloth of dyaper," or else the " silken cloth called 
a pall," and John TakeU's best silver cup might have been 
upon the altar in the north aisle. 

We might picture that "shrewd, well-ofif, devout" Joan 
Takell a few years previously kneeling upon the spot after- 
wards occupied by her own blue stone memorial slab, before 
the altar of the Blessed Virgin, as she has been described, 
"of imposing presence, clad in her best hood and kirtle, 

I 2 

124 HONITON IN 1680. 

gown of murrey, green girdle, harnessed with silver-gUt 
buckle and filigree, to which was attached her beads of 
coral and silver-gilt dependent." 

Passing out by the north door, we would have noticed 
and perhaps learned the original purpose of that strange 
frame of Tudor design, afterwards utilized as a window, 
let into the wall ; we would have passed beneath the parvis 
of the north porch, if that structure then existed. Near 
at hand would have been the small building said to have 
been intended for the residence of the priest Hence we 
could have seen to the gate, for the row of cypress trees 
was not then there to obscure the view; and we might 
have observed the approach of a funeral procession, wearied 
by the climb up the steep incline, but still chanting as it 
advanced, and on our ears might fall, mellowed by distance, 
the solemn words of the psalm, "Homo vanitati similis 
factus est, dies ejus sicut umbra praetereunt" Or, if it were 
a market day, we could watch the people pausing to enter 
the church to say a prayer before the image of their patron 
saint before returning to their lonely farms, or to bring a 
candle or votive offering to his shrine. Perhaps the lowing 
of kine or bleating of sheep would reach us from a neigh- 
bouring field wherein the parson's tithe was being collected. 

Returning to the town, we would have wended our way to 
the Chapel of St. Thomas k Becket, the very site of which to- 
day we seek in vain. It may have been at the north-western 
end of the town on the road to Traceyhayes, where dwelt 
the Traceys, who, in expiation of their ancestor's crime, 
dedicated chapels to that holy martyr. The earliest mention 
we have of it is the entry stating that Bishop Grandisson 
licensed it for the celebration of divine service on 28th 
February, 1332, at the desire of Philip de Pontyngdone, 
rector of the parish,* a favourite with the bishop, who visited 
him once on passing through Honiton on his way to Bishop's 
Clyst. But by 1406 it was in need of repair, to judge by 
John Chepman's will. Nor was it forgotten by the pious 
Takells — John left a small sum to the Chapel of St. Thomas, 
"in the town of Honiton," while his widow added to **the 
store of St. Thomas of Honyton." 

Nor did these worthy citizens forget the Chapel of 
Allhallows, which stood near the site of the present St 
Paul's Church. John Chepman bequeathed £10 "for the 
roofing of the Chapel of All Saints, if the parishioners 

* Bishop Orandisson'a Hegister, fol. 149b. Preb. Hinokston-Randolph's 
Edition, p. 639^ 


are willing to cover it with lead"; if not, his executors 
were to dispose of this sum at their discretion. He also 
gave the croft of Heathfield, so that a chaplain might 
celehrate at the altar of St John Baptist in All Saints 
for the souls of himself and others. John Takell left six 
shillings and eightpence to this chapel, but Joan's gifts 
are more interesting. Can we imagine the portly widow 
conveying in person along the High Street "a brazen pott, 
the weight of ten pounds " ? Yet such seems to have been 
the case to judge from her will, wherein she expressly 
declares that this article was ''delivered by myne owne 
hand," and intended for the store of Allhallows. Her 
two great Latyn candlesticks were ''to stand upon the 
principall altar of Allhallows there, to the honour of God, 
and Our Blessed Lady and Allhallows," while a silver cross 
was to be placed before the image of Allhallows and Our 
Lady "to remain there forever." We may thus infer that 
there were above the high altar representations of the Virgin 
and Allhallows. That the latter was represented in some 
form is evident from the mention of "an Idol of all 
hallowes" at Belton, Lincolnshire, but we have no evidence 
of its appearance.^ 

Not far beyond the precincts of the town stood the Lazar 
House, wherein dwelt the lepers. In the fifteenth century 
there were at least eight leper houses in the county, an 
indication of the prevalence of that horrible disease at that 
period. This one existed as early as 1374 when an in- 
dulgence was granted to those contributing towards its 
maintenance, a privilege no doubt available later, when 
John Prestecote, in 1412, and Thomas Beymound, in 1418, 
left bequests to this and other lazar houses, and which was 
also revived by a similar indulgence granted in 1482. 

Just prior to the period of which I write the buildings 
had fiedlen into decay, but at the right moment a generous 
.benefactor was raised up. In the ancient house that stood 
near the mansion, now showing between the trees clustered 
on the sides of the hill of St Gyres, then known as Tracey- 
hayes, was bom about the year 1470 Thomas Gharde, a 
descendant through the Mabbes of the Traceys. Across 
the river from his birthplace he could see the buildings 
then becoming ruinous. He recalled this in after years, 
when in the plenitude of his powers as Bishop of Solubria, 
suf&agan to the Bishop of Exeter, and Abbot of the beautiful 
foundation at Ford ; perhaps, too, he was reminded of it by 

• £* p£A0O0K's Church Furniture, &c., p, 46. 

126 flONITON m 1630. 

the devout Joan Takell, who had entrusted him with " 120 
ryalls of gold," ® so that for twenty years a priest, under the 
oversight of the monks at Ford, might sing for the souls 
of herself and relatives, and he determined to restore the 
buildings, and link them with the place of his birth. 

By 1530 his task was nearing completion, and we might 
have heard, as we passed along the road, the clink of the 
hammer and trowel upon the stones, and the cheery voices 
of the workmen, busy upon the restoration and enlargement 
of that house, " with five apartments, one for the governor 
and four others for four leprous people, with an handsome 
chappel annexed for God's service." We might have lingered 
in the orchard adjoining, with its boughs laden with fragrant 
blossoms, or passed through the herb-gardens, where the 
plants, as we brushed against them, would have given forth 
a pungent odour. Here, too, we might have seen the busy 
bees collecting that yearly toibute of three pounds of wax, 
which, with twenty-one pence, was to be paid to the heir 
male of Gharde living at Awliscombe. Even the right 
reverend father himself might have been present to watch 
the progress of the work, little dreaming perhaps of the fate 
so soon to overtake him, for nine years later he signed away 
the temporalities of his abbey, and about 1643 he was buried 
in an unknown grave, perhaps within this very Chapel of St 
Margaret's Hospital. 

But he left enduring monuments behind him in a portion 
of Ford Abbey, in the south transept of Awliscombe Church, 
and in these buildings which he restored and beautified. His 
pious wish, inscribed upon the bell still hanging in its little 
cote, " God preserve this House," has been fulfiUed. 

And so, leaving the quaint old town of Honitou, busy with 
life, embosomed in its charming hollow, we wake to the pre- 
sent day, when the sleepy little borough scarce rouses itself, 
even when the modem iron horse rushes shrieking through the 
lovely valley, fit emblem of the tumult and hurry of the age. 

KoTB. — The wills of John and Joan Takell are given at length, 
with much other information concerning the testators, in West 
Country Stories and Sketches^ by W. H. H. Rogers. I have 
quoted largely therefrom, and would here acknowledge my in- 
debtedness to that writer, who has been so ready to help me 
in my researches. John Chepman's will, also quoted freely, is 
given in Bishop Stafford's Register^ edited by the Eev. Prebendary 
HiDgeston-Bandolph, to whom I owe a heavy debt of gratitude. 

• Prinob*8 Worthies, p. 196. 



(Bead at Honiton, AngriBti 1866.) 

1663-1699. Ozias Upcott. — This man was presented by 
Grabriel Baraes by right of the advowson granted by Sir 
William Courtenay, of Powderham, Baronet, and Amy 
Sonrton, wife of his predecessor, Rev. Francis Sourton, who 
was deprived for nonconformity. 

I have not been able to find any record of his parentage. 
He matriculated at Exeter College, Oxford, on 23rd July, 1656 ; 
was a Fellow from 1659-1664, graduated B.A. on 12th July, 
1662, He was admitted as Rector of Honiton on 8th 
January, 1662-3. He resigned his Oxford Fellowship in 
1664. " He died 6 February two minutes before 12 o'clock 
at night and was buried 15 Feb. 1698/9." ^ 

1699-1740. Ezra Cleveland. — I have been unable to find 
any trace of his place of birth or of his parentage. He 
matriculated at Exeter CoUege, Oxford, on 20th March, 
1677-8, "aged 16"; he graduated B.A. on 17th October, 
1681, was elected a Fellow in 1682, and so remained until 
1698; meanwhile he graduated M.A. on 19th June, 1684, 
and B.D. on 25th June. 1695. WhUst a Fellow at Exeter 
College he was tutor to William Courtenay, who recommended 
him for promotion to his grandfather. Sir William Courtenay. 
He was presented by the latter, on the death of the Rev. 
Edward Basill, to the rectory of Powderham, and was 
instituted on 8th April, 1697; and on 28th July, 1699, 
was transferred (again on the nomination of Sir William 
Courtenay) to the rectory of Honiton. In 1735 he published 
in folio at Exeter A Genealogical History of the Noble and 
Illustrious Family of Courtenay. His wife, Margaret, was 

^ See Parish Register ; see also Boare's History ofEoater CoUege^ p. 74. 


buried at Honiton on 20th April, 1733, and their son John 
died of the small-pox at Ideford on 18th June, 1724, and 
was buried at Kingsteignton. This lector died on 7th August, 
1740, and was buried at Honiton, where was formeriy an 
inscription on his gravestone in the chancel, compiled by 
the Bev. Richard Lewis, headmaster of Honiton Grammar 
School This inscription (in Latin), as restored in full by 
the Rev. George Oliver, is given at p. 30 of voL i. of hw 
JScclesiastical Antiquities of Devon. ^ 

1740-1761. ITon. Charles Bertie. — He was youngest son 
of James Bertie, Baron Norreys of Rycote and Earl of 
Abingdon, and was bom about 1679. His sister Ann 
married Sir William Courtenay, of Powderham Castle. He 
matriculated at Christ Church, Oxford, on 29th October, 
1695, graduated B.A. 18th December, 1699, became a student 
of the Middle Temple in 1700, graduated M.A. 6th July, 
1703, became a Fellow of All Souls Collie, and graduated 
B.C.L. on 17th December, 1706, and D.C.L on 23rd October, 
1711 ; he was Sedleian Professor of Natural Philosophy from 
1720 to 1741. On 27th August, 1726, he was presented, on 
the nomination of his brother-in-law, Sir William Courtenay, 
to the living of Kenn ; on 15th November, 1740, he was also 
presented to the Honiton living. He died 15th February, 
1746, and on 20th February was buried at Kenn. 

By the kindness of the present courteous Rector of Kenn, 
Rev. Frank W. Vining, I am favoured with the following 
copy of his tombstone and that of his widow (the tomb was 
in the chancel, but is now covered over) : — 

''The Hod. and Rey<>. Charles Bertie L.L.D. yoongeat son of James, First 
Earl of Abingdon Professor of Natural Philosophy in the University of 
Oxford and Rector of this Parish. Died Feb. 16"» 1746 in the 69^»» year of 
his age. Here lie also the Remains of the Hon. M". Elizabeth Bertie relict 
of the above Doctor Bertie who died 21"' June 1759 ased 76. 

"Also Anna Walker their youngest daughter who aied 12^ day of August 
1762 aged 80." 

His will, dated 6th August, 1746, was proved 30th Sep- 
tember, 1747. He gave to his daughter (the wife of Dr. James 
Fynes, Hector of Moretonhampstead) £10 lOs. for mourning 
(he had provided for her on her marriage). He gave all his 
books to his son Charles, subject to charges of £100 for 
his niece Anna Sophia Courtenay, and of £500 to his own 
daughter Anna. 

1746-1761. I am unable to find who was rector between 
these dates. 

^ See BoASB, p. 80. 


1761-1788. Charles Bertie,— Tin& is presumably the " son 
Charles" of the former rector of the same name. He, I 
imagine, graduated B.A. at Magdalene College, Oxford, on 
3rd June, 1731, and M.A. on 17th January, 1733. He died 
in 1788. 

1788-1813. Edward Etmywood. — He was son of Sir 
William Honywood, Kt., of Mailing Abbey, Kent, and was 
born about 1762. He matriculated at Oriel College, Oxford, 
on 8th May, 1780. He transferred to Alban Hall, and there 
graduated B.A. on 27th January, 1787, M.A. on 17th June, 
1793, and D.C.L. on 11th July of the same year. He was 
admitted Rector of Honiton on the presentation of William, 
Viscount Courtenay, on 6th December, 1788. He married 
Sophia, daughter of Bev. John ling. Their daughter Sophia 
Elizabeth married his successor. He died 1st December, 1812, 
and was buried at Honiton on 7th December. 

To him was dedicated the frontispiece of The Life of 
Joseph : the Son of Israel in Ten Books, published by Spurway, 
of Honiton, in 1799. 

By the kindness of the present Rector of Honiton, I am 
enabled to set out the following inscription on the monu- 
ment of Dr. Honeywood in the north chancel aisle of 

Copy of the inscription on the tablet erected in the north 
chancel aisle of St Michael's Church, Honiton, in memory 
of Dr. Honeywood, Rector of Honiton : — 

''This Tablet 

Was erected by the inhabitants of Honiton, as a mark of 

Their attachment affection and regard, 

To the Memory of 

The Reverend Edward Honeywood, Clerk, Doctor of Laws 

Who was Rector of this parish upwards of 24 years, k died on 

The 1st day of December 1812, aced 59 years. 

As a preacher he was eloquent and persuasive ; 

As a magistrate he was just and humane ; 

His manners were elegant and unaffected ; 

His mind liberal and benevolent ; 

He had an open k generous heart ; 

And he lived and died in love and charity with all mankind." 

His remains were interred on the north side of the altar 
on the Monday after Ms death, and on that solemn occasion 
the shops in the town were kept shut, cmd all business was 
suspended, and the parishioners at large of every denomina- 
tion flocked to this sacred place to bid a last adieu to their 
beloved pastor. 

1813-1827. Emry Allewright Hughes.— Son of Henry 
Hughes, of St Swithin's, in the city of Worcester, gentleman. 


He was born about 1781, and matriculated at Worcester 
College, Oxford, on 4th December, 1798 ; he graduated B.A, 
on 17th June, 1802, and M.A. on 19th February, 1813. He 
was presented to Honiton by Henry Wrottesley and Thomas 
Smith, of Lincoln's Inn, and John Pidsley, of Exeter. He 
preached on 12th September, 1819, before the officers of the 
Boyal First Yeomanry Cavalry assembled at Honiton on 
permanent duty, and the sermon was printed by James 
Spurway, and a copy is preserved in the Bodleian Library. 
He resigned in 1827, and died at Nycolls Nymett, Devon, 
22nd May, 1861. 

1827-1855. Villiers Henry Plantagenet Somerset. — ^Was 
third son of Lord Charles Henry Somerset (second son of 
the fifth Duke of Beaufort), and was born on 12th February, 
1803. He matriculated at Christ Church, Oxford, on 
18th October, 1820, and graduated B.A. on 1st June, 1826. 
He was admitted Sector of Honiton on 16th July, 1827, 
and on 8th August, 1844, married Frances Dorothea, eldest 
daughter of John Henry Ley, of Trehill, Devon, Clerk to 
the House of Commons. Their eldest son is the present 
Vicar of Crickhowell. The above rector died on 3rd February, 

1855-70. John Fielder Mdckarruss, — Eldest son of John 
Mackamess, West India merchant, bom at Islington 
December 3rd, 1820, educated at Eton and Merton College, 
Oxford, of which he was Postmaster from 1840 to 1844, 
graduated B.A. 1844, M.A. 1847, and D.D. 1869. From 
1844 to 1847 he was a Fellow of Exeter Collega In 1845 
he was made Vicar of Tardebrigge, Worcestershire, and on 
7th August, 1849, married at Ottery St. Mary Alethea 
Buchanan, youngest daughter of Sir John Taylor Coleridge. 
In 1855 he was appointed Hector of Honiton by William 
Courtenay, Earl of Devon. He was very instrumental in 
improving Honiton Grammar School. In 1858 he was made 
a Prebendary of Exeter, and in 1867 Vicar of Monkton. 
This last living he retained with Honiton, till his elevation 
to the Episcopate in 1870 as Bishop of Oxford. This office 
he resigned in 1888, and dying on 16th September, 1889, 
was buried at Sandhurst, Berks. His portrait by Ouless 
is in the dining-room at Cuddesdon Palace. 

1869-1895. Michael Ferrebee Sadler. — Bom at Leeds in 
1819, eldest son of Michael Thomas Sadler, the reformer. 
He was educated at Sherborne School and St. John's College, 
Cambridge, where he was Tyrwhitt Hebrew Scholar in 1846. 
He graduated B.A. in 1847. From 1852 to 1857 he was 


perpetual curate of Hanover Chapel, Eegent Street, and in 
1855 married Maria, daughter of John Tidd Pratt, Esq., 
Registrar of Friendly Societies. In 1857 he was appointed 
Vicar of Bridgwater, and in 1864 was transferred to St Paul, 
Bedford. He was nominated by Mr. Gladstone to the rec- 
tory of Honiton in 1869. He was an influential Anglican 
divine, and wrote Church Doctrine^ Bible Truth, and many 
other books of kindred nature. He died at Honiton on 
15th August, 1895, and is buried in the churchyard there. 
There is also a tablet to his memory in Exeter Cathedral. 


(Read at Honiton, August, 1898.) 


(Mostly Transcribed by Ret. H. Retkolds.) 

From ChapUr MunimenU, 

Marked "C" in Notes. 

A.D. 1225-1509 Bishops' Statutes. (Catalogue No. 8629, &c.) 

1226-1288 Ghelson Deeds (1558-1588.) 

1282 R. Cote quits claim. (1506.) 

1281-1891 Surveys. (2858-8672.) 

„ 1819 Nytheway v. Atway. (1509.) 

1619-1778 Surveys. Cromweirs, &c. (152^1528.) 

1356-15S4 Court Rolls. (1510, &c., 4926.) 

1445,1468,&c. Compoti. (8551, &c., 5137-8.) 

1406-1647 Rotuli Debitorum. (2718-2776.) 

1887-1807 Act Books. (3550, &c.) 

154&-1798 Garb, Manor and Ckelson Leases. (15186, &c.) 

1083-1763 Correspondence. (3601, 8499, &c.) 

From Ecclesuutical Court Room, 

1611-1784 Peculiars. (14 cases.) 
1540-1779 Consistorials. (26 cases.) 

From WilU Room. 
1647-1760 Willi. (97.) 

From P. 0. Hutchinson MSS. 

1322 Boundary Award. 

1414-1605 Poor-land Deeds. 

From Guildhall Library at Exeter. 
1501-1622 Ameredith Deeds. 








From P. R. Office. 

1551-1620 Subsidy Rolls. 

1649 Sale by Commissioners to Stone A Parsons. 

From Major Balfour's Document*. 

1709 Prideaux Settlements. 

1798 Land-tax Deeds. 

From Rev. F. J. Huyshe's Documents. 
1220-1298 Leases of Sonde, Voggishill, kc. 

From Notes on the Architecture of the Church, Ac, 

By Rev. J. L. Fulford and J. Reed, Esq. 

From Dp. R. Kt*tell Cornish Chord of the Manor's) Documents. 

„ 1608-1801 Court Rolls. 
„ 1644 A Poor Rate. 

From Parish Chest. 

,, 1704, Ac. Churchwardens' Accounts. 

,, 1688, &c. Poor-law Accounts. 

„ 1720, Ac. Apprentice List. 

„ 1812, &C. Parish Traditions. 



'^The parish has never been insignificant/' its oldest in- 
habitant tells me. This seems true. Oar first institution, 
a silicified cone,^ proves the original sandbank was shaded 
here by groves of Pinites oblongus. We were a kind of 
Neocomian Bournemouth. And when after a few seons the 
county assumed its present shape, and the soil of our 
2597 acres was thus composed : — 

Alluvial (brought down by the four streams) . 359a. 

Marl (on the slopes next above) . . . 628a. 

Eox-mould, &c. (on steeper slopes above marl) . 495a. 

Chalk-clay and Flints (on a 4-mile down above all) 1 1 15a. 

the last of the white walls of old England capped our 
eastern cliff. Neither alluvial nor fox-mould are fertile, and 
though marl will grow 40 bushels of wheat to chalk-clay's 
20, it takes a plough one-third of a day longer to do it. No 
wonder that while our valleys remained a woody solitude for 
mammoths,^ our down was eagerly occupied by Neolithic^ 

What little evidence of Silurians we have connects them 
with the same uplands. On it are four fields called Shelfs,* 
another Little Shelver, a tenement styled Long Stone, and a 
waste known as Mare and Colt, from a large flint breccia 
balanced on a small one. Five others on the Great Plain 
may be a Dolman, and most of our carters are small, dark 
men with a head-measurement of 20x11 in. But this is 

The Celts, too, were on the high ground. Their Dun,^ 
with its Dunstone, adjoined the Shelfs. Their horses grazed 
on Chevilstone,® and their owners were taken along the 
Kist-er-me-le-weye^ for cremation on the Down. One 
barrow in a spinney® has been overlooked by Mr. Kirwan. 
Their descendants are tall labourers, who still have blue or 
grey eyes, still swagger at evening over the cider, but still 
have to light the fire for their wives the next morning. 

The Romans (200 a.d.) have left no trace, unless the 
name "Ston-her-path"® shows the Lyme road was their 

Then came the Saxons (650 a.d.). Our farmers are still 

* Manchester Lit, and Phil. Soc. x. 8. 

' Trana. Devon. Assoc, vi I. 285. ' Ibid, viii. 437. 

* Ordnance Map, Nos. 503-8. • Ibid. No. 500. 

* Mr. Barinff-Grould thinks it means ''Ceff^lston." 

7 C. 1579=the funeral road ? » Ordn. 10. 

* 0. 1679. "Viavoc* Stonherpath ;" cf. Trans. Devon. Assoc, xvii 196, 
«* Her-path." 


short, broad men, with stolid features. They seem to have 
made each fresh conquest a Soyal demesne, and to have 
called each group of demesnes after its chief village. 
Alfred's will (880 a.d.) appears to use a traditional formula 
when it speaks of '' all that my land at Crewkeme, Axmouth, 
Branscombe, Collumpton, &c." If so, Branscombe was the 
original Hundred - Court for all between Axe and Exe. 
They too began on our Down. The Dun was renamed 
Burgh, and the arable strip adjoining was long called " Wolf- 
ring-croft.*' ^' The skeleton found* there in 1850 was perhaps 
some old reeve's. But agriculture soon became scientific, 
and it cannot have been long before our marl lands were 
cleared, and the Manor Court followed the plough from 
Dunscombe across to Salcombe. 

And now (925 A.D.) occurred our most important event 
Athelstan gave 26 vills to the Exeter Monastery. In 
Testa NevUl Sidbury, Salcombe, &c., are cited as "in 
Begum elimosina." In Quo Warranto Sidbury, Brans- 
combe, &c., as "in elema: AthelstanL" This looks as if 
Salcombe was one of Athelstan's 26. Can we reconstitute 
this lost grant ? What hides did we then comprise ? Only 
3 of that king's grants to Exeter survive. 

Birch {A» S, Cartid,) Domesday Exon, 
Topsham . 1 Cassata ... 1 Hide. 
Stoke Canon . 6 Perticoe ... 1 Hide. 
Culmstock . 5 Cassatoe ... 5 Hides. 

But as Salcombe in Domesday had 3 hides, the chances 
are two out of three that also in Athelstan's time we had 
3 hides. Traditions of such sites lingered long. Thus 
Sidbury retained^ its 3 hide obligations (all on the marl), 
Saunde \ hide, Hitwaie's 1, Stone 1, Cotford i, Worton 
(Ebden?) ^, as late as 1381 a.d. And in a curious deed,* 
A.D. 1282, we find this manor called " Saltecombe, Donscomb, 
and SudvilL" Forgive my audacity if I suggest these were 
our 3 hides. 

If so Saltecomb means Thorn, and its thorn-tree, which 
still has to be renewed with music, marks the north apex 
of the demesne hide. (925 a.d.). Till 1356 it was the home 

^ C. 2493, A.D. 1820. 

' p. O. HutchlDson, MSS. Hist. 82. Trans, Devon. Assoc, xii 148. 

' 0. 2945. " J. Trivet at Stooe defendat pro una hida," Ac. 

* C. 1506. '*R. C. remisi Decano et Capitulo orane jus in manerium 
Saltcombe, Donscomb, and Sudvill, ut in tenementis quso Ds ; et Cm. : 
teuent in Saltcomb, Donscomb, Sudvill, Bisyde, Burgh, Trowe, and Sclade, 
nil juris habeam," Ac. Probably he was a lay-farmer resigning office. 


of the demesne oxen, and its arable would be the 90 
imperial acres of marl in the Combe below. Such a hide 
is smaU,^ but we must remember our local acre is only 
two -thirds of the imperial, that the track to it was till 
1800 A.D. a stony goyle, that marl is tough, and the land 
then studded with flint breccias since used for weiring. 
The Combe would be a good year's work. 

Donscombe again (the demesne dairy -house) would be 
a suitable place for coUecting the rents of such old-fashioned 
tenants (probably Celts) as still lived Above-down. Its 
area, as bounded by the four roads there, is 184 acres, and 
its clay was lighter than the marL But much was poor ; so 
we will claim only 90 acres for arable. 

The third, Sudvill, later called Holway village, is on the 
best part of our western marl, and on the best stream of 
hill water. This hide seems bounded by the Salcombe Hill 
road, and its area (like the other marl one) 90 acres, the 
cattle, of course, grazing along the river alluvial. 

Our boundaries have always been, east, Dunscombe, and 
north, P£U)Combe waters, with a curious notch at the north- 
west corner belonging now, but possibly not then,® to 
Sidbury. On the west we overlap the Sid, perhaps to secure 
our several fishery for the monks against the rude salt- 
workers of Sidmouth. Its mouth, too, was ours. Becent 
excavations ^ show the sea never came inside ; so the " Port 
of Sidmouth " must have been outside. Perhaps the Mussel 
Bock® was once tall enough to shelter vessels. 

If so, we were still important. The king had kept 
tJie best manors for himself; their value in Domesday 
averages £16 13s. If d. But what he gave to the monastery 
were his second best; they average £12 16s. 9^d. Our 
modest 3 hides again are above the average Devon area 
of 1 hide 3 virg. ; and everything else, Hue-and-Cry, Blood- 
shed,® Free-warren,^ Foreshore,^ Infangtheof (925 a.d.). Frank- 
pledge and Bread-and-beer, were in their Saxon forms legally 

' C, 1531. "The west acres here are f of the Statute acre." Cf. Charity 
Commissioners' Report^ 1819, p. 6, "one-third less than the Statute acre." 

« C. 1509, A.D. 1319, bounds us "a See-cliff ad" (not Herpath, but) 

^ Since Mr. Hutchinson's death. His view, too, implied that the sea, 
advancing elsewhere, has receded just there. 

* 120 yards south -south-east of the mouth. 

' C, 4840. Presentment, 1507 A.D., of "Venatores phasianorum," &c. 
No grant is recorde«l. Sidraouth's dates from 1328 a.d. "Provided it 
does not lie in any Royal forest." P. O. H.'s MSS. Hist, (sub anno). 

* C. 2419. "Tempus immemoratum." " Per signum Merill. ** 
« C. 2498. " Ibidem captos." 


complete. In our quiet way we even had, what Edward L 
never detected, a gcdlows,^ overlooking our Chelson frontier. 
Trailing these relics of sovereign jurisdiction, we in 925 a.d. 
settled down as Church-land. 

In such a manor a wooden chapel was probably soon 
erected, and a salt- work, as "useful for food and divine 
service," placed below the comba But actual records fail 
until Canute (1019 a.d.) was by way of penance restoring 
all the monastery lands Sweyn had plundered to Akelwold. 
Risdon thinks Salcombe was then first granted, but in 
an old list* of Chapter deeds that king gives Stoke Canon, 
though Athelstan had before. Ours probably was a similar 
reconveyance (1051 a.d.). Still the monastery profited littla 
It was only by much pressure that Leofric (1061 a.d.) 
regained actual possession from "the tyranny of certain 
lofty Danes." The quarry here is nearer than the Bowood, 
and there is a very early cross over our east window, so 
perhaps this was the date of our earliest stone church. 

And now we come to Domesday (1068 A.D.), which shows 
a great increase since Athelstan's time. 

" Valet et Valebat, 60s" There are reasons for thinking 
we were really worth more. £3 reads like the normal £1 
per hide. The rents of all monastery estates, except 
Dawlish, Culmstock, and Ashburton, remain unnaturally 
fixed. There has been an immemorial practice for the 
Chapter manors and Great Tithes to be leased off on a big 
fine for life at an ''ancient rent," while the lessee did all 
repairs and recouped himself by extracting fines (generally 
thnce the annusd value) from the copyholders. When 
a history of cathedral finance is written we may find 
Salcombe even then supplied pocket-money for some 
influential monk. 

S hidas posstcnt arare 6 caniccB. This must mean that 
the old arable area had now doubled. Where can we find 
the new 360 acres required? Not round the demesne 
hide (1068 a.d.). That remained (as the shape of the 
Combe suggests, and as Domesday declares) unchanged. Let 
R de Cote's deed ^ again give an answer. It was at 
"Bisyde, Burgh, Trow, and Sclade," and therefore round 
the two copyhold hides. Now Biside, Milltown, and 
Eipstone are 3 marl squares, each bounded by roads, of 
115, 72, and 88 acres. Burgh and Sclade lie north of 

' C. 1662, &c. Ordnance 164 ; north-east corner ; cf. Upton v. Wigsted. 

* C. 2862. " Carta Cnut de Stoke, AthelsUni de Sidebiry,'* Ac. 

* a 1606. (V.S. p. 2, note.) 


Dnnscombe, and contain 22 acres each, while Trow (named 
fix>m some tree marking the north-west comer?) had 
probably absorbed the odd 90 acres of the Dunscombe 
square. Total (379 acres new + 300 acres old), 679 acres. 

*'Inde 8 carucce!* This only restates the fact that our 
marl is hard to work. If we give Bisyde 3^, Burgh and 
Sclade \ each, and Trow the other 1, we get the 5 new 
teams required. 

" lli habet Eps 16 villanos'* These we may roughly place 
as owning about | one of the 7 copyhold carucates, say 40 
acres each, and the surplus 2 on the oldest and most sub- 
divided pwrt, probably Punscombe. 

*' Et 7 bordarios" Labourers who boarded (?) in the 
demesne hall, but slept at home. Later they are called 
*' Cotagii." They seem to have been the nucleus of Salcombe 

" Et 2 servos:' When the demesne had (in 1360 A.D.) 4 
carucse, it took 8 "famuli" to work them. Now with 1 
plough it required 2. Perhaps they had no cottages, be- 
cause they slept over their oxen. 

" Et 6 agros prati." Most likely " Barton-Hye-Mead," the 
6 acres in the combe-head, still '* the best field for dairy- 
goods this side of Exeter." 

**Et 14 agros nemoris:' They stand 500 yards south of 
the quarry. The old oaks and ashes called Bowood. 

**Et 80 ovesr They grazed on the West-down. 

** Et 1 levgam pasauce x Jf. quadragJ* The Westdown. It 
is 2000 yards x 760 yards ; now = 280 acres. 

If so, the only parts (excluding Chelson) omitted in 
JDomesday are, on the clay, Lincombe (185 acres) and Trow 
(50 acres) downs, Winnycroft (38 acres) and Longlands 
(32 acres) ; on the marl at Enowle, 40 acres ; on the fox- 
mould, 400 acres; and on the alluvial, 297 acres. Un- 
recorded, 1042 acres. Recorded, 950 acres. Even now there 
are only 600 acres of arable, so we actually must have had 
79 more acres under the plough at Domesday than at this 

1068 A.D. Nor has the population much varied. It was 
then (even assuming the copyholders had no labourers) 25 
heads of families = 125, and now 612, of whom 350 are villa 
people, who of course do not count. We have changed very 
little since the Conquest 

1089 A.D. Chelson (596 acres) too is unrecorded, because 
not yet in Salcombe. One hundred years later it was in 
Sidbury, but such names on it as Kings-down-tail, and 



Kynge-lawe Sclade,^ suggest that in Bufus' time it was part 
of the ill-defined East Devon Forest. 

1150 A.D. Stephen's is a carious reign in which to find a 
church reform, but one then reached even us. Each senior 
canon had always wished each Chapter manor and Great 
Tithe to be let at its ancient rent (probably the Domesday 
£3) to himself, professing to spend the surplus^ in repairs 
and hospitality. Each junior wished it to go to the highest 
bidder, so that the improved rent might come to Exeter. 
And now Pope Eug. III. sided with the boys. All Great 
Tithes (1152)^ should come in full to the common chest, and all 
ancient manor rents ^ should be modernized by yearly auctions. 
The actual increase we cannot trace, but the Cathedral was 
so enriched that they built us a new church. It was dedi- 
cated to the Virgin, and was a curious mixture of the solid 
and the shabby. The chancel was more richly carved than 
usual, perhaps by Cathedral masons then quarrying here for 
Bishop Chichester, and there was a low arch between it and 
a shoi:t nave containing a font. The west door is now em- 
bedded in the south chancel wall, and outside stood that 
Chapel of SS. Clement and Magdalene which is now the west 
end of our south aisle. All windows were small short Nor- 
man high-lights, all walls of sandstone from our quarry, 
and the roof of straw. There was no tower, and ash trees 
stood in the yard. 

This done, in 1168 Bishop Bartholomew replaced a 
senior canon here at an ancient rent. Its amount I infer 
to be that of Tax. Nich. IV. This latter is far less than 
a contemporary survey gives, ^ and the Chapter would 
naturally admit only the lowest recorded value. If so, the 
rent was, manor £18, Great Tithes £5 6s. 8d. The increase 
being due partly to the late auctions, partly to an enlarge- 
ment of the demesne arable by "Marling." By analogy 
from Branscombe the vicarage meant house, glebe 7 acres, 
and the Small Tithe of '' peas and beans in all curtalages," 
the whole valued at £2. 

In 1225 Bishop Brewer revived the auctions, and again 
great results followed. East Devon had been disafforested, 
and Chelson had come into Sidbury. The freeholder, W. de 
Saunde, had sold Higher Chelson to N. Bonville, but reserved 
Lower Chelson, bounded by Herpath on south, and Sudiche 


^ C. 1579. 7 C. 8629. " Hospitalitatem et rara servanda.' 

^ Oliver's Lives (sub anno), ''Ecclesias ad communitatem." 

** C. 3629. " Nuper '* (sc. before 1162 a.d.) " sub annuo censu dimittebantur.** 

' C. 3672, for A.D. 1281. 


Hill' on west, for himself. The Chapter bought both with all 
occupiers* rights for £81 16s. 8d. (now £2455?), stopped 
agriculture, let the chapel decay, agisted sheep, and attached 
the land to Salcombe^ to equalize the manors. But the 
tithes remained in Sidburj, and seven centuries of litigation 
followed that day's work. 

The demesne arable had increased to four carucates. But 
they were small; Whinnycroft, Longlands, and 144 acres 
east of the Combe. Lincombethorn * marked its south-east 

The copyhold arable was also enlarging. Pieces of Trow- 
down clay were ploughed, and Knowle with its 2 ferl. of 
marl. The White Lady tree marked the limit between them 
and West-down. 

The Chelson chaplain having become a sinecurist^ at 
Harcombe, his former flock helped to crowd our church. 
First the north and then the south aisle, and then the 
present chancel arch were built, and all windows enlarged 
to Early English shape. We could seat nearly as many then 
as now. 

But progress in Salcombe never lasts long. By 1281 
Bishop Quivil had restored the ancient rent system, and 
Canon Nolan, by day, erected fences and limed and marled 
the new intakes, as the name Marleys testifies.® By night 
he slept at Thorn. The cider-press and cheese-wring creaked 
without, but within the hall glimmered those " brass-pottes," 
which already formed our Salcombe plate. 

1281 A.D. The copyholders* area, too, became stationary, 
and though their numbers increased to 75 ^ = 1 ferling each, 
it was only through sub-divisions. The ten least split up 
and most retaining their Domesday average of ^ hide 
apiece — Sir Warren of Stone's (who was so grand he let his 
4 ferlings to a farmer), A. of Knowle, Sanguyn of Bisyde, 
Hoi way of Hoi ways, &c. — ^paid a 128. 6d. relief; but all 
owed farm-services fast commuting into rents. Others were 
specialized ; J. Hooper atte Burgh (surnames were now 
coming in) Badulf at Sclade and twelve Bove-down neigh- 
bours owed sheep-hurdles at Hokkeday, while thirty-six 
Below-down owed Eivjrppri (weiring ?). G. Gibbes kept the 

' C. 1679. Cf. C. 1662. " Foasatum hodie levatura.*' Ordn. 164. 

' Upton V. Wigsted. Cf. Oldham's Statutes (C. 3629), "ad equalitatem." 

* C. ICIO. "Ad Linkum-thorne." Ordn. 620. 
^ Huyshe Docts. " de Haracamba, Capellanos." 

• We always drop the "h" of "hayes." Cf. "Nor-ways," '^South-ays," 
'* New-ays/* ^'Barns-eas," " HUl-wavs," Ac. 

' Even in 1811 a.d. there were only 78 houses. 

K 2 



prison, and everyone hauled the new Millstone^ when it got 
within twelve leagues. All fields lay in communa vidnorum 
from Michaelmas to February, and West and Trow-downs 
were open to adjacent tenants the whole year round. 

The amount of this ancient rent can be inferred from the 
survey which began the epoch in 12.81 to have been : — 




Copyhold irentfi 




„ services (as commuted) 



Demesne values 


Mill . 




Chelson (as in Saund's time) 


Total £33 13 5 = minus repairs, 

say £30, and the Great Tithe, which included Small and Hay 
Tithe of demesne, was £14 13s. 4d. Canon Nolan might 
well take his ease. 

1319 A.D. But Canons De Tlsle, Weston, and Botreaux 
had less pleasant times. The loss of the Holy Land made 
everyone restless. Even we had three lawsuits. One 
shows six "serv" witnesses to "8 lib." I take it that 
labourers were increasing, and copyholders absenting them- 
selves. But the Black Death made even parsons shift. We 
had two preferments in one year, and by 1360 our demesne 
system was tottering. Its last balance stood thus : — 



£ B. 


£ f. 


Hay . 6 10 

AU hay and straw 11 10 

Straw . . .60 

One-third of all grain . 11 6 


Wheat (66 qu. at 68.) . 20 15 

Eight lahoorersat i bosh. 

Oats (73 qv. at 28. lid.) 10 16 


wheat per month each, 

Barley (12 qu. at 48.) . 2 6 


and use of a cow . 7 18 

£30 14 


£45 4 



with a profit of £14 9s. 6f d. 

1364 A.D. The auction party declared this could be 
doubled^ if the demesne with its Small Tithes were leased 
off, its occupiers bound to repair, and all fines paid to the 
Chapter. In 1380 Bishop Brentingham granted their wish. 
They made the usual reformers' big mistake about men. 
Those who lose office naturally turn to mischief, and 
Canon Braybroke spent his new leisure^ in oppressing the 
tenants. But they made only a smaller mistake about 
figures. The demesne profit did increase by one-third to 

' C 2493 * * Mola " 

» c! 8629.' ♦* Medietatem precii," A.D. 1880. 

' C. 2858. " Tenuras dimittere minantur." 


about £22 lOs. Its land was cut up into small parcels 
of about 1 ferling each. (This should have been 7^ acres, 
but as outlying pasture of equal extent seems attached to 
each arable unit, it was 15 acres.) These were partly let 
to Bove-down copyholders, and partly made the new tene- 
ments of Stock, Higher, Lower, and New House, while Lower 
Dunscombes, hitherto unploughed (95^ acres), were demised 
to Carter and Lyde, and Chelson to Wadham. J. de Brans- 
comb^ had been a personage even in 1307. The tenure 
was at first ad volurU, but later changed to (1465) secund 
consuetvdy and the rents averaged 6^d. per acre on the clay, 
and Is. per acre on the marl The tenants were of the 
copyhold rank. 

On the copyholds the reverse occurred. The 12s. 6d. 
relief tenements were now liberi or in socagio, and owned 
by absentee gentlemen, such as Kirkham, Malherbe, and 
Tristram, while a Gourtenay bought the tenement of his 
secretary,* Adam of Knowle. A new class thus arose — that 
of professional farmers. 

The Vicar's Tithe, too, increased, and only one thing 
diminished. The Great Tithe shrank to £11, both, perhaps, 
owing to an increase of sheep over corn, the net result 
of all changes being a yearly revenue to the Chapter of £48 
including fines, and known as the portio. This remained 
the ancient rent of the manor and Great Tithe until this 

Under the Bed Bose clericalism set in. Our church was 
again enlarged. An Early Perpendicular window (copied by 
the present one) was inserted at the east end, the chancel 
prolonged, the chapel absorbed in the south aisle, the tower 
built, and three Jesus bells by Norton hung. 1440 a.d. 
Peter's Pence and indulgences were preached,* the church 
ale was watered by the sidesmen. Our vicar was allowed to 
take the Knowles* copyhold (13 acres), and a priest-ridden 
copyholder gave 24 acres of our best Holway ground to a 
Sidmouth parson for his poor. 

1445 A.D. Still our secular afifairs prospered. By 1445 
the excrescence (new copyhold fines beyond the portio) 
averaged £6 yearly, and by 1490 £20. The Great Tithe 
revived, and the ^£11 lease earned a fine of ^£100 every five 

' H. CoLB, Documents from RetMmbrancer's Office, **J. de Branacombe 
spondet pro Bo. de Barton, Templariomin capellano.'' 
» P. O. HutchinaoD, MSS. HUt, ''Miiiistro suo." 
* C 4925. '' Oastos Eccles. fregit assisam." 


But our morals did not keep step. After 1501 (?) the 
Court Bolls are mere business, but until then Sidbury kept 
more and more " Disorderly houses, and tennys-places/' which 
Salcombe deserted its peaceful bowlyng-lands^ to attend, 
and if they eavesdropped we holcropped.^ Even the Cathedral 
seemed worldly. When a faithful auditor died they be- 
wailed only " the jubaidi " they were now in of losing by 
their tenants. No wonder that by 1509 the Dean had to 
pay £5 yearly to certain barristers to labour in defence 
of the Church, or that in 1549 they were forced to make 
a '* Grand-lease " of our manor sans waste to A. Harvey and 
G. Carewe of 99 years for £42 Os. 8f d. Their excrescence 
sank at once to £5 8s. O^d. The Reformation had cost them 
(£15 now) £250 a year. 

Wadham retained Chelson, and the Garb remained 
with the Chapter -farmer (Canon Uoyd), but all church 
ornaments, except a cope of silk and the three bells, were 
taken by the Crown, while Harvy squeezed the manor tightly. 
He took a fine from N. Sladd for leave to grass down the 
old demesne Combe, from Hooper and J. Baron to enclose 
Hillwayes (18 acres) and Southdown (100 acres) out of the 
Common, enfranchised Knowle to a Colonel Bowyer, £. 
Sidford, &c., to G. Ameredith, Mayor of Exeter, who set up 
a sub-court baron^ of his own, Warren's^ to Sidmouth Manor, 
and Bridge-plot to the Huyshes, and raised the fines of all 
tenants till they lamented '* the better pennyworths of their 
old maysters." 

But they fieured not so badly on the whole. Everything 
was sheep now. The Wadhams kept 1000, and admissions 
now first record "the right to keep so many on Trow or 
West-down." All testators gave a " Yow to the High Aulter," 
all women had " turnes," and all children tanned offensive 
fleeces in the '* pott-water." Even the vicar prospered. His 
tithe of wool went up with bounds worthy of the lambkins 
themselves, as high as £18. 

Under James I. the wiUs show comfortable stone-built® 
houses, anci only 30^ per cent, of the owners absentees. 

A tenant would breakfast off cheese from his milke 
and cider from his drincke-house, don gardes and doting 

> OrdD., 241 and 867. 

' My dictionaiy fails. " Encroached on the common I " " or lodged in 
holes ? " 
' ** Snb sectam Cnrie mee.*' 
' C. 4927. A.D. 1688. Georgio Maneryng, 
' Higher OriggB has the date 1611 a.d. 
^ R. K. Conush Docts., ''Indwellers 87, outdwellers 14." 


laitter, and ride off to market, or bead pack horses loaded 
with mackerel from Mrs. Lyde's Dunscombe sayne, on the 
animal ungallant executors called "his" nag. There was 
only one pillion in the manor. Evening brought supper 
with his wife, salt pork and again cider. A fuzzy fire shone 
on coyldrine, puter posnet, and the great brass pott, while 
the tender pair on the settle, overhung with rapier or cross- 
bow, but devoid of chess or draught-board, would read 
their only book, or discuss rendges, branires, and witezoul 

1625 A.D. Yet social jealousy is stronger than cider. Our 
middle-class Hoopers, Weekes, Clapps, and Hoppins hated 
our new ''gentlemen," the Drakes &om Ashe at East, the 
Isaacs from Exeter at West, Dunscombe, and HeUyer the 
garb-farmer. They bought Diurnal Exercises^ became ad- 
dicted to Baptist practices,^ and finally slipped away, as 
Pilgrim Fathers, to Dorchester, U.S. Only the rich and the 
poor remained loyaL 

1640 A.D. Under Charles L the "grand lessees" were 
felling all timber, so Laud pressed the Chapter to redeem 
their manors, and had two of our bells recast But by 1640 
''the little Scotch cloud" had stopped all reforms, and a 
new lease was sealed to Sir T. Stafford for £400 fine, which 
was lent the king. 

1650 A.D. Under the interregnum our wills were still* 
proved in Exeter, and our vicar (J. Tuck) retained the living 
as a '' licensed minister," but Cromwell took care of his own. 
The remaining Clapps collected the compositions here, and 
the manor worth £38 ancient, and Chelson £59 modern rent, 
were sold to Stone & Parsons, merchants, of London, for 
£2905 cash down. The fines were now worth another £100 
per annum, and make this a fourteen years' purchase. They 
offered the land as freeholds to its occupiers. The Drakes 
and Lees misliked the security, but the Clapps, Barons, 
Hoopers, &c., bought their own tenements for £3273. For 
a time the Elect were in clover. 

1660 AD. Under Charles IL the Chapter might have 
carried out Laud's reforms. They did (after cancelling 
Cromwell's sale) allow his rise of the Chelson rent to stand, 
but here their virtue halted, and they kept the manor at 
£38 Os. 8Jd. Lord Shannon's fine (£1000 for a 21 years' 
lease) shows what a scandalous price this was. WitMn a 

' Hayshe Doots., ''The Ctptiye DeliTared from the Strong," by W. 
* Eliz. Slade'i *<Prob. apad Ezon, 1662, a.d." 


year he sold us to a syndicate, Glapp, Hooper, and Eustace 
BudgelL^ Each became lord of that third, which included 
his piece of demesne, and the old firm ** thus snugly enjoyed 
their lands every 19 years rent free." 

As quickly too did the Barons, &c., sink back into copy- 
holders. Our roll of 1673 gives the same families as 1637 
had. Political changes here were only skin-deep. Only the 
vicar took them seriously. He knew four languages. His 
"prowde wife" determined such talents should receive 
adequate remuneration, and made him claim tithe of poultry 
as weU as of eggs. But the parish determined culture should 
be its own exceeding reward. Hooper and Drake combined, 
and the Bev. P. Avant's defeat is an Exchequer record unto 
this day. 

1688 A.D. Under William III. our ringers first began to 
celebrate Guy Fawkes out of the rates, and then first did 
Mr. Avant^ write a paean on that Torbay scenery which for 
16 years he had never noticed. But our tenants could now 
all sign their own names,® our Stewart Poor-rate had shown 
only three destitutes, and we knew too much to value the 

By Greorge II.'s time the manor was partly reunited. 
" Old Clap " bought up the Hooper third, and became " such 
a tyrant he made the parish undervalew his lands," while 
the third lord, "Father Pearce," made himself a demesne 
by purchasing seven Biside tenements. 

1725 A.D. Copyholds too consolidated. They retained 
old owners' names, Jackson's, Farthing's, &c., but they got 
into fewer hands. Mr. Clapp threw five into one farm 
called Trow, and gave the houses there to labourers. The 
tenant-farmer class had now increased to 12, and the 
Chapter planted orchards for them in the Marl-pits. Cider 
was sold at 4s. a hogshead, and each of its drincke- 
houses stood for a district.^ Letters were addressed not 
"N.W." or "E.C.," but "Green Dragon" or "Cat and 

Labourers prospered with 5s., and their wives with 3s. 
a week. As a shoulder of mutton only cost Is. 8d. and 
they baked at home, several rose into small Chelson farmers. 
Even apprentices had 4d. freath gloves, and 2s. 6d. breaches, 

^ Friend of Addison—foiKer, deist, and suicide. 
* T B. Davidson, Bibliotheca Devonietms, 

^ A greater feat than modems recognize. They were engrossed, not 
' So at Bransoombe to this day. 


and were gladdened with powder and shot to scare the rooks, 
which already were at Knowle. 

There were shops too in those days, a forge and a 
harness-maker's, a carpenter's and a glazier's. Sir 6. Yonge 
mined for coal. One old man caught wants at 48. for the 
8^ dozen, and another during 40 years presented the vestry 
with foxes, grays^ otters, vairs, and hoops. Only the last 
of these trades survives. 

But our unemployed fared badly. A small-pox epidemic 
lasted four years. Our pauper list had lengthened to 14, at 
2s. a week. Our poor-house had only three rooms, and such 
entries as *' biding with Het Flay in her tantrums," or " rug, 
tub and sope, for S. Pyke, and liquor for they as stratched 
him " suggest many things. 

1760 A.D. Consolidation still went on under George IIL 
Mr. Kestell, an army surgeon from Minden, head of an 
ancient Comish family, married Miss Sally Clapp, added 
the Holway copyholds to her estates, and thus increased 
our tenant-farmers yet more. 

None of them were Papists, and only one a Dissenter, 
yet Parson Hall ungratefully denounced Mr. Avant's com- 
positions, but he took small gain of money. 

By 1792 Bousseau had sapped even the Salcombe con- 
vention. Our only young lady. Miss Kestell, eloped with 
an equally young officer, Mr. G. Cornish. The French 
war followed, and six of us took the shilling, while another 
served at Trafalgar, though he so loved parish, home, 
and cider as to sham dead at the first shot. By 1816 the 
runaways had returned, and bought the manor from the 
Chapter. They made it high, while the Wolcots were 
low-church, and between these poles Salcombe has ever 
since revolved in unconscious orthodoxy. 

By 1820 the price of com had put even the Chelson 
furze-brakes under the plough, but farms kept on coalescing, 
and the unused copyhold houses at Byside were turned 
into villas. Sidmouth had become a Jewish health-resort, 
but our new gentry were all Christians. 

1837 A.D. At the Accession all cooks struck (at the 
Jubilee they volunteered), so the ladies dressed the dinner. 
Beform was in the air, but we took it grumbling. The 
apprentice system fell, though ** we always bound the worst 
boys on the Vicar." "Poor Mr. Boughey" (a stalwart 
rogue) "would never be happy in the new Workhouse." 
Without lace-making " all our maidens would be driven to 
sarvice," and, worst of all, "the new organ stopped the 


old choir suppers. No one now believes in the White 

1898 A.D. But some ghosts still walk. The Roller, the 
Odontoglossum, and the Gamberwell Beauty visit here, and 
churchmanship, industry, and good-feeling are yet among 
us. As our parish churchwarden says, "Why don't other 
folks drink cut -throat, stop calithumping and imitate 
Salcombe Begis?" 


(Bead at Honiton, August, 1898.) 

In this paper I desire to give some short account of 
Andrew and Nicholas, the famous Tremayne twins. From 
the Devonshire point of view, as presented to us by the 
Devonshire historians, Risdon, Westcote, and Prince, their 
principal, if not their only claim to rank among the worthies 
of Devon rests upon their extraordinary resemblance — a 
resemblance so great that ''they could not be known the 
one from the other, no, not by their parents, brethren, or 
sisters, but privately by some secret marks, and openly 
by wearing several coloured ribbons or the like, which in 
short they would sometimes change to make trial of their 
friends' judgment; yet somewhat more strange was that 
their minds and affections were. as one, for what the one 
loved the other desired, and so on the contrary the loathing 
of the one was the disliking of the other; yea, such a 
confederation of inbred power and sympathy was in their 
natures, that if Nicholas were sick or grieved, Andrew 
felt the like pain, though far distant and remote in their 
persons, and that without any intelligence given to either 
party ; and it was also observed that if Andrew were merry, 
Nicholas was so affected, although in different places, which 
long they could not endure to be, for they ever desired 
to eat, drink, sleep, and awake together; yea, so they lived, 
and so they died together, for in the year 1564 they both 
served at Newhaven, where the one being slain, the other 
stepped instantly into his place, where, in the height of 
danger, no persuasions being able to remove or hinder him, 
he was there also slain. Of these two gentlemen it may be 
truly said what was feigned by the poets of twins, that they 
were bom, eat, slept, and died together." ^ 

^ RuDON, pb 216. 


These facts are no doubt sufficiently unusual to cause 
the Tremayne twins to be still remembered; but if we 
leave the Devonshire historians, and go for our facts to 
actual contemporary records, we find that these Tremaynes 
have claims on posterity far above the mere physical ones 
presented by Kisdon. 

Andrew and Nicholas were the sixth and seventh sons of 
Thomas Tremayne (born 1465-6), of CoUacombe, in the 
parish of Lamerton, and his wife Philippa, eldest daughter 
of Eoger Grenville, of Stow, co. Cornwall. The Tremaynes 
had been seated at Collacombe for five generations, since 
Thomas Tremayne, of Oarwithenack, in Constantino, had 
married Isabella, daughter and heiress of Trenchard, of 
Collacombe. This Isabella, who died June 28th, 1408, 
must have been a charming woman, for having married 
Sir John Damarell after her first husband's death, he 
entailed several estates on her children by Tremayne. 

Thomas and Philippa Tremayne had a large family— eight 
sons and five daughters — and the estates being entailed, the 
younger sons had to make their own way in the world. 
How Andrew and Nicholas were educated does not appear ; 
possibly at Tavistock, the nearest town, where there was a 
flourishing school, and having acquired reading and writing, 
probably lived as page or squire in some gentleman's house, 
following the usual custom for younger sons. 

Perhaps Andrew lived with his distant cousin, Sir Peter 
Carew, at Mohun's Ottery. It is at all events certain that 
when Sir Peter left the country hastily, in Queen Mary's first 
year, Andrew Tremayne went with him. " S'. Pet. Carew 
was embarked at Waymouth 25 January (1553-4) by one 
Kyllygrew with whom is gone Andrew Tremayne, John 
Courtenay and James Kirkeham gentlemen." (Sir Gawen 
Carew's statement) 

According to the evidence of Edmond Knoplocke, who 
saw their setting out, Andrew Tremayne was " a more longer 
young man " than the others. He also heard one of them say 
at departing, " The King of Spayne wolde come shortely, he 
shall be as well barkyd at as ever man was." ^ 

Sir Peter went to Souen, and from thence rode straight to 
the Court of France; but Andrew and his twin brother 
Nicholas joined '*the adventurers, English, Scotch, and Irish, 
who swarmed in the narrow seas in Mary's reign." ^ 

2 Sir John Maclean's Life of Sir Peter Carew, from the MS. of John 
Vowell, alias Hooker, p. 67. 
^ Eistory of the Boyal Navy from, 1609 to X660, by M. Oppenheim. 


And here, lest my heroes should be stigmatized as pirates, 
I must say something of English ships and seamen at this 
period. Henry VIL, as we all know, saved money, and 
Henry VIII. spent it, not always to his own or his country's 
advantage. But it is always pleasant to speak well of the 
departed, even when we are glad they are gone, and Henry 
VIII. did at least one good thing — he built ships and 
established a navy. In 1544 he had 12,000 seamen in 
the king's fleet at Portsmouth, repulsed the French fleet, 
and kept his ships of war continually ready. But his 
successor did not carry on these good works; in his short 
life he scarcely got beyond faith, and works languished, so 
that the men who should have been manning the king's 
ships found other work to do. 

To quote from one of Professor Fronde's Oxford Lectures, 
describing the state of things in Edward VI.'s reign : " The 
genius of adventure tempted men of the highest birth into 
the rovers' ranks. Sir Thomas Seymour, the Protector's 
brother, and the king's uncle, was Lord High Admiral. 
In his time of office, complaints were made by foreign 
merchants of ships and property seized at the Thames' 
mouth. No redress could be had ; no restitution made ; no 
pirate was even punished, and Seymour's personal followers 
were seen suspiciously decorated with Spanish ornaments. 
It appeared at last that Seymour had himself bought the 
Scilly Isles, and if he could not have his way at Court, it 
was said that he meant to set up there as a pirate chief." 

*' The persecution under Mary brought in more respectable 
recruits than Seymour. The younger generation of the 
western families had grown with the times. If they were 
not theologically Protestant, they detested tyranny. They 
detested t£e marriage with PhUip, which threatened the 
independence of England. At home they were powerless, 
but the sons of honourable houses — Strangways, Tremaynes, 
Stafibrds, Horseys, Carews, Killegrews, and Cobhams — 
dashed out upon the water to revenge the Smithfield 
massacres. They found help where it could least have 
been looked for. Henry II. of France hated heresy, but 
he hated Spain worse. Sooner than see England absorbed 
in the Spanish monarchy he forgot his bigotry in his politics. 
He furnished these young mutineers with ships and money 
and letters of marque. The Huguenots were their natural 
friends ; with Bochelle for an arsenal, they held the mouth 
of the Channel, and harassed the communications between 
Cadiz and Antwerp." 


So one is not surprised to find the two Tremaynes, who 
lived in Devon, and were connected with so many sea-loving 
gentlemen and adventurers, among those who, in Mary's 
reign, roamed the narrow seas in search of adventure and 
foreign prizes. Of course these gay rovers sometimes met 
with reverses, and we learn from the Acts of the Privy 
Council that (February 24th, 1554-5) the following were 
"to be committed to several prisons to be kept secret 
without having conference with any, R Bethell and Jas. 
Barnesley to the Flete, Andrewe Tremayne to the Marshel- 
sey and Nicholas Tremayne to the Gate House, suspected 
of piracy." 

They were also suspected of being concerned in the 
conspiracy devised by Sir Henry Dudley in 1556, for 
making Elizabeth queen, instead of Mary, and marrying 
her to Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire. Throckmorton, 
UvedaJe, and the two Horseys were implicated. " The two 
Horseys had," says Canon Venables,* "to forward the plot 
crossed to France with other conspirators and had a midnight 
audience with Henry II., who gave them private encourage- 
ment, promising if circumstances proved favourable to help 
them openly." It is extremely probable that the Tremaynes 
assisted at this midnight interview, and that they remained 
in France. 

Dr. Wotton writes from Paris July 13th, 1556: — ^" Grower 
(the informer) has not heard anything from Harry Killigrew 
who has willed the rebels at Paris to go to Eouen, but 
Gower, partly from lack of money and partly from being 
unasked remained at Pans, and said to the elder Tremaine 
ere he left that seeing they suspected him, he would trouble 
them no longer. Tremaine bade him not think so for the 
Earl of Devonshire esteemed him as much as any man here 
and promised that on his return from Souen he would tell 
him all he knew." 

This elder Tremayne may possibly be Edmund, and not 
Andrew. Edmund was the second son, the twins being 
sixth and seventh, and was in the service of Edward 
Courtenay, the young Earl of Devonshire. The three 
brothers were much together; a witness deposed before the 
Privy Council to " supping many times with the three 
Tremaynes at Lady Butler's though he had never carried 
letters or messages for them,"^ &c. One of them had been 
in London, lodging in Fleet Street in the first week in Lent, 
1556, but fortunately for himself returned to France before 

* Diet, of Nat. Biog, » Cal S. P. Donu 


the plot was discovered. There they remained for some 
years making expeditions which Mark's government dubbed 
piratica], but under the protection of the French king and 
in his pay. 

Tn April, 1557, Wotton mentions them among other 
Englishmen " who have been much at (the French) Court, 
from which he presumes they will shortly be employed some- 
where."® Two years later, June, 1559, they were still in 
Paris, and '* there was talk of granting new pensions to those 
who had been discharged before by their own offer as the 
two Tremaynes," &c. They themselves expected to be 
employed by the French king; they spoke of this openly 
before Throckmorton, who reported to CecilJ 

But Elizabeth began to realize the value of the English 
exiles. Froude, writing of this period, says, "Privateering 
suited Elizabeth's convenience. . • • Time was wanted to 
restore the Navy. The privateers were a resource in the 
interval. They might be called pirates while there was 
formal peace— the name did not signify — they were really 
the armed force of the country." In July (21st), 1559, 
however, instructions were sent to Throckmorton, the 
English Ambassador in Paris. Such Englishmen as Horsey, 
Leighton, Comwell, Crokketh, the two Tremaynes, ** and such 
other as shall serve their country, the Ambassador shall him- 
self comfort them to return home. Circumspection must be 
used." A true Elizabethan touch. 

The " comfort " was efifectual. Andrew entered the queen's 
service, and distinguished himself in a short campaign against 
the French in Scotland, Elizabeth commending him for 
special bravery in a letter to Lord Grey, April 14th, 1560. 
He had led the English cavalry in a brilliant charge, which 
drove the French back into Leith, April 7th. 

Nicholas returned to England, the queen quickly learning 
to rely on him for difficult and perilous missions. The 
Bishop of Aquila wrote to his master, the King of Spain, 
February 3rd, 1559-60, " The Queen has just sent to France 
an Englishman, called Tremaine, a great heretic, who is to 
disembark in Brittany. I understand that he goes back- 
wards and forwards with messages to the heretics in that 
country." He writes again, "Yesterday (27*** March) 
Secretary Cecil and Dr. Wotton came to me from the 
Queen .... they gave me explanations (as to the tumults 
in France), and said there was no Englishmen in France, 
except such as were rebels against England. I took good 

« Col, S. P, Vim, ^ Col, S. p. Dim, 


note of this, because the man Tremaine about whom I 
wrote to Tour Majesty is there as a rebel since the rising 
of M. Eenault." 

Throckmorton sent letters in cipher to the queen by 
Nicholas Tremayne (AprU 20th, 1560), but on June 24th 
be writes from Dreux. Understanding that Nicholas Tre- 
mayne, whom he despatched to her long since, had been 
stopped at St Malo, he wrote to the Duke of Guise for 
his enlargement; encloses his letter and the duke's answer. 
The messenger, Mr. Tremayne, was to come through 
Bretagne and the Channel Isles to England, bringing 
amongst other news that of ''the entry of the French 
King and Queen (Francis II. and Mary of Scotland) into 
Tours (18tii April), having the English arms not oidy on 
the gate, but also on an ensign carried before them through 
the town." . . 

Tremayne must have been soon liberated, as Cecil writes 
from Edinburgh, July 9th, 1560, to the queen: "As to 
the message brought by iSremayne, Grod forbid that Your 
Majesty should enter into that bottomless pit of expense 
of your force and treasure within the French King's own 
mainland, being that manner of war to you more trouble- 
some and dangerous than this of the French King here 
in Scotland."^ 

Tremayne went back again to France, returning to 
England early in January, 1560-61, bearing letters from 
the ambassador in Paris. One of these to Cecily dated 
"last day of December, 1560, by Mr. N. Tremayne," is 
endorsed by Throckmorton's son, " dissuading the dishonour- 
able matching with the Lord of Leicester." 

Nicholas would seem to have been a special favourite with 
the queen. Sir Henry Killigrew speaks January 13th of 
his " poor credit which waxeth to decay. Since Mr. Jones 
came over, this change began, which has been augmented 
by Tremayne, but more confirmed by De Favori " (Leicester). 
But Tremayne did not care for Court life, was anxious to 
see more active service. The queen writes to Throckmorton 
(January 23rd), licensing Nicholas Tremayne Gent, to enter 
into the service of the King of Navarre, by which means 
he will be the better able to serve her, and ordering 
Throckmorton of his own motion to prefer Tremayne to 
the king's service, this not to seem to be at her request. 
(Westminster, January 23rd, 1560-61.) 

In reply, Throckmorton, writing on March 12th to the 

* Bv/rghley Papers, 


Earl of Bedford, encloses '' a letter received from the King 
of Navarre, concerning the request made to him to retain 
Mr. Tremayne, whereunto he then agreed, and now goes 
from it for reason named therein. He is timorous, sus- 
picious, and jealous"; asks the earl to place Tremayne at 
home, so as he can live like a gentleman. (Paris, March 
12th, 1560-61.) 

Nicholas did not return to England immediately. Im- 
manuel Tremellias, writing &om Bheims, May 15th, 1561, 
to Throckmorton, says he has told Mr. " iSremen " what news 
he had, how they had collected arms at Angers, "which 
they intend to employ against the faithful, whom they call 
Hugenaults," a very early use of the term. Throckmorton 
himself writes, August 11th, from Abbeville: *'The bearer, 
Mr. Tremayne, came out of England with intent to see 
the wars in Almain or elsewhere, thereby to be better able 
to serve the Queen. He has been here a good while to 
hearken which way the flame will rise to his purpose ; but 
now finding all the Princes of Christendom inclined to sit 
still, returns home. Desires Cecil to do something for him 
to help him to live, as it will be right well bestowed. The 
Queen will have a good servant in him, and Cecil an honest 
gentleman at his command." He writes to the queen at 
the same time, the galleys for the Scottish queen have 
arrived at Calais. Has requested the bearer (Mr. N. T.) 
to pass that way, and to consider the same, and to report 
to Her Majesty. 

Andrew, the elder of the twins, remained with the garrison 
established at Berwick, where he was captain in charge 
of a troop of horse. When Lord James came up to see 
Elizabeth, Lord Grey writes March 2l8t, 1560-61, to Lords of 
the Council that he has appointed Captain Tremayne to 
accompany Lord James both for honour's sake and to see 
him well used by the way. Has chosen Tremayne because 
he is a gentleman of good behaviour, courtesy, and well 
trained ; and also that he stands in the favour of the Lords 
of Scotland by reason of his valiant service at Leith. He 
also wrote to Cecil to the same effect. Andrew had been 
sent for by Lord Grey in the previous August to resort 
to him in London ; it was after this, perhaps while at Court, 
that he received the rank of captain. 

Andrew, with two other captains from Berwick, accom- 
panied Sir Peter Mewtes to Edinburgh September 12th, 1561. 
Lord James " willed " Eandolph to write for Tremayne to be 
with him at Edinburgh January 15th, 1561-2. He was at 



the English Court (1562-8) in the following May, where 
Thomas Hedley writes : " With news of the garrison at Ber- 
wick. Lord Grey thanks him for his letters, and my lady, 
Sir Arthur, and Mr. William commend themselves to him. 
Tremayne's lieutenant is merry, and keeps his company in 
order ; his horses, too, are in health fair and fat. Asks him 
to bring a good bowl when he comes, he will be challenged 
at bowling, my lord being a 'doctor * at it." Andrew Tremayne 
and the other captains of the Berwick garrison had this year 
petitioned the queen ^ to grant pay for their soldiers, hitherto 
maintained at their own charges. There would seem to be 
points of similarity between the great Elizabeth and our old 
friend Mrs. Gilpin, ''For though on warfare (pleasure) she 
was bent she had a frugal mind." 

In the winter of 1562-63 Elizabeth (in spite of Cecil's 
advice) began actively to assist the French Protestants at 
Newhaven, or to give it its French name, le Havre de Ordce, 
now abbreviated to Havre. Among the State papers one in 
Cecil's holograph is "A memorial for Newhaven. The Queen 
will send thither Andrew Tremayne with fifty horsemen 
pistolliers." This is a mistake for Nicholas, as the next 
extract from the same source shows. Nicholas writes from 
Portsmouth to Cecil December 15th, 1562. Has had forty 
of his soldiers with their horses here these six days, and now 
his whole fifty are thoroughly furnished ready to be trans- 
ported. Desires a speedy order for them. *' I do mind to go 
over with Sir Hugh Paulet ; the longer I shall be stayed here 
the more charge to the Queen, and I not in place where I 
may show my willing service to her Highness." Suggests 
leaving his brother Andrew Tremayne here until his horses 
and men are transported. Nicholas accordingly crossed with 
Sir Hugh and 300 men on the 17th. On the 20th Lord 
Warwick writes that Tremayne hopes to have fifty lances 
for furnishing his band, whose horses and pistoliers still 
remain at Portsmouth for want of transportation. 

Much correspondence and delay follow, but finally the 
horses and men were shipped on January 6th, 1562-63, by 
his fellow-soldiers. 

Jan. 3rd, 1562. Montgomery writes to Warwick from 
Dieppe asking for help in garrisoning this place, as it is of 
great extent, and will be glad if Captain Tremayne and his 
people might be sent. 

Andrew, after assisting his brother at Portsmouth, returned 
to Scotland for two or three days, being at the Court at 

» March 9tb, Cat. S, P. Dom, 


St Andrews, Febraaiy 29th, 1562, where *'ihe Queen and 
whole Court took very wejl with him."^ He was at Berwick 
on March 6th, bringing letters from Cecil; "he deserves well 
of all officers here,"* : 

There is no direct news of Nicholas, though he sends 
"commendation" on April 5th to Throckmorton. On the 
18th the Privy Council wrote to Warwick that Captain 
Tremayne should make his band 100 horsemen, " so as they 
be Englishmen only." Possibly Warwick felt some jealousy 
of the young captain who was so much esteemed at Court. 
He wrote on May 22nd to the Privy Council that he had put 
certain of his and others with Captain Tremayne's band of 
horsemen to skirmish; they had repulsed the Bheingrave's 
whole force, slain and taken near 400, with one ensign and 
seven drums. Not more than twenty of their own were 
killed and wounded ; none to his knowledge taken. Kemys 
writes to Cecil with the same news. Captain Tremayne and 
eight other captains and their bands engaged only lost 20 
men, chiefly common soldiers. Encouraged by this brilliant 
success, Tremayne and his band became too daring, and when 
on the 26th the Sheingrave **came down the hUl to visit" 
the English, having previously sent for reinforcements from 
Harfleur, although the English had the best of the three 
hours' fight, Tremayne was killed. The French lost, says 
Warwick, two captains of reiters, one ensign - bearer, and 
about 150 soldiers ; and we lost Captain Tremayne, who was 
slain by a pistolet in the left side of his head by a "chain 
shot, which the renters commonly use," and 20 men. Brome- 
field wrote to Cecil on the same day corroborating, except 
that he says Captain Tremayne was slain " it is thought by 
the restiveness of his horse." 

Warwick knew that Tremayne's death would be lamented 
at Court In writing to the queen on June 6th, he recounts 
a skirmish that had taken place on the previous day, by 
which Tremayne's death is sufficiently revenged, for five 
or six of the best French captains are slain. Fronde, who 
calls Tremayne **a special favourite of Elizabeth's," as he 
undoubtedly was, confuses him with his twin brother 
Andrew, who had distinguished himself at Leith. He 
also says of him, '*The most gallant of the splendid band 
of youths who had been driven into exile in Mary's time, 
and had roved the seas as privateers." If this was made 
to include Andrew it would probably be true. Both brothers 

^ Randolph to Cecil. 
* Val. Browne to Cecil. 

L 2 


were handsome young men, who were or made themselves 
very popular wherever they went. 

But there is another comment on the death of Nicholas. 
Warwick writing to Cecil, 9th June: "Whereas you write 
that you are more sorry for the death of Treymain than 
you would be glad of the death of a 100 AUmaynes I 
assure you S' thei*e is never a man but is of the same 
opinion, but nevertheless every man must content himself 
with 6od*s appointment. And like as her Majesty cannot 
be served without the loss of men, as well captains as 
others, for that I think none is sent hither but for service. 
I trust that neither her Majesty nor any of you of the 
Council hath so small credit of me as to thinke that without 
great occasion I would venture the simplest man's life in 
this towne, yet occasion being offered from the highest to 
the lowest there is none that doth account their lives too 
dear to spend in the Queen's service. Peradventure it is 
thought that upon every case I put out men. Indeed if I 
should do so I would condemn myself and think that I 
was not worthy to take any charge, yet upon occasion it 
were better to venture a hundred than by giving the enemy 
scope put a thousand in danger. I assure you Sir to be 
plain with you it amost discourages me and the rest here 
to see they are so unkindly dealt withal, as to have nothing 
referred to their discretion, but stand upon such terms that 
upon the loss of every Captain we shall stand in danger 
of the Queen's displeasure and evil opinion of all you of the 
Privy Council. Since men do come hither to venture their 
lives for her Majesty and their country, I do think in reason 
every man should stand to that which God hath appointed 
either to live or die. Thus desiring you to beare with my 
poor letter wherein I have so plainly uttered all my griefs 
unto you, I end . . . R. Warwyck. From Newhaven 9th 
of June 1563." 

Tremayne's death was widely known, and the comments 
on it attest his importance. The Bheingrave wrote to 
Catherine de Medicis, Queen of France, boasting that he 
was now even with Warwick for the skirmish of the 24th, 
eight or ten English captains being slain, amongst them 
Tremayne, &c. ; and Mary, Queen of Scots, told Sandolph 
that she was sorry for the death of "gentle Tremayne," 
"no less lamented here" (he adds) '*by as many as knew 
him than he is at home." 

Bisdon and Prince, quoting Westcote, state that after the 
death of one of the twins " the other stepped] instantly into 


his place, where in the height of danger, no persuasion 
being able to remove or hinder him, he was there also 

It is a pity to spoil this pictare, but history intervenes 
with hard, dry facts, which tell us that two months elapsed 
between the two deaths, though both unquestionably 
occurred at the same place, Newhaven or Havre. Andrew 
was despatched from Berwick "with 300 of the best 
soldiers of this garrison 210 being arquebusiers and the 
rest armed with pikes all able to occupy the arquebuss. 
Captains Carew and Comewall go with Captain Tremayne." 
They were to have left Berwick on 1st June, but on 
receiving Cecil's letter ordering the ships to be armed 
against some French, they were stayed until the 3rd, when 
two able ships from Newcastle accompanied them. On 
the latter day Andrew, probably still in ignorance of his 
brother's death, writes from Berwick to Cecil announcing 
their departure. 

Denys writes from Newhaven on July 18 th with a very 
dismal account to CeciL The " Plague had appeared, pro- 
visions for men and horses ran short The Water Bailiff is 
slaine, and Tremayne also this day." (July 18th, 1563.) 

A suit was brought in the Admiralty Court (August 25th, 
1563), and two directions given for arresting the goods of 
N. and A. Tremayne, at the suit of Wm. Wedington, painter, 
of London, to remain in the custody of the Admiralty Court 
till the trial In the following March (lltb), 1563-4, 
administration of their estates was granted to their elder 
brother Edmund. 

The siege of Newhaven or Havre does not redound to 
Elizabeth's credit; England gained no advantage from it, 
and she lost many good and brave men, among the best, if 
not the best of them, being the Tremaynes, who, had they 
lived, would have done more than was possible in the short 
space of their lives for their queen and country, and the 
honour of their mother-county Devon. 

Part II. 


(Read at Honiton, Auguat, 1898.) 



There are two articles in common domestic use throughout 
the world, viz., the potato and tobacco, the introduction of 
which into this kingdom has frequently, nay customarily, 
been assigned to Sir Walter Ralegh;^ but although each 
has formed the subject of many treatises, it is yet a moot 
point as to what extent the credit of importing or in- 
troducing them into this country, or of popularizing and 
bringing them into general use, may be attributed to him ; 
or whether it may not be assigned, wholly or in part, to 

The principal portion of this paper is devoted to a full 
consideration of these two points; but while no claim is 
made for any serious addition to the store of facts (real 
or assumed), statements, and opinions already recorded by 
recognized authorities, it will be found necessary to traverse 
several of them, and to rectify some important errors before 
any conclusions, definite or proximate, can be drawn from 

Advantage has been taken of the present paper to include 

> Fide art. "Ralegh," in Diet, of Nat. Biog. 


several matters of collateral interest associated with the 
names of Balegh and other Devonians.^ 


It is a noteworthy circumstance that the merit of in- 
troducing the potato into this country has been imputed 
to each of three Devonshire worthies — Sir J. Hawkins, 
Sir F. Drake, and Sir W. Balegh — as well as to two persons 
employed by the latter, viz,, E. Lane, the Governor of 
Virginia, and T. Hariot, who was sent out to report upon the 
resources of that country. 

One of the principal causes of error in assigning different 
dates to its introduction into this country, and the occasion 
of much controversy, is due to the fact that the term 
'' potato " has been given to two dissimilar products, jdelded 
by plants belonging to different families, and indigenous to 
countries widely separated from each other. Apparently 
misled by the popular term being applied to each, some 
authors have fused their respective histories into one ; e.^., 
this has been done by H. R F. Bourne in his Romance 
of Trade (1876), 25-6. Again, on a label attached to an 
analysis of the potato in the Museum at Kew is recorded : 
''Brought to Ireland by John Hawkins in 1565, and to 
England by Sir Francis Drake in 1585," both kinds, as 
will be pointed out presently, being included under one 

A correspondent of Notes and Queries makes a curious 
evolutionary suggestion "that if 'not the same root,* the 
present potatoes are the descendants of that 'parent stock,' 

' Bbibf Rbfbrsnob to Works Quoted. 

G«rard - The Herhall, by John Gerard (1636). 

Harland --Notes to the Shuttletoorth Accounts (Chetham Soc, 

De Candolle -^ Origin of OuUivcUed Plants, by A. de Candolle (1884). 

Hakloyt '^Voyages, <{«., of the English Nation, by R. Hakluyt 

Monardes "loyfull Newes ovi of (he New-found- World, by Dr. 

Monardes, translated by J. Frampton (1596). 
Dr. A. T. Thomson -In Mra Thomson's Life of Sir Walter Balegh (1830). 
Fairholt '^Tobcuxo: its History and Associations, by F. W. 

Fairholt (1876). 
Oldys "Life of Sir WaUer Balegh in Works I., by W. Oldys, 

(1829). (Ist ed., 1736.) 
Aubrey ^ Letters and Lives of Eminent Men, by J. Aubrey 

Edwards -^Life of Sir Walter Balegh, by E. Edwards (1868). 

(Other editions quoted I rum aie meutioued in the text) 

' OU PsKSiBA's MaUria Medusa (1855), vl 584. 


though undoabtedly changed in their qualities by cultivation 
and 'too much forcing'; being consequently 'fax less hardy' 
than the parent stock." ^ 

The following are short descriptions of the two kinds : — 

I. Sweet Potato, — The fleshy root of the Batatas edulis 

From Gerard's description J. Harland formed the erroneous 
opinion that it ''must have been either a yam or one of 
the beets, and not a potatoa" (913.) Its habitat is thus 
summarised by De Candolle: '*It is cultivated in all 
countries within or near the tropics, and perhaps more in 
the new than in the old world." (54.) AccorcUug to the 
same writer, ''Oviedo, writing in 1526, had introduced it 
himself at Avila" in Spain (55); and it was its intro- 
duction into Europe from the Spanish possessions in the 
New World that led to the sweet kind being commonly 
known as " Spanish Potatoes " (Batata Hispanorum), and so 
designated in the Nova Stirpium Adversaria of Lobelius, 
published in 1576. 

II. Ordinary Potato. — The subterranean branch of the 
Solanum tuberosum (Solanacese). A native of more tem- 
perate countries than the preceding kind. Indigenous to 
the West Coast of South America, and found by Darwin 
growing wild "in great abundance" on the islands of the 
Ghonos Archipelago, adjacent to the coast of Ghili,^ but 
unknown on the East Coast until a comparatively late 
period; and on its introduction into Brazil it received the 
name of " English Batata." 

Based on '*the testimony of all the early travellers," 
De Candolle asserts, "it is proved beyond a doubt that 
at the time of the discovery of America the cultivation 
of the potato was practised, with every appearance of ancient 
usage, in the temperate regions extending from Chili to New 
Oranada, at altitudes varying with the latitude." (45-6.) 
Bespecting North America, the same author adduces 
testimony showing that the Solanum tuberosum was un- 
known "in the United States before the arrival of the 
Europeans " (47) ; and a later writer, the Rev. Dr. Tarbox, 
of Newton, Massachusetts, affirms, "It is now very well 
settled that the potato was not native to North America."^ 
This IB to some extent corroborated by the circumstance, 

* 2nd Series, ui. 247-8. 

* Voyage of the Beagle (1879), 286. 

« Sir W. Balegh's Colony in America (Prince Soc., 1884), 212. 


that the accounts of the voyages of Verrazzano, Laudonniere, 
and De Soto to Florida in the early part of the sixteenth 
Qentnry, contain no reference to the potato. It is worth 
noting that De Soto's narrative is entitled, *^ Virginia richly 
valu^, by the description of the maine land of Florida, her 
next neighbour." ^ 

From these remarks it is fairly evident that while the 
former kind is mainly a tropical plant, the latter is a denizen 
of more temperate regions ; we are therefore not surprised to 
learn that the cultivation of each is much influenced by 
climate; for example, according to Mr. Phillips, "our 
common potatoes soon degenerate when planted in the 
West India Islands " ; whereas the Batata edulis, " requiring 
a warm climate, could never have been cultivated in this 
country, except by the curioua"^ The latter statement is 
thus corroborated by Gerard: "The potato's grow in India, 
Barbaric, Spaine, and other hot regions ; of which I planted 
diners roots (which I bought at the Exchange i^ London) 
in my garden, where they flourished vntil winter, at which 
time they perished and rotted." (926.) 

Although not a native of any portion of North America, 
but found growing wild in the temperate region of the East 
Coast of South America, some authors declare it to belong to 
the tropics. Thus Mrs. Thomson states: ''Potatoes came 
originally from Mexico";^ again, J. Smith affirms it to 
be "a native of Peru and Chili, and has also been found 
wild in Mexico " ; ^ and W. Irving notes that '' at the island 
of Cuba, Columbus, in his first voyage to America, met 
with the potatoe, a humble root, little valued at the time." ^ 
The authors of the article "Potato," in the last edition of 
the Ency. Brit,, cite several Spanish authorities to show 
that the Spaniards found it being cultivated by the natives 
in the neighbourhood of Quito; that it is mentioned in 
several Spanish works about the year 1553; and that 
"Hieronymus Cardan, a monk, is supposed to have been 
the first to introduce it from Peru into Spain, from which 
country it passed into Italy, and thence into Belgium." 

There can be little doubt that the sweet potato is the kind 
adverted to by most of these authors; on the other hand, 
it is possible for some of those brought to Europe to have 
been grown in the higher, and therefore temperate, altitudes 

' Haklttyt, xiii. 637-616. 

8 Hist, of CvMivated Vegetables (1822), ii. 78, 80. 

» Life of Sir W, Ralegh (1830), 322. 

» Did, of Plants (1882), 336. 

3 Hfe of Columbue (1828), i. 284. 

162 tlALfiOHANA. 

of the tropical countries of South America. (These remarks 
apply to the Solanum tuberosum only, there being other 
varieties of the Solanum family that flourish in hot countries.) 

Authorities generally are agreed that both kinds were 
introduced into Europe by the Spaniards, but the sweet 
potato was known and cultivated by them many years 
prior to the ordinary one, having been brought from 
America by Columbus, who presented some specimens to 
Queen Isabella;^ and whereas their cultivation in Spain 
dates from the commencement of the sixteenth century, 
the Solanum tuberosum was not imported until late in 
the same century; and De CandoUe is very emphatic in 
affirming it took place ''between 1580 and 1585, first by 
the Spaniards, and afterwards by the English." (53.) 

We pass on to consider : — 

I. From what land the potato was first imported into this 

II. To whom must be attributed the distinction of import- 
ing and of introducing it. 

III. To whom is the credit due of furthering its utilisa- 
tion and propagation. All these points overlap each other 
more or less. 

Respecting its introduction, it appears at first sight very 
probable it was brought from Spain, where it was known 
some years earlier than in England; or it may have been 
imported direct by Spanish merchants, who were the great 
traders with the countries of the Western Hemisphere. The 
following paragraph, taken from "The Epistle Dedicatorie" 
of John Frampton, in his translation of the loyfull Newes, 
&c., written by " Doctor Monardus, Phisition of Seuill," of 
which the first edition was published in 1577 (followed 
by others in 1580 and 1596, good evidence of its popularity), 
seems to favour this view : — 

"The aforesaide Medicines mentioned in the same work of 
D. Monardus, are now by Marchats & others, brought out of the 
West Indias into Spaine, and from Spaine hither into England, by 
such as doe daily tntfficke thither." 

(Under the term " Medicines," he includes all the articles 
described in the work, e.g,, tobacco, ginger, the armadillo, 
iron, &C.) 

In the Course of Hannibal over the Alps (1794), J. 
Whitaker asserts that it "was originally introduced to 

' D£ Cakdolle, 55, quoted from Humboldt, Nouvelle Eqtange, ii. 

llAL«GHANA. 163 

our tables from Portugal, Spain, and the East Indies" 
(L 246-7) ; but the context shows this to have been the 
sweet potato, as pointed out by a correspondent in 
Gentleman's Magazine (1802), 1019. These suggestions 
require no further consideration, as there is no corroborative 
evidence or even tradition to support them. 

As far as investigations have yet been made, the Spanish 
or sweet potato was the only kind imported into this country 
up to the year 1586, and it is from this period that the 
history of the ordinary potato in this land of ours may be 
said to commence. On July 28th of that year Sir F. Drake 
landed at Portsmouth, bringing with him from Virginia 
Balph Lane (the Governor), Thomas Hariot, and nearly all 
the colonists who had been sent out there by Sir W. Ralegh, 
and " with them also, it is believed for the first time, tobacco 
and potatoes."* Two years later (1588) Thomas Hariot, a 
mathematician and highly scientific man, who had accom- 
panied the second expedition to Virginia in 1585, under the 
direction of Sir W. Ealegh, to survey and report upon 
the resources of that country, published the results of his 
researches in a thin 4to work of 24 leaves. A transcript 
of the title is here given in full on account of its interest, 
and especially as it differs in several important particulars 
firom the subsequent reprints : — 

**A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia : 
of the commodities there found and to be raysed, as well mardiant- 
able, as others for victuall, buildiog and other necessarie vses for 
those that are and shalbe the planters there ; and of the nature and 
manners of the naturall inhabitants : Discouered by the Euglish 
Colony there seated, by Sir Bichard Qreinuile Knight in the yeere 
1585 which remained vnder the gouemement of Eafe Laue 
Esquier, during the space of twelue monethee at the speciall 
charge and direction of the Honourable SIB WALTER RALEIGH 
Knight, Lord Warden of the stanneries ; who therein hath beene 
fauoured and authorised by her Maiestie and her letters patents : 
Directed to the Adventurers, Fauourers, and Welwillers of the 
action for the inhabiting and planting there : by Thomas Hariot ; 
seruant to the abonenamed Sir Walter, a member of the Colony, 
and there imployed in discoueriDg." 

In his prefatory address he states he '' will set downe all 
the comodities which wee know the countrey doeth yeld 
of it selfe for victuall, and sustenance of mans life, such as is 

* ProfeMor Lauohtonj iD Diet, of NaL Biog.y art "Sir Francis Drake,*' 
XT. 486. 


vsually fed ypon by the inhabitants of the countrey, as also 
by vs during the time we were there." 

In the section " Of Bootes . . . founde growing naturally 
or wLlde/' he enumerates six kinds, all bearing Indian names ; 
of these the first on the list has been asserted by many to be 
intended for the potato, and is thus described : — 

"Openavk are a kind of roots of round forme, some of the 
bignes of walnuts, some fax greater, which are found in moist and 
marish grounds growing many together one by another in ropes, or 
as thogh they were fastnened [aicj with a string. Being boUed or 
sodden they are very good meate." 

This is repeated in De Bry's reprint of 1590, and in all the 
editions of Hakluyt's Voyages, Not in the first issue of the 
latter (1589), but in the second and subsequent editions, 
the following will be found added to, and in continuation of, 
the above quotation : — 

''Monardes calleth these roots, Beads or Pater nostri of 
Santa Helena"; with this marginal reference, '^Monardes 
parte 2, lib. I., cap. 4." To this the editor of the last edition 
of Hakluy t's work has added in a footnote : — 

"This is no doubt, that most useful vegetable, the potato." 
(xiii. 340.) 

As Uakluyt died in 1616, and the second issue of his 
Voyages appeared in 1600, it is evident that the assertion 
of the identity of the Openhauk and the Beads of St. Helen 
must be attributed to him. This testimony is accepted by 
a recent writer, H. H. Drake, in The Times of August 14th, 
1882 : — " Thomas Heriot . . . wrote ... a description of the 
Openhauk, meaning the potato, called also Paternoster beads." 
Before, however, this identity can be admitted, it is necessary 
to examine the account given by Dr. Monardes, from whose 
work the following is transcribed : — 

" 0/ the Bea/leSy whiche bee called of Sainct Elen, 

" From the Florida they doe bring certain rounde Bootes whiche 
are called the Beades of Sainct Elen. And they baue this name by 
reason that they bee in a place of that Countrie that is so called, 
they are greate large Bootes, deuided into seuerall peeces, and 
cuttinges, euery peece by hymself e, they remaine rounde as Beades, 
the whiche, beyng bored in the middest, they doe make of them 
Beades for to praie upon, whiche the SoulcQers doe hang about 
their neckes, for a thing of greate estimation. They drie them, and 
they are as bardie as a bone, on the outwarde parte they are blacke, 


and within white, and the Binde is ioyned in such eorte, that the 
Binds and the ha^ is made all one, the whiche are wrought after 
they are drie, and this Boote heyng tasted it is a kinde of Spice, it 
is like to Qalange, they are of tibe thickenesse of a mans Thumbe, 
snmwbat lesse." ^ 

The accompanying illustration shows eight nearly equal- 
sized round bodies. (An impression from the same block 
serves to illustrate " the Bazaar stones of the Peru," in the 
edition of 1596, but not in that of 1577.) There is no allusion 
to any portion of the plant being employed for food, but many 
diseases are named for which it was used as a remedy. 
The description of Monardes is sufficient to demonstrate that 
these "Beades" were not identical either with the Openhauk 
or with the ordinary potato, as affirmed in the pages of 

Excepting by a few botanists, during the last fifty years 
writers generally, from Caspar Bauhin (1560-1624) down to 
the authors of the article "Ealegh" in the Dictionary 
of National Biography (1896), have assumed the Openhauk 
to be the same as the Solanum tuberosum. In his description 
of the '' Solanum tuberosum esculentum," Bauhin remarks, 
'* Haec ex insula Vergine& pnmum in Angliam, inde in Gal- 
liam, aliasque regiones delata est. Hujus radices in Virginea 
Openanck [sic] dici."^ It was maintained by Sir J. Banks 
in 1805,^ and favoured by Loudon in his Practice of Agri- 
culture f art. "Potato." Again, De CandoUe, although ap- 
parently unacquainted with Hariot's volume (his opinion 
being based solely upon the statement of Sir J. Banks), 
referred both to the same plant : — 

" It IB said that Sir Walter Baleigh, or rather Thomas Herriott, 
his companion in several voyages, brought back to Ireland, in 1585 
or 1586, some tubers of the Virginian potato. Its name in its own 
country was openawk. From Herriott's description of the plant 
quoted by Sir Joseph Banks, there is no doubt that it was the 
potato, and not the batata, which at that period was sometimes 
confounded with it." (46.) 

It is to be regretted that Hariot did not furnish fuller 
particulars of the Openauk ; but even from his brief 
description there is sufficient to feel convinced it could not 
be the same as the ordinary potato ; e,g,, American and other 
authors have pointed out that the latter was, in the sixteenth 

» Ed. of 1577, fo. 69 do. 

« Prod, Thmt, Botan, (ed. 1671), 90. 

7 Trans, of Hort. Soc, London (1820), 8 et seq. 


century, unknown in North America. Nevertheless, he found 
the Openauk growing wild in Vii^inia in the same century. 
Again, he reports it as being " found in moist & maiish grounds " 
— a situation in which the ordinary potato will not flourish. 
It is noteworthy that the term ''Openauk" is unmentioned by 
any other writer, except as a quotation from Hariot's work« 

Although bearing a different name, the following description 
of a plant found by Captain J. Smith in Virginia about the 
year 1607, bears a close resemblance to the Openhauk 
(probably the same plant), and is quoted here, as it has 
apparently escaped the notice of writers on this subject 
The section containing it is headed, " Of such things which 
are naturall in Virginia, and how they vse them " : — 

" The chiefs root they haue for food is called Tockawhoughe. 
It groweth like a Flag in low muddy Freshes. In one day a 
Sauage will gather sufficient for a weeke. These rootes are much 
of the greatnesse and taste of Potatoes. They vse to couer a great 
many of them with Oke Leaues and Feme, and then couer all with 
earth in the manner of a Cole-pit; ouer it, on each side, they 
continue a great fire twentie foure houres before they dare eat 
it. Raw it is no better then poisin, and being roasted, except 
it be tender and the heat abated, or sliced and dried in the Sunne, 
mixed with Sorrell and Meale, or such like, it will prickle and 
torment the throat extreamely, and yet in Summer they vse this 
ordinarily for bread." * 

The attention of botanists has been exercised in recent 
years in endeavouring to identify the Openauk with any 
existing plant, as well as to ascertain the botanical family to 
which it belonged. Asa Gray and J. Trumbull believed 
it to be the same as the Apios tuberosa, a native of North 
America, where its tubers were known to be eaten by the 
Indians.® This Apios is known as the American Ground* 
nut, Mic-Mac Potato, Tuberous-rooted Wistaria, "Wild Bean" 
of North America, and is figured in the Journal of the 
Horticultural Society, London, iL (1847), 146. The woodcut 
was reprinted in the Oard^ntri Chronide (1849), 165, to 
illustrate an article on that plant by A. Eichard (quoted from 
the Comptes Bendus), containing the following paragraph : — 

''The roots . . . grow laiger, become filled with starch, and 
form true tubera The swelHngs are sometimes close together, 
so as to form a sort of cbaplet . . . when cooked they taste very 
like artichokes." 

" Purchas his Pilgrimage, pt 4 (1625), 1695. On the preyioiis page 
' ' the Riaer of Tockwhogh '* is mentioned. 
' Amer, J<ywm, of SciMux, art. xiii., May, 1877. 


A claim on behalf of another plant has been thus referred 
to in the last-named journal, of April ITth, 1886 : " It has 
been suggested it. was the Jerusalem Artichoke/' but the 
Helianthus family, like that of the ordinary potato, do not 
flourish in " moist & marish grounds/' 

Before proceeding further, it is necessary to draw attention 
to some particulars in Gerard's volume. In separate chapters 
he describes the two kinds. 

L (Sweet) " Of Potatoes. Sisarum Peruvianum sive Batata 
Hispanorum. Potatus or Potatoes." 

II. (Ordinary) " Of Potatoes of Virginia. Battata Virgin- 
iana sive Virginianorum & Pappus. Potatoes of Virginia." ^ 

It is remarkable that although Glusius terms the sweet 
variety ''Hispani Batatas," he applies the name "Papas 
Peruanorum " to the ordinary kind.^ In " The Introduction 
of the Potato into England," » W. S. Mitchell states that the 
ordinary potato, ''under the name Papa hispanorum, was 
grown in a garden at Breslau" in 1587.* Gerard in his 
Herhcd (as pointed out by Mitchell) **uses the word potato 
alone for the Batatas edulis";*^ in his Catalogus (1599), 
"Bastard Potatoes" is the term applied to the ordinary 

A large number of the illustrations (including one of the 
sweet potato) contained in Gerard's, work were printed from 
blocks prepared for and used in the great volume of Taber- 
naemontanus (1590), a singular exception being that of the 
Solanum tuberosum, of which the earliest known representa- 
tion appeared in the original edition of the former published 
in 1597 ; but a different block was employed in the subse- 
quent issues. How highly Gerard thought of the plant is 
evidenced by his engraved portrait in the frontispiece of his 
work, representing him as holding in his left hand a stem 
of the plant bearing the flower, fruit, and leaves. As De 
CandoUe was well acquainted with this Herhcd^ it is a curious 

^ Ed. 1597, chap. 334-5 ; the names remain unchanged in the snbseqaent 

« Bar, Plant, Hist. (1601), Ixxviii. 

» ArUiqxiary, xiii (1886), 148. 

^ Antiquary^ xiii. (1886), 148, but no reference given. 

^ So does J. Hart, in 1633, in the following extract from his Diet of the 

*'That out-landish root brought unto us from the West Indies, called com- 
monly Potato, and by some Batato, is of the same nature and property, or at 
least goeth a little beyond it [* the Skirret root'] ; but that this pre-eminence 
it hath, that it is, according to the oommon proverb, * Faire fetcht and deare 
bought, and therefore good for Ladies.'" (B^ I., oh. xiii., p. 45.) 


error of his in attribating the earliest illustration of the 
Solanum tuberosum to the volume published by Clusius in 
1601, four years later than that of Gerard. To the woodcut 
of the ordinary potato in the huge folio of the latter W, S. 
Mitchell has devoted much attention, and has pointed out 
that it in all probability was engraved expressly for the 
work, and from a specimen raised in Gerard's own garden. 
(148.) He then goes on to assert it to be *' solely on the 
evidence of this cut [italics in the original] that the state- 
ment has ever been made that the Solanum tuberosum is, or 
at least once was, a native of Virginia." (149.) Gerard's 
statement as to the country from whence his plants were 
supplied is too striking to be passed over : — 

'^ It groweth naturally in America, where it was first discovered, 
as reporteth Clusius, since which time I haue receiued roots hereof 
from Virginia, otherwise called Norembega, which grow & prosper 
in my garden as in their owne natiue country." And further be 
terms them " Potatoes of America or Virginia." 

Although the Work of Clusius {Bar. Plant. Hist) has been 
examined without finding the paragraph alluded to, the 
testimony of Gerard as to the locality from which he 
obtained his first specimens is of great importance, especially 
as his work containing the above passage was printed eleven 
years only after the return of Drake's fleet from that country 
in 1586, and within then recent memory. 

Passing on to consider to whom the credit should be 
assigned for being the original importer and introducer 
(not necessarily the same person) of the ordinary potato 
into these isles, it will be convenient to investigate the 
claims of all those to whom the honour is ascribed by 
various authorities, in the order of their names as given at 
the commencement of this paper. 

Sir, J, Hawkins, — "Potatoes were originally brought to 
England from Santa F^, in America, by Sir John Hawkins 
in 1563," so states Mr. Harland (912), and this is repeated 
in Ghamhers* Cyclopcedia (1891, viii. 354), excepting that 
** Virginia " is substituted for " Santa F^." This relates to 
Hawkins' first voyage in 1562-3, in the account of which 
there is no allusion to the subject. Most probably an un- 
intentional error has been made, and the second voyage 
(1564-5) was the one intended, in which is recorded that at 
"Sancta Fee • . . certaine Indians . . . brought downe to 
vs . . . Hennes, Potatoes and pines. These potatoes be the 


most delicate rootes that may be eaten.'' ^ According to 
A. Brown, Hawkins "brought to England/' from Florida, 
"samples of tobacco, potatoes, and other products";^ but 
in J. Sparke's description of the voyage there is no allusion 
to the potato in the list of the products of Florida. 

The potatoes alluded to must have been of the sweet or 
Spanish kind, and are not mentioned by Sparke as anything 
novel, as they had been known in Europe many years prior 
to 1564 On the other hand the ordinary potato was un- 
known to Hawkins, and was not grown in the tropical 
countries visited by him. 

Sir F, Drake, — In his great voyage of circumnavigation, 
commenced in 1577 and ended in 1580, when off the '' Island 
called la Mocha," south of Concepcion, on the coast of Chili, 
on November 29th, 1578, he relates, "The people came downe 
to vs . . . bringing to vs potatoes, rootes," &c.® This is 
probably the basis of the assertion made by a correspondent 
of Notes and Queries (2nd S. iii. 247) that Drake brought 
some ordinary potatoes to England in 1580, and that to him 
belongs the honour of first introducing them. Against this 
it may be affirmed that these potatoes were not the ordinary, 
but the sweet kind, an opinion held by Sir J. Banks. It 
must be borne in mind that La Mocha is upwards of 450 
miles north of the place where Darwin found the Solanum 
tuberosum growing wild. 

During his next voyage, commenced on September 12th, 
1585, he captured the city of St Jago, on one of the Cape 
de Verd Isles, and in a valley adjacent he found growing, 
amongst other things, " potato rootes " (Batata edulis). He 
then crossed the Atlantic to the West India Islands, arrived 
at the coast of Florida in May, and reached Virginia on 
June 9th, 1586. He left there for England on the 18th of 
the same month, taking with him B. Lane, T. Hariot, the 
majority of the colonists, and ** specimens of the productions 
of the country," one being " the root known as the potato,"® 
and landed at Portsmouth on July 28th. 

The claim made on behalf of Drake to be regarded as the 
introducer of the potato, is founded on the generally-accepted 
belief of his ship having brought from Virginia the first 
parcel of potatoes that were received in England. Whether 
the repute of such introduction should rest with him, or with 

• The Hawkins* Voyages, Hakluyt Soc (1878), 27. 
' Genesis of the United States (1890), i. 5. 

" Hakluyt, xy. (1890), 418. 

• Justin Winbok, America^ iii. 113, 





any of those who came from Virginia, appears to be at first 
sight an open question. 

There is a general consensus of opinion that potato tubers 
were brought to England in his ship in 1586, but it is quite 
possible he was unaware of any being on board. Prior to 
his visit to Virginia we have no record of his touching at 
any port where such could be obtained ; but there is a remote 
possibility of some being acquired in the pillage of a Spanish 

Impressed with the belief of Dmke beiug the first importer 
of our ordinary potato into Europe, an enthusiastic German 
sculptor executed a statue of him, and gave it to the 
town of Ofifenburg, where it was erected in 1854. The 
following description of it is taken from the Gentleman's 
Magazine, March, 1854 (282-3) :— 

"A statue of Sir Francis Drake has been presented to the town 
of Offenbuig by Herr Andreas Friedericby a sculptor living in 
Strasburg. It is executed in fine-grained red sandstone, fourteen 
feet high, in one of the best situations in the town. Sir Francis 
Drake is represented standing on his ship at Deptford, on the 4th 
of April, 1587, having just been made a knight by the Queen. 
The sculptor, having no idea of the plain knighthood by the sword, 
still retained in England, and in England only, has placed some 
imaginary insignia of knighthood, with a portrait of the Queen, 
suspended by a massive chain from his neck. He holds in his 
right hand a map of America, and in his left a bundle of potato- 
stalks, with the roots, leaves, flowers, and berries attached. His 
arm leans on an anchor, over which a mantle falls in ample folds. 
On each side of the pedestal are inscriptions, the first being, ' Sir 
Francis Drake, the introducer of potatoes into Europe in the year 
of our Lord 1586'; the second, 'The thanks of the town of 
Ofifenburg to Andreas Friedericb, of Strasburg, the executor and 
founder of the statue ' ; the third, ' The blessings of millions of 
men who cultivate the globe of the earth is thy most imperishable 
glory ' ; and the fourth, ' The precious gift of God, as the help of 
the poor against need, prevents bitter want.' The citizens of 
Oflenburg have presented the artist with a silver goblet, on the 
lid of wMch stands a model, in the same metal, of the statue of 
Drake." 2 

Sir W. Ralegh, — It was for a long period the popular 
opinion (and scarcely yet extinct) that Balegh had personally 
visited Virginia. There is no allusion to such a visit in the 
earliest memoir (that of Winstanley) issued in 1660; but 

1 De CandoUe suggests that Ralegh may hare acquired some in this 
manner. (47.) - ' Cf. West, Antiq., ii. 76. 


in that by John Shirley, his next biographer, we find this 
paragraph : — 

"The Qaeen . . . sent him on a Voyage to sea ... at his 
Retnm be broiigbt news of a new Country, discover'd by him in 
the Year 1584, called in honour of the Qaeen Virginia." (24.) 

This statement was repeated by Theobald in 1719 ;* and in 
1680 Aubrey wrote, "Thomas Hariot went with Sir Walter 
Ealeigh to Virginia." (367.) 

Coming down to a late period we find Harland remarking, 
" Sir Walter Ealeigh, after returning from America in 1586 " 
(912); and in 1851, "One of the subjects proposed for the 
decorations of the new Houses of Parliament" was "Sir 
Walter Ealeigh landing in Virginia." In the earlier edition 
of his Literature of Europe Hallam alluded to Hariot as 
" the companion of Sir Walter Ealeigh in Virginia," but this 
is omitted from the last issue. The visit is implied rather 
than asserted by Isaac D' Israeli in the following paragraph : — 

"To Sir Walter Ealeigh we have . . . been indebted solely 
... for that infinitely useful root which forms a part of our 
daily meal, and often the entire meal of the poor man — the 
potato, which deserved to have been called a Rawletgh"^ 

"Was Ealeigh in Virginia?" has formed the subject of 
several articles in Notes and Queries, and been answered in 
the negative. Mr. D. M. Stevens made the ingenious sugges- 
tion that the popular error may have been founded on the 
following paragraph in Hariot's work: — "The actions of such 
that haue bene by Sir Water [sic] Ealeigh there in and there 
imployed" (ed. 1590, 32), having been erroneously translated 
by De Bry, " Qui generosum D. Walterum Ealeigh in eam 
regionem corriitati sunt"^ 

Although Ealegh did not visit that country, it was certainly 
through his instrumentality the potato was brought into this 
kingdom, and, as we shall presently point out, he had a great 
deal to do with promoting and encouraging its cultivation. 

Sir B. Lane. — ^Very little can be said in favour of Lane 
having taken any active or decided part in promoting or 
bringing into notice the introduction of the potato as an 
important article of food. "It is not improbable that 
potatoes and tobacco were first brought into England at this 
time (1586) by Lane and his companions; but there is no 

* Memoirs of Sir Walter Ralegh^ 6. 

* Curios, of Literature {\S59)f ii. 156, 

* N, andQ,,ZTdS, i. 148. 

M 2 


direct evidence of it," so states Professor Laughton.® Steb- 
bing associates him with Hariot in having ** first discovered 
them in North Carolina."^ We know of nothing to entitle 
him to be considered as one of the discoverers ; and his own 
letter dated September 3rd, 1583, respecting productions of 
that country,® is silent on the subject. The little know- 
ledge we possess of him leads to the belief he was not one 
to hide his light under a bushel. 

Thomas Hariot. — The Times of August 14th, 1882, contains 
a letter signed " Henry H. Drake," from which this extract 
is taken : — 

"Thomas Heriot, one of the Virginian settlers, a servant of 
Ealeigb, wrote, with the approbation of • • . Kalph Lane, a 
description of the Openhauk, meaning the potato." 

That Hariot wrote his work with the "approbation" of 
£. Lane is exceedingly doubtful. He had been sent out 
by, and at the charge of. Sir W. Balegh, to survey and 
report to him the resources of Virginia, and, excepting for 
purely civil purposes, was independent of the Governor, 
being responsible to Sir Walter alone, whose "seruant he 
declared himself to be." 

H. B. F. Bourne remarks, ''Hariot, or some of his comrades, 
brought over a few plants, which were cultivated as rarities" ;• 
and M. A. S. Hume affirms of Hariot, *" The food value of the 
potato . . . appealed strongly to his practical wisdom, and 
he urged the experiment of its cultivation in England."^ 

In his report on Virginia, Hariot seems to have confined 
his remarks to the native productions of the country, and 
hence the ordinary potato is unmentioned by him ; but as the 
object of his mission was eminently a practical on6, he would 
be the first to recognize the worth of any article of diet he 
might meet with in the course of his enquiries other than 
those indigenous to the place, and to carry with him back to 
England samples of them. Such is the view entertained by 
the authors of the article "Balegh" in the Diet, of Nat. 
Biog,, when in alluding to the importation of the potato they 
remark, " Harriott's specimens were doubtless the earliest to 
be planted in this kingdom." 

The majority of authors favour the opinion that the potato 

• Dkt. of Nat, Biog., art. ''Sir R. Lane," xxxii. 77. 

7 Li/6 of Sir Walter Balegh (1891), 49. 

8 Hakluyt, xiii 301. 

• Romance of Trade (1876), 26. 

1 Life of Sir Walter Balegh (1897), 79. 


was first planted, and its cultivation encouraged, in Ireland, 
some years prior to its culture in England. Some go so far 
as to declare that they were first landed in the former 
country. Thus De Candolle notes, " It is said that Sir Walter 
Baleigh, or rather Thomas Herriott, his companion in several 
voyages, brought back to Ireland, in 1585 or 1586, some 
tubers of the Virginian potato." (46.) Again, A. Cayley 
remarks, ''An opinion prevails that we are indebted to Sir 
Walter . . • for the useful potatoe, his ships having touched 
at Ireland on their return from Virginia, and left some roots 
in that kingdom, whence it found its way hither." To this 
he adds, '* By the best accounts, however, it was introduced 
into Ireland in 1565, when the knight was only thirteen 
years of age."^ There are two points in this statement to be 
traversed: (1) Of the five Ealegh expeditions only one is 
recorded to have called at any port in Ireland on its home- 
virard journey, viz., the fourth, that left Portsmouth on May 
8th, 1587. On their return the ships, owing to stormy 
weather, were driven so far out of their course that they 
** expected nothing but famine." They reached Smerwick, on 
the west coast of Ireland, on October 16th, where they 
obtained "fresh water, wine and other fresh meate."* It is 
not probable that a starving crew would have had any 
potatoes withheld from them had there been any on board. 
(2) It has been already pointed out^that the only potatoes 
known in England and Ireland prior to 1586, were of the 
sweet or Spanish kind. 

With respect to the alleged introduction in 1585 or 1586, 
it is tolerably certain that Ireland was not visited by Drake's 
ships on their return voyage from Virginia, and the fact of the 
comparatively short time it occupied — June 9th to July 28th 
— shows they could, not have gone so far out of their course. 

According to J. Campbell, " it appears they (potatoes) were 
brought into Ireland about the year 1610 ;^ and to this 
McCulloch adds, " When a small quantity was sent by Sir 
Walter Baleigh, to be planted in a garden on his estate in the 
vicinity of Youghal."^ It is sufficient to disprove this asser- 
tion by stating that Balegh was a prisoner in the tower in 1610, 
and had sold bis Irish estates eight years prior to that date.^ 

* Life of Sir Walter RaUgh (1806), i. 82. ' Hakluyt, xiii. 858-^71. 

* Political Survey of Great BrUain (1784), 88, 95. 
» Diet, of Commerce (1859). 1048. 

* It is said in Haydn's Diet, of Dales that some ascribe the goDeral intro- 
duction of the potato to the year 1592, but why that year is fixed upon is 
difficult to guess. Dr. Doran notes : ** We hear of its arrival in Vienna (in 
1598), and thence spreading over Europe." {Table Traits, 1869, 185.) 


Balegh was in England attending the Court at the time of 
Drake landing at Portsmouth on July 28th, 1586, so that he 
must have had ample opportunities of learning from Hariot 
as to the results of his visit to Virginia, and of examining 
the articles he had brought from that country, among which 
were in all probability some potato tubers. 

The Irish estates were conferred on Ealegh by the Queen 
in the same year of Drake's return ; and " particulars of grant 
of 3 seigniories and a half in Cork & Watecford to Sir 
W. Ralegh dated Oct 16, 1586," will be found in the 
Eistori/ of Cork, by C. Smith (1750), i. 62-3. The date of his 
first visit to his newly-acquired Irish property is unknown, but 
it is believed to have taken place in the following spring; 
and this tallies with the period when the potato is thought 
to have been first taken to Ireland by Ralegh himself, and 
planted by him at Youghal. At that place, records Sir J. P. 
Hennessy, "where the town wall of the thirteenth century 
bounds the garden of the Warden's house (Ralegh's house)i 
is the famous spot where the first Irish potato was planted 
by him," and this seems to be corroborated by the circum- 
stance of specimens of other plants from abroad having been 
placed by him in the same locality. " The richly-perfumed 
yellow wallflowers that he brought to Ireland from the 
Azores, and the Aflane cherry, are still found where he first 
planted them by the Black water." ^ And C. Smith states 
that Ralegh " brought the celebrated Affane cherry . . . from 
the Canary Islands." (i. 128.) In Hall's Ireland the spot 
where the first potato was planted is assigned to ''a plot of 
land adjoining a tower, still existing, standing near the 
entrance to the harbour," at the mouth of the Blackwaten 
(i. 80.) 

The active part taken by Ralegh in promoting its general 
cultivation is to a certain extent corroborated by the follow- 
ing entries in the Journal Book of the Royal Society, copies 
having been courteously supplied by Mr. T. E. James : — 

"Dec. 6, 1693. Dr. Sloan related that the Irish Potatoes were 
first brought from Virginia, and that they are the chief subeistence 
of the Spanish Slaves in the mines in Peru and elsewhere. 

"Dec. 13, 1693. The President (Lord Southwell) related that 
his grandfather brought Potatoes into Ireland, who had them from 
Sir Walter Rauleigh after his return from Virginia." 

Respecting the second entry. Sir J. P. Hennessy remarks : 
** In that garden " of the Warden's house Ralegh " gave the 

' Sir Walter Ralegh in Ireland (1886), 117-8. 


tnbers to the ancestor of the present Lord Southwell, by 
whom they were spread throughout the province of Munster." 

It is remarkable that in his Life of Ralegh Edwards omits 
all reference to the potato excepting in this paragraph : 

^'The possessions which . . . passed from Kalegh to Boyle 
included the land on which he bad planted the first potatoes 
ever set in Ireland/' (i. 106.) 

It is singular we know so little of the history of its 
cultivation in England, and thus far we possess no tradition 
and but slender information concerning it It was not until 
late in the eighteenth century that potato planting became 
general, and the tubers began to form a part of the daily 
food of the community. Thus a writer in 1788 remarks, 
*'They are now grown, though but lately (the cultivation 
being progressive from the West import), in every part of the 
kingdom." 8 

The following is taken from the same article : — 

"The utility of this plant being soon known, rendered the 
cultivation of it pretty universal through Ireland, and in due time 
found its way to this kingdom by accident, where it was first 
planted upon the Western coast, owing, as it is reported, to a 
vessel being shipwrecked which contained some potatoes, at a 
village near Formby, in Lancashire, a place still famed for this 
excellent vegetable. ''® 

In 1802 the Eev. R Warner noticed, while travelling along 
the road between Garstang and Preston, "the potatoe . . . 
introduced from Ireland by the immortal Raleigh."^ 

Judging from this notice, the potato was unknown in 
Scotland until a comparatively late period: — 

"Death. 1788. Jan. 25. In the Abbey at Edinburgh, aged 
85, Mr. Harry Prentice, who first introduced the culture of potatoes 
into Scotland." 2 

Before making some concluding remarks, there are several 
points of interest to mention relating to this subject. 

At many of the dwellings inhabited, or reputed to have 
been so, by Kalegh, local traditions affirm he planted potatoes 
in the gardens attached to them. For example, it continues 

• Qaoted in Oeni'n Mag, (1789), i. 437, from Holt's Characters of the 
Kings and Queens of England, iii., published in 1788. 

» Cf. Ta:bU Traits, by Dr. Doran, 185. 

^ Tour through the JSorthem Counties of England^ qaoted in Oent/s Mag. 
(1804), ii. 1130. 

« Gent:s Mag, (1788), i. 179. 


to be SO asserted at his birthplace at Hayes Barton, in this 
county, and is so recorded in Chambers* Cyclopcedia (1891), 
viii 354 A similar belief exists in the adjoining parish of 
Colaton Baleigh, where he is thought to have occupied a 
house, still standing, called " Place " (for " Palace " ?), that 
formerly belonged to the abbots of Dunkeswell, and "that 
he first planted them in that garden, along the north side of 
the house, when he lived there."^ 

" On Fox Grove Farm (Beckenham, Kent) ... or very near it 
• . • three centuries since, potatoes were first cultivated by Sir 
Walter Raleigh, whose reaidence was close by where Fox Grove 
Farmhouse is." 

This appeared in the Builder of September 17th, 1864, and 
is a fair specimen of the loose assertions that appear occa- 
sionally in periodical literature. A correspondent of Notes 
and Queries (4th S. iii. 480) declares " no such tradition exists 
at Beckenham." Moreover, Balegh never lived in that 
locality, and it is very doubtful whether any of his family 
ever did. It is not often that a so-called tradition, which 
unless contradicted at an early stage might soon be accepted 
as a fact, is so easily demolished. 

There is a well-known story of a great mistake having 
been committed at first as to the proper edible portion of 
the plant, of which the earliest version that has fallen under 
the notice of the writer is given in C. Smith's History of 
Cork^ published in 1750 : — " In Youghal . . . the person 
who planted them, imagining that the apple which grows 
on the stalk was the part to be used, gathered them ; but, 
not liking their taste, neglected the roots till the ground, 
being dug afterwards to sow some other grain, the potatoes 
were discovered therein, and to the great surprise of the 
planter vastly increased, and from those few this country 
was furnished with seed." (i. 128.) 

Pursuing the customary rule that the repetition of a story 
is invariably varied by the transmitter, we find the next 
example to be no exception to it: — 

" A total ignorance which part of the plant was the proper food 
had nearly ruined any farther attention towards its cultivation; 
for, perceiving green apples appear upon the stems, these were 
imagined to be the fruit; but, upon being boiled, and finding 
them unpalatable, or rather nauseous, Kaleigh was disgusted with 
his acquisition, nor thought any more of cultivating potatoes. 
Accident, however, discovered the real fruit, owing to the ground 

• P. 0. HuTOHiNSON, in N, and Q., 4th S. iv. 668. 


belDg tunied over through necessity that yeiy season, and to 
his sQiprise a plentiful crop was found underground, which, upon 
being boiled, were found nourishing to the stomach and grateful to 
the taste.'' ^ 

A somewhat similar account is given in the German Notes 
Ulvstrative of Irvin^s Columbus : — " It is known that Drake 
first sent to England the potato as food ; but by a misunder- 
standing the fruit (potato-apple) was first used, which, alone, 
has a very bad taste, but after the fall of the fruit recourse 
was had to the root."* 

Another version is narrated by Mr. Harland, in which the 
gardener "in an ill-humour . . . carried the potatoe-apple 
to his master, and asked, * Is this the fine fruit from America 
you prized so highly ? ' Sir Walter told the gardener . . . 
to dig up the root and throw the weed away. The gardener 
Boon returned with a good parcel of potatoes." (912.) 

A review of the foregoing details will enable us to form 
some proximate conclusions respecting the introduction of 
the Solanum tuberosum into this country. Much confusion 
has arisen owing to the name ''Potato" being assigned to 
two entirely different plants, with the result of the history 
being fused into that of the other; one a native of the 
tropics, the other of temperate districts. The former — the 
sweet or Spanish potato — was unknown in Europe until the 
beginning of the sixteenth century ; the latter — our ordinary 
potato — until towards its close. Its advent in England is 
customarily assigned to the year 1586, when Drake's fleet 
returned to this country, with the Virginian colonists on 
board, and, in the opinion of those who have given most 
attention to the subject, with the first potato tubers imported 

We possess no direct proof that they were brought from 
Virginia: but when we consider the almost unanimous 
opinion of authorities in its favour; the emphatic assertion 
of Gerard of having received his specimens from that country, 
and their being named by him " Potatoes of Virginia " ; the 
circumstance of the potato being unknown here until after 
the arrival of Drake's fleet in 1586 (the turning-point in 
its English history), and the action of Kalegh in cultivating 
it soon after that date, we may fairly come to the conclu« 
sion that Virginia was the country from whence it was 
brought to England. It may be justly said that this is 
based on probability and tradition, and not on positive 

* Gent.'s Magazine, 1789, I 437. » H, and Q., 4th S. iv. 569. 


evidence; but even "tradition is not to be entirely ignoi^, 
as it is often based upon a great deal of truth." 

That the Openauk, described by Hariot, was not identical 
with the Beads of St. Helen, and neither with the Solanum 
tuberosum, has been suiSiciently proved. 

Of the suggested introducers we may commence with Sir 
J. Hawkins, of whom may be said that if he brought any 
to England they must have been of the tropical or sweet 
kind. Of R Lane there is no reason to believe he had 
any active share in the matter. It is very doubtful if 
Drake can be credited with their introduction beyond the 
perfunctory one of having conveyed them from Virginia. 

Of T. Hariot we have to remember he was specially 
commissioned by Ralegh to examine and report to him 
upon the resources, &c., of that country. It is true his 
printed work omits all notice of the ordinary potato, but 
we have to bear in mind it was confined to a description 
of the native products alone. That he was the first to 
recognize its " food value," and to convey specimens to his 
employer. Sir W. Ralegh, appears now to be the general 
opinion. That Ralegh was the direct cause of the potato 
being brought to this land of ours can now scarcely be 
gainsaid; and to hini must certainly be attributed the 
honour of promoting its cultivation in Ireland, from whence 
it was subsequently transmitted to England. 

That the merit of importing the potato into this country 
belongs to Hariot, who shares with Ralegh in that of its 
introduction, while to the latter alone is due the honour of 
promoting its cultivation and of adding to the standard articles 
of food in this country, seems to be the proper corollary of 
these remarks. 


In considering the question as to the proximate date of 
the original introduction of tobacco into this country, it 
must not be accepted as a fact that smoking was then 
practised for the first time; on the contrary, "herbs and 
leaves, of one kind or other, were smoked medicinally long 
before the period at which tobacco is generally believed to 
have been first brought to England . . . pipes were in use 
before * the weed ' was known in our country, and took the 
place of other plants, but did not give rise to the custom 
of smoking."® And Dr. A. T. Thomson remarked that 
"smoking herbs with a pipe is a very ancient custom." ^ (471.) 

• Ll. Jewitt, in the lUliquary, iii. (1862-3), 74-6. ' Of. Fairholt, 43. 


Its smoke was inhaled for various purposes in the 
countries of the Western, long prior to its being known in 
those of the Eastern, Hemisphere. The earliest notice of 
Europeans having witnessed the practice of tobacco-smoking 
took place in 1492, during the first expedition of Columbus 
to America. Oviedo, a Spaniard, was apparently the author 
of the earliest published work giving particulars of its 
employment in the Spanish possessions of South America.^ 
There is, however, no indication of its being known in 
Europe until after the middle of the sixteenth century. 
About the year 1560 it was first taken to Spain from 
Mexico by a physician. About the same date "Master 
lohn Nicot, one of the kings counsaile, being ambassadour 
for his Maiestie in the realme of Portingall, in the yeeres 
of our Lord God, 1559. 60. and 61," in the first year of his 
office sent some seeds to France, and on his return to his 
office in 1561 some of the plants also. While in Spain it 
was termed Tabaco, in France it was known as Nicotiana. 

The Spanish physician, Dr. Monardes, published at Seville 
in 1569 the first part of a work, Los Libros . . . Indias 
OcdderUales, with his portrait on the title-page; and in 
1571 the second part, containing an illustration of the 
tobacco plant; both were "Englished by John Frampton 
Marchant,'' and published in 1577 (already noticed in the 
article on the Potato) in one volume. At the close of 
his article Dr. Monardes thus acknowledges the assistance 
he received from Nicot : — 

''Loe, here you haue the true Historie of Nicotiane, of the 
which the eayde Lord Nicot, one of the Kinges Counsellers first 
founder out of this hearbe, hath made mee priuie aswel by woorde 
as by writing, to make thee (friendly Header) partaker thereof, to 
whome I require thee to yeeld as harty thanks as I acknowledge 
my self bound vnto him for this benefits receiued.'' (45.) 

The interest of the latter is twofold : (I.) in having a 
section headed, " Of the Tabaco, and of his great vertues " ; 
(II.) for containing a good illustration of the plant 
(3 in. X 4^ in.), probably the earliest one in an English 
volume, and apparently executed for this work, being 
wholly different from that in the Spanish one. In Maison 
Hustique, or The Covntrie Farme, translated from the French 
(of Estienne and Liebault) by R Svrflet, and published in 

" Fairholt, 14, quotes from his Historias General cU las Indias, 1526 
and 1535. The first meDtioned by W. Braoge in his Bibl Nicotiana (1880J 
is OviBDo's Coronica de las Indian, 1547, in which there is a separate chapter 
on Tobacco. 


1600, there is a woodcut of the plant, an evident facsimile 
of the one in Frampton's work. (The earliest French work 
on Tobacco is dated 1572, vide Bragge, Bibl. NicoL) 

It is uncertain when tobacco was first imported into 
England. In Tfie Oenesis of the United States^ by A. Brown, 
we read: *' Hawkins and his men gave a lively. description 
of Florida, its products, soil, climate, &a They brought 
to England samples of tobacco, potatoes, and other products ; 
this was after the first voyage in 1565." (1890, i. 5.) Then 
in Stow's Chronicle is this entry : " Tobacco was first brought 
& made known in England by Sir lohn Hawkins about 
the yeere 1565." (Edition of 1631, 1038.) Unfortunately 
we cannot altogether place much reliance on this paragraph, 
as it appeared in this edition alone, being absent from all 
the previous ones (Stow died in 1606) ; moreover, the 
following will be found on the same page : " Apricocks . . . 
and Tobacco came into England about the 20 year of Queen 
Elizabeth." This would be in 1577-8, a difference of twelve 
years. But the former quotation from Stow is declared 
by a correspondent of Notes and Qxuries (2nd S. iii. 311) 
to be confirmed by Taylor, the Water-Poet, in a " Postcript " 
to his metrical account of Old Parr ; as, however, this was 
not published till 1635, and the notice is taken from the 
edition of Stow of 1631, it need scarcely be said that his 
testimony is of no value whatever. Of more importance 
is the circumstance of the editor of The Hawkins* Voyages ® 
accepting the statements of Stow and Taylor, and referring 
them to the third voyage of J. Hawkins (1567-8) instead 
of to the second (1564-5). (Introd. vii.) 

There is only one reference to tobacco by Hawkins in 
the description of his voyages, but this is of importance 
for being the basis of the assertion that he was the first 
who imported it into this country. It occurs in the account 
of the second voyage (1564-5), and is here transcribed : — 

'' The Florid ians when they trauel haue a kinde of herbe dryed, 
which with a cane, and an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and 
the dried herbs put together do sucke thoro the cane the smoke 
thereof, which smoke satisfieth their hunger, and therewith they 
liue foure or five days without meat or drmke." ^ 

This is confirmed by two authors. Thus Dr. Monardes 
records, " The inhabitants of Florida doe nourish themselues 
certaine times, with the smoke of this Hearbe, which they 
receiue at the mouth through certayne coffins, such as the 

» Hakl. Soc (1878). » Ihid., 67. 


Grocers doe vse to put in their spices." (Ed. 1596, fo. 44 A 
coffin is a cone of paper used for holding various articles 
sold by grocers, &c.) And Svrflet describes how the 
inhabitants of that country inhale the smoke '*by the 
meanes of certaine small homes." (289.) 

In 1576 "Lobelius, in bis Novum Stirpium Adversaria 
(Antwerp, 1576), declares that * within these few years* 
the West Indian tobacco had become *an inmate of 
England.' " (Quoted by Fairholt, 51.) The English translation 
of the work of Dr. Monardes was published in 1577 ; and 
as other editions followed in 1580 and 1596, it may be 
taken for granted it was well known in England ; also that 
the long account of the virtues of tobacco described in it 
must have been greatly appreciated, especially by physicians. 
That the plant was well known in England in 1582 is shown 
in the following extract from a set of instructions given by 
Hakluyt to a Turkey trader in that year: "The seed of 
Tobacco hath bene brought hither out of the West Indies, 
it groweth heere, and with the herbe many haue bene eased 
of the reumes, &c." * 

Four years later (1586) Drake's ships returned to England, 
when, it is customarily asserted, tobacco was imported here 
for the first time.' During his voyage he called at the 
Isle of Dominica, where he obtained a supply of fresh water, 
the inhabitants '* fetching from their houses great store of 
Tabacco."* From the West Indies he sailed to Virginia, 
where, after taking on board Kalegh's colonists, and at the 
same time specimens of tobacco, he got back to his native 
land on July 28tb, 1586, this tobacco being, in the opinion of 
many writers, e.g.y Camden, the first that had been brought 
to England. While one author asserts " Captain Bichard 

^ T. 301. The editor adds in a footnote: **Ab these instmctions were 
written in 1582, how can Tobacco have been introduced by Raleigh in 1586, 
as generally asserted'/ It is [sic for Ms it'] not more probable that it 
dates from Sir John Hawkins' voyage in 1565?" The chapter is headed, 
** Remembrances for master S. to giue him the better occasion to informs 
himselfe of some things in Ilngland, and after of some other things in Turkic, 
to the greate profile of the Common weale of this Ck>untrey. Written by 
the foresayd master Richard Hakluyt, for a principaU English Factor at 
Constantinople 1582." This article has not been found in earlier editions 
of Hakluyt's work. 

» M. A. S. Hume, Sir W. Ralegh (1897), 82. 

* Hakluyt, xv. (1890), 218-9. In The World Encompassed by Sir F. 
Drake (1628) there are three references, in the account of his voyage in 
1579, and whUe off the coast of California, to several presents he received 
from the Indians of *' an herbe which they called Tabdh." (68, 71, 78.) It 
is doubtful whether this was the same as tobacco, although Fairholt believes 
it was. In error he dates the voyage 1572-3. 


Grenfield and Sir Francis Drake were the first planters of it 
here/'^ others affirm it was imported by Lane and Drake 
jointly.® According to Fairholt, ''it seems to have been 
introduced by Mr. Ralph Lane, who was sent out by Salegh 
as Governor of Virginia;^ and this is adopted by Tytler, 
who adds, ''There can be little doubt that Lane had been 
directed to import it by his master, who must have seen 
it used in France during his residence there."® 

It is very remarkable how nearly all writers on this 
subject have passed over the name of T. Hariot, although 
he was sent out by Balegh for the specific purpose of in- 
vestigating and reporting upon the natural productions of 
the new colony. Fairholt, it is true, terms him "the 
historian of the voyage," but this does not convey a proper 
idea of his position. A more correct one is thus related by 
Oldys: — "He was the first author among us, who wrote 
thereof out of his own experience, immediately upon his 
return with the colony * . . from Virginia, where he had been 
employed by Balegh to survey the country and describe 
its products." (77.) In his Report (already noticed svb 
" Potato ") he thus describes the tobacco plant : — 

" There is an herbe whiche is sowed a part by itselfe & is called 
by the inhabitants Yppdwoc : In the West Indies it hath diuers 
names, according to the seuerall places & countries where it 
groweth and is vsed : The Spaniardes generally call it Tobacco. 
The leaues thereof being dried and brought into powder : they vse 
to take the fume or smoke thereof by sucking- it through pipes 
made of claie into their stomacke and heade : from whence it 
pui^eth superfluous fleame & other grosse humors, openeth all the 
pores <& passages of the body : by which meanes the vse thereof, 
not only preserueth the body from obstnictids : but if also any be, 
so that they haue not beene of too long continuance, in short time 
breaketh them : wherby their bodies are notably preserued in 
health, & know not many greeuous diseases wherewithal! wee in 
England are oftentimes afflicted." (Ed. De £ry (1590), 16.) 

The earliest account of it in English is that contained in the 
translation of the Spanish work of Dr. Monardes, published 
in 1577, to which attention has been already directed. 

According to Dr. A. T. Thomson, " It was not introduced 
into Virginia until 1616, when its growth there was com- 

. • Quoted by Fairholt, 61, and in Brand's PoptUar Antiquities, ii. (1864), 
862, from the remarks of the translator of Everards' Panaceaf or the 
Universal Medicine (1669). 

• Ency, Brit,, last edition, article "Tobacco." 

' 60. Cf. SoHOMBUROK, edition of Ralegh's Ouiana^ xxxiv. 

• Life of Sir JFaUer Ralegh (1833), 64. 


menced under the government of Sir Thomas Dale." (462.) 
And John Rolfe, well known as the husband of Pocahontas, 
is noted as "the first cultivator of tobacco in Virginia."® 
If this be correct, it must have taken place in the last year 
of Dale's governorship, as he left for England in that year 
(1616). Most probably he improved the cultivation of the 
plant, and this is borne out by the remark of Purchas, 
" Tobacco — which with a little better experience in the curing, 
would be as good as any in America." ^ 

A curious episode in the history of Virginia and its 
tobacco-raising deserves a passing mention: — "Under the 
governorship of George Hardby (ctVc. 1625) the culture of 
tobacco was encouraged & a council and general assembly 
were instituted, in imitation of the English form of govern- 
ment. About the same period 160 single young women 
were brought from England as wives for the batchelors, and 
the price of each was about 120 pounds of tobacco."* 

Eeverting to the Report of T. Hariot, he adds to the 
foregoing extract his personal experience in smoking : — 

"We ourselues during the time we were there vsed to suck it 
after their maner, as also since our returne, & haue found mains 
[sic] rare and wonderful experiments of the vertues thereof: of 
which the relation woulde require a volume by it selfe : the vse of 
it by so manie of late, men & women of great calling as else, and 
some learned Physitions also, is sufficient witnes." (16.) 

As in the instance of the potato, can we doubt that Hariot 
not only gave specimens of the plant to Balegh as one of the 
results of his journey, but also demonstrated to him how 
"to suck it" after the manner he had been taught and 
practised? We know it was soon after this that Balegh 
was known to be an ardent smoker, and continued so to the 
last day of his life. Fairholt declares, " Mr. Thomas Harriot 
and the learned Camden, who both lived at the period, un- 
hesitatingly affirm that Lane has the honour of being the 
original English smoker " (50),^ but in neither of the works 
of these two authors can any confirmation of this statement 
be found. And Dr. A. T. Thomson writes, " It is asserted, 
that Sir Walter Balegh was the pupil of Captain Lane, one 

> Brtakt and Mat's Hist, of the United States (1876), i. 803. 

* E%8 PilgHmage (1620), 886. 

* A Statistical . . . AccoutU of the United States . . . by D. B. Wardbn 
(1819), ii. 190. 

* This is also asserted in the Eneydop, Brit.^ art "Tobacco," in which 
cnriously enough the name of T. Hariot is not mentioned. 


of Drake's officers, in tbe acquirement of this elegant ac- 
complishment." (471, but no reference given.) Surely this 
must be Governor Lane under a new title. 

How or by whom tobacco was first brought to England, 
all authorities agree with the remark of Oldys, that " the 
introduction among us of that commodity is generally 
ascribed to Ralegh."* Aubrey, for example, wrote in 1680, 
"He (Ralegh) was the first that brought tobacco into these 
ieles." (512.) We even find Bishop Creighton tripping when 
he states, "Tobacco . . . was first brought to England by 
Sir Walter Raleigh in 1586."' 

Though not the importer, there can be no hesitation in 
affirming that Ralegh not only introduced it into general use 
in this country, but, as Aubrey notes, was the first that 
brought it "into fashion." (512.) We can therefore well 
understand how James I. had Ralegh in bis mind's eye when 
be penned this paragraph in his GovjUer-Blaste to Tobacco 
in 1604 :— 

" It is not BO long since the first entry of this abuse amongst as 
here, as this present age cannot yet very well remember, both tbe 
first Author, and the forme of the first introduction of it among 
va It was neither brought in by King, great Conqueroui, not 
learned Doctor of Fhisicke."^ 

Dr. A. T. Thomson goes a step further than Aubrey, not 

only in observing that Ralegh " soon set the fashion " in 

smoking, but also that he, " in communicating the art to bis 

friends, gave smoking parties at his house, where hia guests 

were treated with nothing but a pipe, a mug of ale, and a 

nutmeg." (471-2; unfortunately he gives no reference.) 

Again, we have the testimony recorded in Stow's Chronicle 

(ed. 1631), where, in claiming Sir J. Hawkins as the original 

■oduoer in 1565, there is added, " But not vaed by Englisb- 

1 in many yeeres after," and, as it were in corroboration 

this last paragraph, the following marginal note appears 

the same page : — " Sir Walter Raleigh was the first that 

ught tobacco in vse, when all men wodred what it meanL" 


ilany haphazard guesses have been made as to the place 
;re Ralegh smoked his first pipe. 

73. Cr. Dr. Obosabt'b Notu to Lumon Faptrs, lit S. t. 278. 

j4ge of Elisabdh (1888), 198. 

Ed. E. GoLDGHiD (1884), 13. In & footnote the editor m>kM the 

qIm eugaestion that ths king nFerred to Bdeeh, "whoae hetd t 

CDt off, pwtlv influenced, do doabt, by hi 

ID ;«>ra aRer tLe publication of the work I 

influenced, do doabt, by his aetottatioQ of tobacc«," 


It was at Penzanoe, relates Mrs. Whitcombe, " so runs the 
story, that Sir Walter Ealeigh smoked his first pipe of 
tobacco in England after his return from America." ^ Miss 
M. A. Courtney alludes to this as *' a curious myth," adding, 
^ Several western ports, both in Devon and Cornwall, make 
the same boast." ® There is, however, no evidence, or even 
probability of his ships having caUed at that port on the 
return voyage. Although the fact that he n^ver visited 
Virginia is now well established, some authors still cling to 
the m]rth, as shown in the next quotation : — " * Sir Walter's 
Study,' in what was once the Gerddine's College at Toughal, 
is the same room in which Haleigh studied Yerazzano's 
charts before sailing to Virginia, and in which he first 
smoked tobacco after coming back." ^ That he smoked there 
at a later period is probable enough, but the Irish estates 
were not conferred on him until three months after Drake's 
return. Sir J. P. Hennessy's account reads more like the 
correct one : — ** The four venerable yew-trees ... are pointed 
out as having sheltered Ealegh when he first smoked tobacco 
in his Youghal garden. In that garden he also planted 
tobacco." ^ 

In Haydn's Dictionary of Bates is noted, " The *Pied Bull* 
at Islington, is said to have been the first house in England 
where tobacco was smoked." This was one of the reputed 
residences of Balegh, and to a comparatively late date con- 
tained several coats of arms in the windows, one of the 
shields bearing as its crest, "a tobacco plant, between two sea- 
horses," so described in Gentleman's Magazine (1791, L 17), 
but with doubtful correctness, judging from a representation 
of it in Nelson's History of Islington (1829, pi. ii. fig. 9), 
where it is designated "a bunch of green leaves." (118.) 
The latter volume contains a description of the " Old Queen's 
Head Inn," in the same locality : this also " has been coupled 
with the name of . . . Ealeigh, who has been said, if not to 
have built, at least to have patronized this house, and to have 
made it one of his smoking taverns, where 

" * At his hours of leisure, 
He'd puflf his pipe, and take his plea8Ui:e.*" (352.)* 

' Bygone Days in Dewm and Cornwall (1874), 231. 

8 Folk-lore Journal, v. (1887), 109. 

» Antiquary, viii. (1883), 82. 

» Sir WalUr Ralegh in Ireland (1883), 117. 

^ Pago illustrations of these old inns will be found in OentJs Mag, (1791), 
i. 17; (1794) L 513; and in Nelson's volume, 117, 349. An admirable 
engraying of ''The Queen's Head" is given in Britton's ArchiUct, Aniiq,, 
ii. 92. 



At all, or nearly all, of his real or reputed residences a 
similar story is told; for example, in Comhill Magazine 
(ix. 746) there is a notice of fialegh's birthplace, Hayes 
Barton, from which the following is extracted: — "The first 
pipe smoked in England may have been puffed on the mossy 
bank where you sit" But his parents had quitted there 
some years before, and it is doubtful if he ever visited the 
house again. 

"There is a doubtful old legend," writes W. Thornbury, 
"about Baleigh's first pipe, the scene of which may be not 
unfairly laid at Durham House, where Baleigh lived." • His 
residence there "covered nearly the whole site of Adelphi 
Terrace, and the streets between this and the Strand." ^ It is 
not a little remarkable that it has not been suggested by any 
other writer, especially as it was occupied by li^egh ; and it 
is reasonable to believe he received Hariot there immediately 
after his return from Virginia in 1586, and then and there 
learnt from him the art and mystery of smoking. W. Hep- 
worth Dixon has drawn an imaginary and yet probable 
picture of him and his companions at a window of this very 
house, overlooking the " silent highway " : — 

'* It requires no effort of the fancy to picture these three men 
[Shakespeare, Bacon, and Ealegh] as lounging in a window of 
Durham house, puffing the new Indian weed from silver bowls, 
discussing the highest themes in poetry and science, while gazing 
on the flower-beds and the river, the darting barges of dame and 
cavalier, and the distant pavilions of Paris Garden and the 
Globe." * 

We should scarcely have expected the historian, J. A. 
Froude, to notice one of these legends as a veritable piece 
of history, as shown in this relation : — 

" On the river Dart» and ' at the head of one of its most beauti- 
ful reaches, there has stood for some centuries the Manor House of 
Greenaway,' the home of the first husband of Katharine Champer- 
nowne, literwards the wife of Walter RalegL Here young 
Walter with his half-brothers, the Gilberts, 'when little boys, 
played at sailors in the reaches of Long Stream. . . . And here in 
later life, matured men, . . . they used again to meet in the 
intervals of quiet, and the rock is shown underneath the house 
where Raleigh smoked the first tobacco. ' " ^ 

Authors of guide-books and others have accepted this 
story in a modified form; e.g., one relates that "on the 

» Haunted London (1866), 101. * Stebbino, 104. 

» Her Majesty's Tower (1869), i 337. • Short Studies (1868), L 818. 


Anchor Stone ... Sir Walter Raleigh, presumably at low 
water, enjoyed his pipe," ^ while J. ll W. Page notes, " The 
Anchor Stone, frequented, so tradition goes, by Sir Walter 
Haleigh when he wished for a quiet pipe." ^ 

Grotesque tales concerning Balegh and tobacco-smoking 
are not uncommon; perhaps the following is the most 
absurd one that has found its way into any printed work : — 

''A bitter feud existed between Sir Roger Walingham of 
Withycombe or Widecombe, and Sir Hugh de Creveldt, of 
Sitteham." On the death of the latter Sir Roger was haunted 
by his spirit day and night, and ** was at last reduced to a pitiable 
state of misery. He lay on his death-bed, when a Spanish 
captain who had sailed in Indian seas arrived to see him, and 
presented the sufferer with a spell powerful enough to defy spirits, 
blue, black, and grey — a pipe of tobacco. From this moment the 
gradual recovery of Sir Hugh commenced. He smoked for many 
a month, and taught his neighbour, young Raleigh, to smoke ako ; 
from Raleigh the pipe descended to the great Sir Walter, who, as 
ibis legend runs, planned his expedition to Virginia on purpose to 
fill it."» 

There are several interesting reminiscences of Ralegh's 
smoking habits that deserve to be recorded here. In a letter 
from Sir John Stanhope to Sir G. Carew, dated January 
26th, 1601, is this paragraph : — 

''I send you now no Tabacca, because Mr. Secretary, Sir 
Walter, and your other friends, as they say, have stored you 
of late ; neither have I any proportion of it (that) b good, but 
only am rich in Aldermans Watses promises of plenty, wherewith 
you shall be acquainted, God willing.'' ^ 

The next may be assigned to the same period : — 

"Richard Middleton, governor of Denbigh Castle, temp. 
Elizabeth, bad nine sons, the celebrated Sir Hugh being the sixth. 
The third, William, was a sea captain, and an eminent poet. . . . 
It is sayed, that he, with captain Thomas Price, of Plasyellin, and 
one captain Koet^ were the first who smoked . . . tobacco 
publickly in London; and that the Londoners flocked from all 
parts to see them."^ 

' Guide to South Devon (1884), 61. » Jiivers of Devon (1893), 99. 

' Mrs. Whitcombe, 52-3. No reference is given. It is very questionable 
whether such a story, for it can hardly be called a legend, should have found 
its way into the excellent work from which it is now extracted ; this wiU be the 
more apparent when it is known to contain a great anachronism in assigning 
tobacco-smoking in England many years prior to its being known in Europe. 
The names mentioned are unknown in Devonshire history. 

* Col. Carew MSS, 

^ Quoted from Sebright MSS,, in Pennant's Tour in WaU» (1783), ii. 28. 

N 2 


We have no means of ascertaining how far- this is correct, 
but it bears a close resetnblance to another account thus 
related by J. P. Malcolm : — 

'' Some person of research has noted in the vestry-book that Sir 
Hugh (Middleton) served the office of Churchwarden of St. 
Matthew's (Friday Street) in 1598, 1599, and 1600, to which 
tradition adds, that Sir Walter Ealeigh and he often smoaked 
tobacco together at the door of the latter/' ^ 

And the same author, in another work, thus completes his 
narration : — 

''The custom was, probably, promoted through the public 
manner in which it was exhibited, and the aromatic flavour in- 
haled by the passengers, exclusive of the singularity of the 
circumstance, and the eminence of the parties." * 

The following entries taken from Mr. B. N. Worth's 
valuable Plynumth Municipal Records show the hearty re- 
ception given to Halegh and his companions by the official 
authorities of that town, on the occasion of their visit, 
immediately prior to the last disastrous voyage to Guiana. 
The complete date is not stated, but a letter by him from 
that town to M. de Bisseaux is dated May 14th, 1616.^ 

"161 6-7. Allowed Mr. Robert Trelawny e beinge 
Mayor for entertayninge Sr. Walter 
Bawley and his followers at his house 
wch was done by a grail consente . ix^ " 

Sir John Duckhame, Chancellor of the Duchy, entertained, 
his followers being lodged in Mr. Johnson's house : — 

" It allowed for a pownde of Tobacco wch was 

geven to Sr. John Duckhame . viij* 

''It paid the drumer for calling Sr. Walter 

Eauleighs company abord . xij^"(150) 

Ealegh's first testamentary note — made shortly before his 
execution on October 29th, 1618 — contains not only his last, 
but, as far as is yet known, his sole mention of tobacco (none 
has been discovered in any of his printed works), and re- 
lated to that which remained on his ship after his ill-fated 
voyage. Here is the paragraph : — 

" Sir Lewis Stukeley sold all the tobacco at Plimouth of which, 
for the most part of it, I gave him a fift part of it, as also 
a role for my Lord Admirall and a role for himself. . . I desire 
that hee may give his accotmt for the tobacco.'' ^ 

' Anecdotes of Lomdofn (1811), i 217. ^ Londinium Bedivivwm,f iv. 490. 
' Edwabds, ii. 847. * Edwards, ii. 494. 


Perhaps the most interesting statement made by any one 
person on this subject is that related by Aubrey in these 
words. After alluding to Balegh as its importer and pro- 
moter, he goes on to say : — 

'*In one part of North Wilts, e.g.^ Malmesbory hundred, it 
came first into fashion by Sr. Walter Long, They had first silver 
pipes. The ordinary sort made use of a walnut-shell and a strawe. 
I have heard my gr. father Lyte say, that one pipe was handed 
from man to man round the table. Sr. W. B. standing in a stand 
at Sr. Eo. Poyntz parke, at Acton, tooke a pipe of tobacco, wch 
made the ladies quitt it till he had donne. Within these 35 
years 't was scandalous for a divine to take tobacco. It was sold 
then for ita wayte in silver, I have heard some of our old yeomen 
neighbours say, that when they went to Malmesbury or Chippen- 
ham Market, they culled out their biggest shillings to lay in the 
scales against the tobacco; now, the customes of it are the 
greatest his majtie hath. ... He tooke a pipe of tobacco a little 
before he went to the scaffold, wch some formall persons were 
scandalized at, but I thinke it was well, and properly donne to 
settle his spirits." (II. 512, 519-20.) 

We have the testimony of the Dean of Westminster, who 

attended Kalegh on the morning of his execution, that " he 

. . . eate his breakfast hertily and tooke Tobacco." ^ Win- 

stanley mentions a " report, that when he went to his Trial, 

he took three Pipes in the Coach." ® 

How closely Ralegh's name continued to be associated 
with it for some years after his execution is shown by this 
entry in the diary of the great Earl of Cork : — 

"Sept. 1, 1641. Sent by Travers to my infirme cozen Eoger 
Yaghan, a pott of Sir waiter Baleighes tobackoe." ® 

The history of the use of tobacco in Europe prior to 1586 
points out its employment to have been almost entirely 
confined to medical purposes. " It was," writes Fairholt, "to 
the supposed sanitary effects of tobacco that its honourable 
introduction to Europe was due." (46.) Its remedial em- 
ployment was first described by Dr. Monardes in his work 
published in Spanish in 1571, and was repeated in the 
various editions of the English translation, no less than 
twelve folios (33-45) being devoted to it in that of 1596; 
"which Hearbe hath done greate Cures in the Kealme of 

7 Printed for the first time in Gtttgh's Collectanea Curiosa (1781), ii. 423. 

• England's Worthies (1660), 259. 

• Lismore Papers, Ut S. y. (1886), 188. 


Fraance and PortingalL" The only reference to its applica- 
tion to any other use is the following : — 

''The Indians for their pastime, do take the smoke of the 
Tabaco, to make themselaes drunke withall, and to see the visions, 
and things that represent vnto them, that wherein they do 
delight." 1 

(The English translation of the Maison Rtistique, published 
in 1600, includes a long Ust of diseases benefited by the use 
of this plant; and also describes its employment by the 
Indians, as noted by Monardes). 

It was not, however, until after Drake had landed in 
England in 1586 that we have any reason to think the habit 
of tobacco-smoking as a pleasurable exercise commenced in 
this country. No work of this period alludes to it, except 
for purely medical purposes alone. It may have been prac- 
tised by some of the colonists who were returning home in 
that year ; but however this may be, we cannot doubt from 
the statement already quoted from the Beport of Hariot 
of his being a smoker, and that he soon had an apt pupil 
in Balegh, who found it a solace, a luxury, and a necessity. 
'* Certainely from that time, it began to be in great request, 
and to be sold at an high rate . . . insomuch as Tobacco 
shops are kept in Townes every where, no lesse than tap- 
houses and tavemes/'^ How rapidly the habit increased 
and became general led to Fairholt's assertion, "The com- 
mencement of the seventeenth century was the golden age 
of tobacco." (63.) 

The habit of indulging in the "Indian smoke," as it 
was termed by a former minister at Exeter^ as a daily 
pleasure was attended with its serious diminution as a purely 
medical remedy. Gerard details many of its uses in disease 
(all copied from Monardes' work), and remarks, " Some vse 
to drink it (as it is termed) for wantonnesse, or rather 
custome, and cannot forbeare it, no not in the midst of 
their dinner." (259.) In 1660 Winstanley declared, "Tobacco 
it self is by few taken now as medicinal, it is grown a 
good-fellow, and fallen from a Physician to a Complement. 
. . . ' He *s no good-fellow that 's without . . . burnt Pipes, 
Tobacco, and his Tinder Box.' " * This is not intended for 
praise, as he terms it "this Heathenish Weed," and as 

1 Ed. 1596, 89. 

^ Camden, Annates (1635), 286. 

• L. Stucley in Th4; Gospel Glass, 1670. 

* " Life of Sir F. Drake, '^ in England's Worthies, 211. 


" a f oUy which certainly had never spread so far," if some 
stringent " means of prevention " had been exercised.^ 

Although a few pamphlets were published in its favour, 
authors generally opposed the increasing habit of smoking, 
and in bitter and coarse language. Amongst the latter 
works condemning its use may be enumerated those of 
Camden, Stow, Bishop Hall, J. Swan (in Speculum Mundi), 
J. Sylvester (in translation of the Works of Da Bartas), 
Barton {Anatomy of Melancholy), &c. ; but the principal 
diatribe against it was undoubtedly the Counter-Blaste^ of 
James I., in which he took incredible pains to vituperate 
the "filthie noueltie" of smoking, whether for pleasure or 
as a remedy, and made a vigorous attack on Halegh as 
its supposed introducer. 

James carried out his animosity in a very practical 
manner, first by raising the excise duty from two pence 
per pound to six shillings and eightpence, and subsequently 
by forbidding it to be cultivated both in England and 

One of the most striking attempts to hinder the practice 
in a private family is contained in a will, dated October 
20th, 1616, wherein P. Campbell leaves to his son all his 
household goods, "on this condition, that yf at any time 
hereafter, any of his brothers or sisters shall fynd him 
takeing of tobacco, that then he or she so fynding him, 
shall have the said goods." ^ 

So far as England is concerned, one of the leading in- 
centives to the increase of the habit was the prevailing 
idea of its efficacy as a prophylactic against the plague; 
and during the great outbreak of 1665 Pepys records he 
" was forced to buy some roll tobacco to smell and to chaw, 
which took away the apprehension." ® 

' Judging from the followiDg item in the Household Book of Risley Hall, 
Derbyshire, it was employed for veterinary purposes at an early date: 
** 1681. Nov. 23. paid to Willm Cowley for tar and Tobacco Stalkes to dresse 
the Sheepe with ... 00 . 00 . 04." {Reliquary, iiL 166.) 

' ** A gentleman called King James, 

In quilted doublet and great trunk breeches, 
Who held in abhorrence Tobacco and Witches." 

Ingoldshy Legends, 

An anti-tobacco work by J. Deacon, entitled Tdbcuxo tortured in the 
fiWiy Fumes of Tohaeoo refined, published in 1616, is the subject of a singular 
suggestion by a correspondent of Notes and Queries, 2nd S. iii. 863, "that 
the CounUrblaste was made up at the instigation " of this book of Deacon's, 
"and composed from its materials." But the work of James was issued to 
the public in 1604, twelve years earlier. 

' OerU:sMag, (1769), 181. 

■ Diary, June 7, 1665. 


And T. Heame, under date January 21st, 1720-21, 
states: — 

" I have been told tbat in the last great plague at London none 
that kept tobaconist's shops had the plague. It is certain, that 
smoaking it was looked upon as a most excellent preservative, 
In so much, that even cluldren were obliged to smoak. And 
I remember, that I heard formerly Tom Xtogerf, who was yeoman 
beadle, say, that when he was that year, when the plague raged, 
a schoolboy at Eaton, all the boys at that school were obliged 
to smoak in the school every morning, and that he was never 
whipped so much in his life as he was one morning for not 

This is further corroborated by the remarks of H. Syer 
Cuming, that "from the vast quantity of pipes met with 
in London which are known to belong to the time of this 
awful visitation, it would appear that almost every person 
who ventured from home invoked the protection of tobacco."^ 

Derby was visited by the plague in the same year, and 
at the " Headless-cross . . . the market-people^ having their 
mouths primed with tobacco as a preservative, brought their 
provisions . . It was observed, that this cruel afHiction never 
attempted the premises of a tobacconist, a tanner, or a shoe- 
maker." ^ We cannot doubt that many persons who first 
practised smoking as a precaution against the epidemic 
continued it afterwards as a daily habit, and that this held 
good all over England. 

Several traditionary anecdotes relating to the early use 
of tobacco in this country are too interesting to be left 
unnoticed, especially as Sir W. Ealegh is the principal 
personage in some of them. 

I. Tobacco '* was brought into England by Sir Francis Drake-s 
Seamen, but first into Repute by Sir W. Bawleigh. By the 
Caution he took in smoaking it privately, he did not intend 
it should be copied. But sitting one Day in a deep Meditation 
with a Pipe in his Mouth, inadvertently call'd to his Man to 
bring him a Tankard of small Ale; the Fellow coming into the 
Boom, threw all the Liqaor in his Master's Face, and running 
down Stairs, bawl'd out Fire! Help! Sir Walter has studied 
till his Head's on Fire, and the Smoak bursts out of his Mouth 
and Nose. After this Sir Walter made it no Secret, and took two 
Pipes just before he went to be beheaded." ^ 

• Reliq. ffeam, (1869), 117-120. 
^ Jounu Brit. Arckaeol. Assoc., xi. 15-16. 
« W. HUTTON, Hist, of Derby (1817), 194-196. 
» Gent/s Mag. (1731), 882-383. 


A version similar in substance, but varied in the telling, 
is related by Oldys.* 

An engraving (by Shelton) of the occurrence forms the 
frontispiece to the Social Pipe, published in 1826; and 
J. Nelson states that "Mr. Bonghey, a tobacconist (who 
lies buried in Islington Churchyard), kept for many years 
in his window, in Bishopsgate Street, the painted sign of 
'Sir Walter Raleigh and his man,' taken from the story" 
just narrated.^ 

Two other versions of this anecdote — ^Dick Tarlton, the 
jester, being the chief actor in one, and a ** Welshman " in 
the other — serve to show it to have been well known in the 
early part of the seventeenth century, the former being told 
in his Jests (1588), and the latter by Rich in his Irish HuhbuA 

II. The following is taken from J. Howell's Familiar 
Letters (1673), 404. and is dated January 1st, 1646 :— 

*' The smoak of it (tobacco) is one of the wholesomest sents that 
is against all oontagious aira, for it oremasters all other smells, as 
King James they say found true, when being once a htmting, a 
showr of rain drove him into a Pigsty for shelter, wher he caos'd 
a pipe full to Be taken of purpose." 

This was in all probability written expressly for publication 
" to relieve his necessities while he was in the Fleef ^ 

With this may be mentioned that a few years ago a large 
woodcut, entitled ''Our James's First Pipe," showing he did 
not enjoy it, appeared in one of the standard weekly 

The well-known hatred of the king for tobacco is suflScient 
to believe in the apocryphal character of these pictorial and 
literary records. 

III. A curious tradition is related in Campbell's Rist, of 
Virginia, that Ralegh 

'' Having offered Queen Elizabeth some tobacco to smoke, after 
two or three whifiis she was seized with a nausea, upon observing 
which some of the Earl of Leicester's faction whispered that Sir 
Walter had certainly poisoned her. But her majesty in a short 
while recovering made the Countess of Nottingham and all her 
maids smoke a whole pipe out among them.'^^ 

* 73, qooted from The BrUish Apollo, Srd Edition (1726), ii. 876. 
» Hisi, of Islington, 121. 

* Qooted by Fairholt, 52-3. 

' S. Lee, art. •* HoweU," in Did. of Nat. Biog., xxTiii. 118. 

* Quoted in Sir fV, Ralegh*$ Colony in America, 210. 


That women smoked in the seventeenth century is testified 
to in Stow's work (1631), 1038 ; and Oldys asserts :— 

" It soon became of such vogue in queen Elizabeth's court, that 
some of the great ladies, as well as noblemen therein, would not 
scruple to take a pipe sometimes very sociably." (75.)^ 

lY. The legend as to the weight of tobacco smoke is first 
alluded to in its English dress in Howell's Familiar Letters^ 

'' If one would try a pretty conclusion how much smoak tber is 
in a pound of Tobacco, the ashes will tell him ; for let a pound be 
exactly weighed, and the ashes kept charily & weighed after- 
wards, what wants of a pound weight in the ashes cannot be 
denied to have bin smoak, which evaporated into air ; I have bin 
told that Sir Walter Bawleigh won a wager of Queen Elizabeth 
upon thb nicity.'' 

The following more extended version is narrated by Oldys 
in 1736 :— 

Ralegh "assured her majesty he had so well experienced the 
nature of it (tobacco), that he could tell her of what weight 
even the smoke would be in any quantity proposed to be con- 
sumed. Her majesty fixing ber thoughts upon the most im- 
practicable part of the experiment, that of bounding the smoke in 
a balance, suspected that he put the traveller upon her, and would 
needs lay him a wager he could not solve the doubt ; so he pro- 
cured a quantity agreed upon to be thoroughly smoked, then went 
to weighing, but it was of the ashes ; and in the conclusion, what 
was wanting in the prime weight of the tobacco, her majesty did 
not deny to have been evaporated in smoke ; and further said, that 
* many labourers in the fire she had heard of who turned their gold 
into smoke, but Ealegh was the first who had turned smoke into 
gold.*" (75-6.) 

This is the one usually cited by biographers. A very 
perverted version is printed in Salads Journal of October 1st, 

What was the real origin of this anecdote ? The reply is 
by no means a remote one. In 1781 Dr. T. Francklin pub- 
lished a translation of the Works of Lucian, and in it is this 
short story : — 

" Somebody asked him one day, in a scoffing manner, this ques- 
tion, 'Pray, Demonax, if you bum a thousand pounds of wood, 
how many pounds will there be of smoke ' 1 ' Weigh the ashes,' 
says he, * and all the rest will be smoke.' " (iii. 88.) 

• Cf. Fairholt, 67-9. 


W. A. Clouston remarked, that '* Baleigh may have imitated 
the philosopher in Lucian's story/' ^ but the true solution is 
most probably that advanced by the editor of Willi8*8 Current 
Notes, of 1855, as follows : — 

*^ Lncian's Dialogoee were translated by Hickes, and printed at 
Oxford in 1634, where possibly Howell met with the jocosery, or, 
as he was quite capable, he read it in one of the Latin versions, 
and, adopting the tradition of Raleigh's being the introducer of 
tobacco from Virginia, made it an illustration of his intimacy with her 
Majesty, in compliment to whom that country was so named.'' (4.) 

A few words are necessary respecting some of the smoker's 
impedimenta that belonged, or are said to have belonged, to 

I. Tobacco Pipe, — The only specimen yet found recorded 
as "Sir Walter Baleigh's Tobacco pipe" forms one of the 
items in "A Catalogue of the Rarities to be seen at Adams's, 
at the Royal Swan, in Kingsland-road, leading from Shore- 
ditch Church, 1756." This was a rival exhibition to that at 
Don Saltero's Coffee-house at Chelsea; but as among the 
exhibits are enumerated "Wat Tyler's spurs," "Vicar of 
Bray's clogs," and other burlesque absurdities, it will show 
the Ralegh relic to have been one of them.^ 

II. Tobacco-box. — (1) Oldys records : — 

'* Being at Leeds, in Yorkshire, soon after Mr. Ralph Thoresby, 
the antiquary, died, anno 1725, I saw his museum; and in it, 
among his other rarities, what himself has pablicly called ... sir 
Walter Ralegh's tobacco-box. From the best of my memory, I 
can resemble its outward appearance to nothing more nearly than 
one of our modem mufif-cases ; about the same height and width, 
covered with red leather, and opened at top (but with a hinge, I 
think) like one of those. In the inside there was a cavity for a 
receiver of glass or metal, which might hold half a pound or a 
pound of tobacco ; and from the edge of the receiver at top, to the 
edge of the box, a circular stay or collar, with holes in it, to plant 
the tobacco about, with six or eight pipes to smoke it in." (73.) 

In the Diukitus Leodiensis (1715), by R Thoresby, the 
description is slightly different: — 

** Sir Walter Ralegh's tobacco-box, as it is called, but is rather 
the case for the glass wherein it was preserved, which was sur- 
rounded with small wax candles of various colours. This is of 
gilded leather, like a muff-case, about half a foot broad and thirteen 
inches high, and hath cases for sixteen pipes within it" (485.) 

^ Popular Tales and Fictions : their Migrations and Transformations {ISS7), 
h 69. « J. Times, Clubs and Club Life (1872), 808. 


(2) Another is thus described by Fairholt : — 

" I am indebted to J. Y. Akermao, Esq., Secietarj of the Society 
of Antiquaries of London [died in 1873], lor permission to engrave 
an old wooden carved tobacco box, also traditionally said to have 
belonged to Ealeigb, and which has the initials ' W. R. ' conjoined 
within the lid. If not Ealeigh's box, it is of his period, and is 
decorated with figures on one side of the costume of the end of 
the sixteenth, or beginning of the seventeenth century. On the 
opposite side is a hunting scene. The lid slides out ; the head of 
the figure who supports the anchor forming a convenient projection 
to aid its course. The English rose is below ; and at the bottom 
of the box a mariner's compass is engraved.'' (226.) 

The tenor of the foregoing remarks may be thus briefly 
summarised : — 

Tobacco was first imported into Europe about the year 
1560, but not into England until a few years later. The 
first Englishman to notice it was Sir J. Hawkins in 1565 ; 
whether, however, he brought any to this country is un- 
known, most probably he did, the other alternative being 
its importation from Spain. It was certainly known in 
1577, when the translation of Dr. Monardes* work was 
issued ; and well known in 1582, as pointed out by Hakluyt. 
Drake became acquainted with it in his voyage of 1585-6, 
prior to his touching at Virginia and bringing away Ralegh's 
colonists, among whom was T. Hariot, who saw tobacco 
growing wild in that country, and was the first Englishman 
to describe it two years afterwards. We may rest assured 
he carried home with him specimens of it, which he presented 
to Ralegh, and gave a full account of it, as one of the results 
of his visit, and for which be had been sent out by him. 
We are aware by his own statement that he practised 
smoking while in the colony. That he imparted the habit to 
Ralegh, demonstrating to him how the Indians did "take 
the fume or smoke thereof by sucking it through pipes made 
of claie," is equally certain ; actual proof we do not possess, 
but it is implied in the circumstance of Ralegh being known 
soon afterwards as an ardent smoker. Up to his time tobacco 
was employed throughout Europe solely as a remedy for 
many diseases, but it was not until after Hariot had enjoyed 
his pipe as a luxury in Virginia, and had reported and taught 
it to Ralegh on his return, that the habit was commenced in 
England, and soon became common throughout the land. 
What is true of England and of Europe generally is, that 
despite the efforts of royal proclamations, ecclesiastical cen- 


sures, and the earnest endeavours of university authorities, 
poets, pamphleteers, and others to arrest the practice, its 
use as a luxury, and as a daily necessity, has gone on 
increasing to the present time ; whereas, on the contrary, its 
employment as a medical agent has steadily diminished. 

Whatever merit may be attached to its introduction into 
this country, we may, for similar reasons already adduced 
in the case of the potato, omit the names of Sir F. Drake 
and of Lane. Although it was known in England to a 
limited extent before 1586, its practical importation, in- 
troduction to Balegh, and subsequent description must be 
ascribed to Hariot, especially bearing in mind the statement 
in his report: "We our selues during the time we were 
there vsed to suck it after their maner, as also since our 
retuma" The part played by Balegh has been acknow- 
ledged by writers generally to have been the first to bring it 
into general use. On this Oldys remarked: ''Baleigh was 
the first who brought this herb in request among us, and laid 
the foundation for that great traffick therewith, which has 
been of such considerable benefit to his country." (74) 

We may conclude this paper by quoting the following 
lines of a well-known writer (Dean Hole) : — 

" Before the wine of suDny Rhine, or even Madame Clicquot's, 
Let aU men praise, with loud hurras, this panacea of Nicof s. 
The debt confess, though none the less they love the grape and barley. 
Which Frenchmen owe to good Nicot, and Englishmen to Raleigh."^ 

* Nice and her Neighbours (1881), 30. 


(ReAd at Honiton, August, 1808.) 

Since my paper on plants growing wild in the neighbourhood 
of South Molton was read in 1894, 1 have had tiie satisfac- 
tion of discovering twenty-eight other species, increasing the 
number to 563. 

I take this opportunity of recording other plants which I 
have observed growing at the several places visited by the 
Association each succeeding year. I do not consider it 
necessary to repeat the names of plants that are common in 
nearly every parish in Devonshire, therefore I mention only 
those which I have not previously recorded in my South 
Molton list 

I bad visited Okehampton before the meeting was held 
there in 1895, tlius I was well acquainted with the localities 
where wild flowers abound. 

At Ashburton I observed only two plants which I had 
not recorded, but from a list of ferns kindly sent to me by 
Mr. P. F. S. Amery I extract those named under Ashburton. 

In the vicinity of Kingsbridge I was fortunate in discover- 
ing several rare specimens, which I have not met with in 
North Devon; but nearly all have been found there by 

Since 1894. 

Lepidium latifolium . 1897 . Broad-leaved pepper-wort 

Viola lactea {^M.) . 1897 . Smith's dog violet 

Spergtdaria rubra . 1897 . Field sandwort spurrey. 

Hypericum dubium . 1894 . Imperforate St. John's-wort 

Trifolium JUiforme . 1898 . Slender or least yellow clover. 
Chrysosplenium attemi- 

folium . . . 1895 . Alternate-leaved golden saxifrage. 



Angelica sylvestria 
TorUis nodosa . 
Sambucm Ebtdua 
Ch(Brophyllum aylvestre 
Cichorium Intyhua 
Mentha viridia . 
Lysimachia vulgaris . 
Veronica Baxbaumii , 
Polygonum lapathi- 

folium . 
Salix fragilis 
Juncus tenuis 
Scirpus ccBspitosus (per 

Mr. Hiern) 
Carex paniculata 
Lycopodium Selago 
Equisetum limosum 
Equisetum palustre 
Chara fragUis , 

1896 . WUd angelica. 

1894 . Knotted hedge parsley. 
1898 . Dane-wort 

1897 . Wild beaked parsley. 
1894 . Wild chicory, or succory. 
1894 . Spear-mint. 

1894 . Great yellow loosestrife. 

1898 . Buxbaum's speedwell. 

1895 . Pale-flowered persicaria. 

1896 . Crack willow. 
1895 . Slender rash. 

. Scaly-stemmed club-rush. 

1895 . Great panicled sedge. 

1896 . Fir club-moss. 

1897 . Smooth or water horsetail. 

1898 . Marsh horsetail. 
1895 . Fragile chara. 


Ambrosia artemisiifolia, by a roadside, 1897. 

(Enoihera biennis^ 1898. 

Coronillo varia, on waste ground, 1894. 

Saponaria Vaccaria, on waste ground, 1894. 

Reseda crispaia Ten^ B. Lutaola L., var. Cfussonii, 1898. 

Juncus tenuis deserves particular notice. It was discovered 
in Herefordshire in the year 1884, and was reported from Corn- 
wall in 1894. It was found in the parish of South Molton 
on August 24th, 1895. I think it has not been reported from 
any other station in England, but it has been found in 
Scotland, Ireland, and Wales. The geographical distribution 
is extensive ; it is reported from several countries in Europe, 
from North and South America, New Zealand, Australia, 
and other places. Three varieties have been named. 

There is another rare plant growing in a wild state about 
seven miles from South Molton, Cajpax plenus, Queen Anne's 
Daffodil, the single form of which is uncertain. I mtule 
enquiries respecting it some time ago of Messrs. Barr and 
Sons, from whom I received the following quaint reply : 
"It exercised the mind of Parkinson nearly three hundred 
years past, and it has exercised the minds of all writers 
on daffodils since that time, and is at this time exercising 
the minds of the present generation.'' In Mrs. Soudon's 
Encyclopcedia of Flanks she says, " It is a very obscure 
plant, of which no description is anywhere given." It bad 



been noticed by Sobel, a Flemish botanist, in 1576, under the 
name of Narcisms luteus mvltiplidjlore; he stated that it was 
first found in a poor person's garden at Toumai in Belgium. 

In 1613 it was also mentioned and figured by Besler {Hort. 
JSst/iett,, ord. 3, p. 3, n. 2), who named the plant Narcissus 
sylvestris stellcUvs. Parkinson also gave an account of it 
(Paradis^ p. 105), and a figure on p. 107, n. 4. 

It is now considered to be a full -flowered form of the 
common Narcissus Psevdo-nardssus. The change is curious, 
as in the single form the corona is in the shape of a cup, 
but in this it is not produced at all ; the segments or petals 
lie one over the other in regular order, formiog a beautiful 
flower. It has been known by several other names — Bobin's 
daffodil, Narcissus Capax^ Queltia Capax, Assaracus Capax, 
and now Narcissus Eystetiensis, 

With regard to Viola lactea, I had great difficulty in 
determining the speciea Mr. Hiem (to whom I am indebted 
for other information) has kindly given me his opinion and 
that of Mr. W. H. Beebee, who considers the plant may 
be Var intermedia^ Watson. 



TeesdcUia nudicatdis (Belstone) 
Lepidium campestre . 
Drosera intermedia . 
Sderanthue annutts . 
Radida lincMes 
Ulex Oallii 
Sanguisorbia qffidnalis 
Pyrus communis 
Sedum anglicum 
Valeriandla olitoria . 
Onaphalium sylvaticum 
Leontodon hispidns . 
Antirrhinum orontium 
Thymus serpyUum 
Ballota nigra . 
Rhynchospora alba . 
Scirpus setaceus (Dartmoor) 
Scirpus fluitans (Spreyton) 
Agrostis setaeea (Dartmoor) 
Poa compressa .... 
Olyceria rigida (Meldon) . 
Bromus giganteus 
Polypodium Phegopteris (Sourton) 

Naked-stalked Teesdalia. 

Field pepper-wort 

I^esser long-leaved sundew. 

Annual knawel. 

Thyme-leaved flaxseed; allseed. 

Planchon's furze. 

Great bumet 

Wild pear. 

English stonecrop 

Com salad ; lamb's lettuce. 

Highland cud-weed. 

Common hawkbit 

Lesser snapdragon. 

Wild thyme. 

Black horehotmd. 

White beak-sedge. 

Bristle club-rush. 

Floating club-rush. 

Bristle bent-grass. 

Flattened meadow-grass. 

Hard meadow-grass. 

Tall brome. 

Beech fern. 



Comtia sanguinea 
Verbena officinalis 
Polypodium semUacerum 
P. phegopteris , 
P, Dryopteris . 
Alloaorus crispus 
Asplenium lanceolatum 

Hymenophyllum Tunbridgense 
H, WiUoni 
Botrychium Lunaria . 



Common TervaiD* 
Irish polybodj. 
Beech fern. 

Oak fern (Wistman's Wood). 
Parsley fern (Chagford). 
Lanceolate spleenwort (New 

Filmy ferns. 

Moonwort (near Two Bridges). 


On ascending the steep moorland near Grimspound I 
came across a beautiful specimen of Athyrium FUix fcemina 
trifidum, which since removal has retained its form, pro- 
ducing an abundance of spores, and increasing from the 


Clematis Vitalba 
Glaucium flavum (Slapton Sands) 
Papaver Mhceas . 
Malva rotundifolia . 
Oeranium sanguineum 
Geranium rotundifolium 
Oeranium striatum . 
Rosa spinosissima 
Eryngium maritimum 
Crithmum maritimum 
Eubia peregrina 
Galium verum . 
Galium Crudata 
Carduus tenuiflorus . 
Samolus Valerandi , 
Convolvidus arvensis . 
Sihthorpia europcea (Gara Bridge) 
Bartsia viscosa . 
Scrophtdaria Scorodonia 
Origanum vulgare 
Thymus serpyllum 
Salvia Verbenaca 
Ballota nigra . 

Plantago maritima (Splat Cove) 
Polygonum amphibium (Slapton 



Traveller's joy. 
Homed poppy. 
Common red poppy. 
Dwarf mallow. 
Bloody crane's-bill. 
Eoond-leaved crane's-bilL 
Fluted geranium. 
Burnet rose. 
Sea holly. 
Wild madder. 
Ladies' bedstraw. 
Crosswort or maywort. 
Slender thistle. 
Lesser bindweed. 
Cornish money-wort. 
Yellow viscid bartsia. 
Balm-leaved figwort 
Common marjoram. 
Wild thyme. 
Clary or wild sage. 
Black horehound 
Sea-side plantain. 

Amphibious persicaria. 



Euphorbia ParcUias . 
Euphorbia Portlandica 
ScUla autumnalis 
ScirpuB Taberncemontani 
Scirpus muUicaulis . 
Asplenium marinum . 

Sea spurge. 
Portland sparge 
Autumnal squilL 
Glaucous bull-rush. 
Many-stalked rush. 
Sea spleenwori 

Two of these are very rare plants, viz., Sibthorpia europcea 
and Scrophularia Scorodonia. The former, a beautiful little 
creeping plant, with minute pinkish flowers and delicate 
green leaves, grows near springs and wells in Cornwall, 
Kerry, and Jersey ; the latter is also found in Cornwall and 
Ireland, and is plentiful in Guernsey; it is known by its 
wrinkled leaves and hairy stems. 

Several other rather uncommon plants have been reported 
from the neighbourhood of Kingsbridge, but I had not the 
pleasure of discovering them. 

** Viola hiria 
Saxifraga tridactylites 
Ouscuta Epithymum 
Iris foBtidimma 
Neottia Spiralis 
Lithospermum officinale 
Ruscus aculeatus 
Asplenium lanceolatum"^ 

Hairy violei 

Eue-leaved saxifrage. 

Lesser dodder. 

Fetid iris. 

Lady's tresses. 

Blue gromwell, or grey millet. 

Butcher's broom. 

Lanceolate spleenwort 

I hope to be able to continue collecting specimens at other 
places to be visited by the Association. I shall feel ex- 
ceedingly obliged to anyone who will kindly send me 
specimens which I may not find myself. 

^ Myrtles cmd Aloes, by Mrs. Lusoombb. 


(Bead at Honiton, Augnat, 1898.) 

Testa de Nevill is a carefully-bound document, in excellent 
condition, beautifully written on parchment, after the style 
of the Ikcon. Domesday, It was compiled about the end of 
the reign of Edward I. as a book of reference for Exchequer 
purposes. The following lists form that part of it which was 
put together from the Hundred Rolls of 19-27 Henry III., 
just on the plan of the £ax)n. Domesday^ but with greater 
care and exactness. Those Hundred Rolls that are bound up 
with it serve to show how this was dona Unfortunately a 
portion of the Rolls is omitted in these lists, viz., the list of 
soccages and grants in alms at the end of each, which were 
not required for tax purposes. 

We learn from difTerent counties how the Inquisitions 
were to be made: thus (printed copy, p. 282) the Com- 
missioners for Norfolk were to inquire — how many fees: 
there were, old and new, and who pays them to us. Of 
whom, and in what counties, and how many fees each baron 
held. In what villas the fees are. That we may know 
whether the whole auxilium is paid to us. Also how many 
there are in your county who hold single fees of us in 
Chief, and the names of all those who hold of us by 
serjeanty or soccage. 

The greater Barons who held the King's brief appear to 
have compounded for their Honours by a fixed amount In 
their case the King's Bailiffs were not allowed to distrain, 
but the Steward paid directly to the Sheriff. See pp. 247, 
251, 260, 280, 304, 333: "isti subscripti tenent breve 
Domini Regis de scutagio suo habendo." 

I have written throughout the T,N. part u instead of v, 
because v was not written of old, and because there is great 

o 2 


difficulty in distinguishing between u and n, and v is often 

There is another Tax Boll in the Becord Office verj helpful 
in many ways for explaining Testa de NevUl. Its official 
reference is ^ Exchequer of Beceipt — Miscellaneous Books — 
Vol. 72." It is a Book of Knights* Fees, entitled •* Feoda in 
Capite," compiled by the Master of the Court of Wards and 
Liveries, 34 Henry VIII., containing only the counties of 
Devon, Lincoln, Cumberland, Kent, and Bucks. In the notes 
to this paper it will be quoted as " F.," and it throws a good 
deal of light on sales and purchases for the Honours of 
Okehampton and Plympton, in these Honours closely follow- 
ing 1 Bichard II., p. 2. I am sorry to add that careful 
investigation has led me to doubt the accuracy of this Boll 
or Book in allocating some entries to their Hundreds; 
possibly the Hundreds themselves may have altered. 

I have long doubted whether BurtorCs List, quoted by Mr. 
Beichel in his Hundred of Listone, was altogether trust- 
worthy, and I have now found the Boll of which it professes 
to be a copy. Its official title in the Becord Office is — " Lay 
Subsidies Aid, V, ^^ Edward I.'' Examinatio feodorum 
Devonie facta per Gilbertum de Knouill in presencia Thome 
de Balegh vice comitis Devonie et Nicholai de Kyrcham 
coUectorum XL solidorum domino Begi de singulis feodis ad 
filiam suam primogenitam maritandam concessorum, anno 
regni regis Edwardi filii regis Henrici, tricesimo primo, tam 
per inquisiciones per predictos Thomam et Nicholaum captas, 
quam per Botulos de Scaccario domini Begis dicto Gilberto 
ad hoc missos. Burton and his copyists have made sad 
mistakes, omissions, and additions, which greatly impair its 
value. In itself, as being the only early original Boll of the 
Hundreds, it is of priceless worth. The oft-repeated ex- 
pression in it, " per Botulos de Scaccario,'' shows that after 
the Inquisitions had been taken an examination by way of 
comparison was held of the Bolls from the Exchequer which 
were copied about this time into the Testa de NevHl, It is 
often referred to in the following entries and notes, and is 
quoted as (B) . 




Column 1. 




iDdez number. 
Testa de Nevill, name. 
ff ff holder. 

If i> '®®' 

Reference to Domesday Analysis^ 1896. 
Modem name. 
7. Geld List Hundred. 
B. Burton's List. 
D. Domesday Analysis. 
F. Feoda in Caplte. 
K. Kirkby's Quest 
N.V. Nomina VDlarum. 
P. Sir William Pole. 
R. Risdon. 
T.N. Testa de NevUl. 

Such entries as 1 Richard II., p. 2, are extracts from the Calendars of 
Inquisitiones post mortem " of the date referred to, and of the page in the 
Calendar. Column 5 will serve to correct mistakes in the Domesday 
Analysis. In column 4, M. means ** de feodis de Moretoine '* ; each of these 
was f of an ordinary fee. In such entries as } fee, f fee, the MS. has 
8 partes, 4 partes, &c. p m. in column 4 is for ''per medium," and p. p.m. 
for " per plures medios. 

Sucn entries as 16 [Scireuella] show that the fee was paid tcith other fua qf 
tJi€ same holder in another Hundred. 



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(Raad at Honitou, Aogoat, 1896.) 

Of all the interesting questions to which the study of 
Domesday gives rise, not the least interesting is that which 
concerns the churches of Devon. The subject is not an 
easy one, because Domesday says so little about the 
churches, and information has to be obtained from other 
sources and by inference. It is further complicated by the 
circumstance that much which has been written respecting 
the churches of this country in early times has been 
coloured either by the feudal conceptions of the 13th 
century, or by the narrow parochial ideas of the 15th, 
and facts have been distorted to serve controversial pur- 
poses. Bearing in mind the dictum of P^re Lagrange that 
" The day of a priori introductions is over," the writer has 
endeavoured to confine himself strictly to data which can 
be proved, or to necessary inferences from such data; and 
has waited for two years before venturing to oflTer this con- 
tribution to the Association, during which time many 
points which at first seemed obscure have been cleared up. 
He now offers it as a skeleton sketch, the details of which 
want filling up by those possessing local knowledge By 
way of clearing the ground and preventing popular ideas 
from obscuring historical truth, he asks leave to place in 
the forefront of the enquiry — 

I. A Brief Sketch of the Church in Devon before the tims 

of **Dom£sday** 

1. Haddan and Bishop Stubbs, in the first volume of their 
Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents, have collected the 


scanty notices upon which the extraordinary fiction of a 
British Church existing in apostolic times has been built up. 
In calling it a fiction, it is not intended to assert that there 
may not have been individual Christians in Britain in 
apostolic times^ among the soldiers and officers of the 
Eoman legions there stationed, or among the natives of the 
country who were brought into contact with them ; but only 
that such cases must have been few and far between.^ So 

^ Haddan and Stubbs, i. 23, remark on the oft-quoted words of St. Clement 
of Rome, who speaks of St. Paul as having come to the extremity of the West 
{irl t6 ripfUL Trjt dOactin), that to a Roman Marseilles or Gibraltar was the 
extremity of the West Gildas, a.d. 540, c. 6, says that " these islands, stiff 
with cold and frost, received the beams of li^ht, i.e, the holy precepts of 
Christ, at the latter part of the reign of Tibenas Caesar (Tiberii Caesaris) " ; 
but this reading, according to Bishop Brownlow, is a mistake for Li. Veri 
Caesaris — Marcus Aurelios and Lucius Yerus began their joint rei^ in 161 — 
and refers to the story of King Lucius, who, according to Bede i., in 
this reign made application to Pope Eleutherius. Haddan and Stubbs 
declare this story uuhistorical. The earliest writer who relates it is Baeda, 
circa 730 A.D., and he undoubtedly took it from the Liber Pontificalis, 
of which there are two revisions. No notice of it existed in the older 
revision, which is generally accepted as having been written about 530 a.d. ; 
but it appears in the earliest MS. of the later revision, a.d. 685. Haddan 
and Stubbs consider that the interpolation dates from the time of Prosper of 
Aquitaine ; but the Rev. Hugh Williams, of Bala Theological College, m his 
Christian Church in IVales^ p. 9, considers that it must be later than either 
Augustine or Theodore, otherwise it would have been quoted by these 
archbishops in their controversies with the British Christians. TeriulUan 
adv, JucUxas, c. 7, A.D. 210 (quoted in Trans, xxiii 53), says that *'the 
haunts of the Britons, inaccessible to the Romans, had been subjugated 
to Christ"; but Tertullian, living in North Africa, can hardly have any 
accurate information respecting Gaul and Britain. Moreover, a passage in 
Origen, a.d. 220, Hom. xxviii., in Matt, xxiv., seems to contradict 
Tertullian : '* It is not on record that the Gospel was preached among all the 
Ethiopians .... But what shall we say of the Britons or Germans who live 
around the ocean ? . . . . nor among the barbarians of Dacia, Sarmatia, and 
Scvthia, the most of whom have not yet heard the word of the Gospel, but 
will hear it in the consummation of the age." It is quite possible tnat the 
story of Lucius may be true as an instance of individual conversion (see The 
Tablet, September 18tb, 1897, p. 471), whilst the regular establishment of a 
Church in Britain did not date till a century later. Even then Mr. Hueh 
Williams' conclusion, p. 3, seems unassailable: '* There was no reafly 
British Church, i,e, a Church of the native Celtic inhabitants, before 
the 5th century. The Church, three of whose bishops attended the Council 
of Aries, was the Church of the resident Roman population, not of the 
people of Britain." 

' Among possible instances Haddan and Stubbs, i. 22, name (1) Claudia, 
mentioned with Pndeos, 2 Tim. iv. 21 (a.d. 68), who is supposed to be the 
same as the Claudia peregrina ei edita BrUannis^ the newly-married wife 
of Pudens mentioned by Martial, iv. 13, xi. 53 (a.d. 90-100) ; and it is 
suggested that Martial may have written, though not published, his work as 
eany as a.d. 68. (2) Pomponia Graecina, accused and acquitted a.d. 57 
before her husband, Aulus rlautius, qui ovans se de Britanniis rdulU of 
an externa superstitio, (Tacitus, AnnaL xiii. 32.) The names of others : 
St. Peter, St. Simon Zelotes, St. Philip the Apostle, St James the Great, 
St John, Aristobulus or Artwystle, and St. Joseph of Arimathaea, a disciple 


soon as Christians in Britain had become sufficiently 
numerous to constitute a Church — but this cannot have been 
before the 3rd century* — the Church in Britain is found 
following the course of that of Gaul, of which, according 
to the best authorities, it was an offshoot.^ 

The Abb^ Duchesne in a recently published volume {Fastes 
EpiscopatLX de Vancienne Garde, Paris, 1894) has shown by a 
critical analysis of the existing lists of bishops, p. 32, (1) that 
the episcopal organization is iirst met with on this side the 
Alps in a few of the most important centres on the Medi- 
terranean; (2) that with the single exception of Lyons 
(p. 56) there is no trace of it further inland in Gaul before 
the middle of the 3rd century; and (3) that even after 
Christianity had spread inland the majority of cities had not 
a sufficient body of Christians to have a bishop of their own 
until well into the 4th century. From these facts he has 
arrived at the further conclusion, with which Haddan and 
Stubbs (p. 25) agree, that the Christianizing of Gaul as a 
whole begins from the Decian persecution in 251 A.D., and 
the dispersion which it led to. This conclusion seems also 
to be confirmed by the story told by Gregory of Tours 
(Duchesne, p. 47), that in the time of the Emperor Decius 
Pope Xystus II. sent forth seven bishops from Rome to Gaul, 
who founded the seven churches of Tours, Aries, Narbonne, 
Toulouse, Paris, Clermont, and Limoges. Probably the ex- 
tension of the Christian Church into this country is due to 
the same event and happened at the same time, from Lyons 

of St Philip, are only mentioned to prove that they can have had no 
connection with Britain. (See Kbmbls's Saxons in Englcmdt ii. 855.) 

> Jrenaeus adv, ffaer, i 5., A.D. 177, enumerating all Churches, and those 
in the West one by one, knows of none in Britain. Jcta Satumini {ap. 
Ruinart)f quoted by Gregory of Tours, Hi8t, i. 28 : Only here and there 
did Churches exist among the cities of Gaul before the consulship of Decius 
and Gratus. Sulpicius Severus, Chron, ii. 82, says that the Christian 
faith was introduced across [i.e., on our side] the Alps at a much later 
date than in Italy {serius trans Alpes Dei religione suscepta). The seven 
bishops of Gaul who sat in the 2nd Council of Tours, a.d. 567, in writiuK to 
St Kadegonda, state that Christianity had been introduced into the West 
only shortly before the time of St Martin of Tours [a.d. 870-897]. {ffist. 
Fr, ix. 89.) 

* Haddan and Stdbbs, xix. ; Duoh^nx. Eemblb, Saxons in England, 
ii. 855: "The Church of the Celtic aborigines reverenced with affectionate 
zeal the memory of the missionaries whom it was the boast of Rome to 
have sent forth for her instmction or confirmation in the faith. Not to 
speak of Ninian, Palladius, and Patricius, we may refer to Germanus of 
Auxerre, who is stated to have been sent as papal vicar to England to 
arrest the progress of Pelagtanism at the beginning of the 5th century." 
Lord Halifax observes : '* The ancient British Church, like that of Gaul and 
Spain, has nothing to prove ; on the contrary, the evidence all goes the 
other way — that it was not itself the daughter of Rome.'* 


as the startiDg-point (H. and S. xix.) This probability is 
enhanced by the legend which makes Mello from Britain 
Bishop of the Church of Souen from 256 to 314 A.D. (Haddan 
and Stubbs, i. 4 and 35.) It is certain that Britain furnished 
martyrs in the Diocletian persecution, but to judge by names 
these were in all probability of Eoman extraction.^ Similarly 
the three bishops, Eborius, Sestitutus, and AdelBus, who took 
part in the Council of Aries in 314 a.d. &om Britain,® appear, 
like those to whom they ministered, to have been Bomans 
living in this island. At any rate, there is no gainsaying the 
fact that they and the other bishops of Gaul who took part in 
that council looked up to the Eoman bishop as their leader 
in spirituals.^ 

' Albao, Aaron, and Jnlins. (H. and S. i. 5, Gildas {8.) H. and S. i. 87, men- 
tion the following bnildines recorded to have existed in British times : (1) at 
Canterbury St. Martin's Cnarch, prope ipsam civitatem ad orientem (Baeda, 
i. 26) anno 597 ; (2) at Canterbury St. Saviour's on the site of the cathedral, 
recuperavit (Aueustinus) ecclesiam quam antique Romanorum fidelinm opere 
factam fuisse didicerat, et eam in nomine Sancti Salvatoris . . . sacravit 
(Baeda, L 83) ; (8) at Verulam over St. Alban's grave destroyed before Baeda's 
time (i. 7) ; (4) at Caerleon 8, the existence of which is most Questionable ; 
(5) at Bangor Y»coed near Chester (Leland, v. 82) ; (6) at Qlastonbury a 
▼etnsta ecclesia supplanted by the major ecdesia of King Ina (Will. Malm., 
Antiq, Olaston,); (7) at Whitherne, otherwise Candida Casa in Galloway 
(H. and S. i 14) ; (8) near Evesham. Besides which traces still exist (9) of 
a church in the castle of Dover of 4th or 5th century (Pucklk's Church of 
Dover, 1864) ; (10) of one at Richborough, Kent (Boaoh Smith, Ant. of 
Jiichbarough) ; (11) an old chapel of Roman bricks at Reculver (Id. ibid, 
p. 199) ; (12) at Lyminge, in Kent (Jsnkins' Hist, of Church of Lyminge) ; 
(18) at Brixworth, in Northampton, a Roman basilica of 4th or 5th century 
(Rickman's Architect, in Bnglandf p. 74). All these appear to be churches 
in Roman towns. Mone of them are in the West Church Quar, Review ^ 
October, 1897, p. 138 : '* We believe that the idea of a Welsh church was in 
the earliest dajs unknown. There were indeed individual churches consist- 
ing of the particular local bodies of Christians with their bishop or bishops 
and clergy. . . . But the evidence would seem clearly to point to the con- 
clusion uiat there was no such organization of these individual bodies and no 
such mutual relations between them as would justify us in speaking of them 
as a church." 

< The Acts end with the words (Labb£, i.'1480 ; Mansi, il 466): <*The names 
of the bishops with their clergy, who and from what provinces they came to 
the synod of Aries." Towards the latter part of the signatures, and included 
among those of the bishops of Gaul, are — 

Eborius episcopus de civitate Eboracensi provincia Britannia (York). 

Restitutusepisoopusde civitate Londinensi provincia 8uprascripta( London). 

Adelfius episcopus de civitate Colonia Londinensium: (Bp. Brownlow suggests 
Lindinensium, i.e, Lincoln ; Colchester is less likely. Caerleon is out of the 

^ In Labbaei et Cosarti Concilia^ i. 1430, the Council signified to Svlvester 
its decrees, *' that they might be observed by all," and in Canon L decreed : 
**That Easter be kept by us all throughout the world at the same season and on 
the same day, and do you according to custom send out letters to announce 
it to aU (et juxta consuetudinem literas ad omnes tu dirigas)." Hugh 
Williams, p. 4 : ''When Hilary of Poitiers, A.D. 858, writes from exile to 


2. After the retirement of the Bomans at the beginniog of 
the 6th century, Christianity appears to have first obtained 
a foothold, among the native races, and that thanks to the 
stern, severe, unworldly earnestness of monasticisra, which 
having been lately introduced from Egypt to Marseilles and 
L^rins by John Cassian and Honoratus, from those centres 
spread into Britain and northwards as far as lona. Professor 
Hugh Williams, in Some Aspects of the Christian Church in 
Wales, distinguishes four stages in the progress of monastic 
Christianity in Britain.^ The first stage was a life of retire- 
ment for self-discipline by the aid of a common life. A 
village of wooden huts or of cells dug out of the soft rock, 
the whole enclosed within a ditch and palisade — such was 
the monastery. All rose at cock-crowing, and prayed till it 
was time to begin to work; then clad in skins they went forth 
into the fields, where they spent the day. When evening 
came a frugal meal was partaken of. Three hours' prayer 
brought the day to a close. They lived by their labour, and 
kept unbroken silence. 

With Utud, about 500 A.D., another order begins. The 
monastery becomes a School, the training of which is in- 
tended for youths of tender age. The third stage of British 
monasticism is that of the recluses or hermits, when individual 
monks, " with the fervour peculiar to them," sought " desert 
places in the wilderness through a new zeal for a stricter life." 
These begin to be numerous between 550 and 595 a.d., and to 
them is probably due the establishment of rural churches. 
For instance, Tewkesbury Abbey was founded in 717 A.D., on 
the site of the hermitage of Theocus. The fourth stage 
opens with a new conception of the monk's calling. He is 
an active missionary, whose business it is to evangelize others. 
For this, however, we have to wait till the 7th century. 
Meantime a terrible catastrophe had burst over the country 
through the Saxon invasion. 

* the Bishops of the provinces of Britain ' he was writing to Roman hrethren. 
The British hishops mentioned by Athanasins as adherents of the faith of 
Nicaea ; the three bishops too poor to travel at their own expense to the Council 
of Ariminum in 350 ; tne Christians in Britain referred to by Chrysostom ; 
the pilgrims to Jerusalem from this island, mentioned by Jerome [Haddan 
and Stubbfi, i. 4-10], were Romans in language and culture, probably also in 
race." (See also Windle's Life in Early Britain, pp. 168, 172.) 

" pp. 15, 58, 37. Mr. F. Haverfeld in the English HiHoruxU Review for 
July, 1896, vol. xi. p. 427, combats Mr. Williams' views, but, as it seems to 
the writer, ineffectually. It appears from Sulpicius Severus, DiaX. i. 26, that 
in Oaul not only the cultured or Romanized laity, but also the bishops and 
clerey were at first hostile to monasticism. It appealed, however, effectually 
to the native population and won in time. 


Before glancing at the story of this invasion it may be well 
to draw. attention to certain distinctive features of the Celtic 
Church : (1) Bishops seem to have been confined to monas* 
teries. . They were not bishops of nations or tribes as among 
the Saxons, nor of geographical districts or dioceses as in 
Norman times,^ but they belonged to monasteries as bishops 
of the family, and in them they held a position under the 
abbot. They were also very numerous. Wherever a mon- 
astery was, there was also a bishop, more often several. 
(2) Wherever churches, or as it would be more correct to 
call them, prayer- stations, existed, they usually bore the 
name of, or as it was expressed in after-times were dedicated 
to, their founders, such founders being nearly always recluses 
or hermits. This was the custom in Wales up to the year 
717. (H. and S., i. 203.) After that date they were usually 
dedicated to St Michael, and after the year 1166 to the Blessed 
Virgin. An oratory surviving from British times may there- 
fore be expected either to be called after some local and 
perhaps otherwise unknown saint — the buried churches of 
St Perran-in-Zabulo and St. Gwithian are cases in point — 
or else after St Michael. Cornwall, as Prebendary Hingeston- 
Kandolph reminds me, aboupds in such instances. (3) 
Although a Christian Church existed among the natives 
of Britain before the Saxon invasion, it seems very doubtful 
if it extended far beyond the confines of the monasteries 
except in Cornwall. "If a large Christian population had 
continued to dwell in Britain, we should surely have had 

* Hatch, Orowih of Christian InslUuiionSf pp. 15, 89. Faostus, » 
Briton by birth, bom circa 410, became abbot of L^rins in 438 and bishop 
of Riez (Reji) in 462. Sidonios ApoUinaria, who died 487 (Mon. Oerm, Bist., 
▼iii. 157), names Riocatus, a Briion who was bishop and monk {antiates ei 
monachu8)y and in that capacity made two visits to Gaol circa 450. Babda, 
ill. c 4 : ** lona has for its ruler an abbot who is a priest, under whom stands 
all the district and even the bishops." Church Quarterly Review^ Oct., 1897, 
p. 146 : '* To speak or to think of a Welsh province, or dioceses, or parishes, 
or of anything like an organized hierarchy during the first 2^ centuries is an 
anachronism. They had nothing of the kind. ... On the analog of the 
lay tribe, there was gradually banded together a religious society [round the 
first missionary teacher] which was known as the tribe of the Saint.** See 
J. W. Willis Bund'b The Celtic Church in Walea, London, 1897. Wasser- 
schleben. Die Iritchc Kanonenaammlungy zzzvi., comments on the almost 
complete absence of any mention of dioceses, provinces, archbishops in the 
Irish Canons of the 7th century. Hugh Williams, p. 40 : ''When we read the 
lives of Welshmen who crossed to Armories in the 6th century, we are struck 
at finding so many of them to have been bishops . . . Most of them found 
monasteries where they exercise episcopal functions. These monasteries in 
time beoime centres of regular ecclesiastical life." Id, p. 45. ** The absence 
of any Welsh equivalents for terms so common in Latin uparochia, diocetis^ 
la significant as to the form of church life." 


some reference to these native Christians in the accounts we 
subsequently obtain of the conversion of the £nglish." ^^ As 
it is we hear little about British Christians and nothing that 
is good,^ but plenty about British monks and hermits. 

3. The Jutes, Angles, and Saxons when they first settled 
in these islands were, as is well known, confirmed heathens. 
The two Jutish settlements in Kent (a.d. 449 to 823) and 
the Isle of Wight (a.d. 530 to 686); the three Anglian 
kingdoms of East Anglia (a.d. 571 to 870), Northumberland 
(A.D. 547 to 876), and Mercia (a.d. 584 to 877) ; and the 
three Saxon kingdoms of Sussex (a.d. 477 to 823), Essex 
(a.d. 526 to 823), and Wessex (a.d. 519 to the present day) 
were all founded by the Conquest of the Britons, This is 
how Gildas (cc. 24, 25) describes that Conquest : 

"Towns crushed into ruins beneath the battering lam; their 
inhabitants — bishops, clergy, and people — lying dead on the 
ground whilst swords are gleaming and flames crackling. Oh 
the horror of that sight! In the public squares gates lying 
wrenched from their hinges, stones torn from the city walls, 
consecrated altars thrown down, mangled corpses weltering in red 
pools of clotted gore, a miscellaneous mass of confusion as though 
wrecked by an infernal machine. For the slain no other burial- 
places save the ruins of Louses or the bellies of wild beasts and 
birds of prey; unless for the souls of the righteous, if per- 
chance any such were found in those dread times whom the 
angels might bear aloft to heaven. How many poor wretches were 
pursued to the mountains and there massacred in troops! How 
many others dying of starvation delivered themselves up to a life- 
long slavery, if they might not perish on the spot, the boon they 
craved the most ! " 

A. For 150 years, from the first appearance of Hengist and 
Horsa in Kent in 449 a.d. until the coming of Augustine in 
597 A.D., the English Conquest was the Conquest of paganism, 

'• AsHLXT, W. J., Preface to Fustel db Ooulanoes' T?ie Origin of 
Properly in Land: ** We know very little of British Ghriatianity. It might 
have been strong in the cities and even among the gentry in the conntrj 
without having any real hold upon the rural population." 

^^ Gildas, c. 65, Haddan ana Stubbs, i. 74, a.d. 540: " Britain has priests, 
but they are unwise ; she has deacons in plenty, but they are cunning thieves ; 
she has bishops, but they are more like wolves ready to slay the sheep, heed- 
less of {their people's good, only concerned with filling their own bellies. 
They have church houses, but they only hold them to win a base pay. They 
instruct the people, but otfer examples of depravity. Tbey seldom approach 
the altar, and never with a clean heart. They never chide the people for their 
sins, for they commit as many themselves. They look down upon the good 
who are poor as vermin, but wealthy scoundrels they honour like angels." 


and the English wars were wars of extenninatioD.^ A con- 
tinuous emigration to the coasts of Armorica and even to 
Spain in consequence went on from 387 to 600 a.d.,^* re- 
sulting, as is well known, in Armorica being called Brittany 
and in a British Church being kept up there, for some time 
distinct from that of adjacent parts. What wonder that 
throughout the Eastern and Central parts of our island, 
wherever the heathen Saxons settled all traces of Celtic 
Christianity absolutely disappeared, so much so that the 
extent to which the Britons had become Christians is a 
matter of guesswork. In the words of Mr. Green {Making 
of England, I 163-5): 

''In the conquered part of Britam Christianity wholly dis- 
appeared, the Church and the whole organization of the Chmrch 
▼amshed. . . . When Borne long afterwards sought to renew its 
contact with it, it was as with a heathen country ; and it was in 
the same way as a heathen country that it was regarded by the 
Christians of Ireland and by the Christians of Wales. When 
misaioDaries at last made their way into its bounds, there is no 
record of their having found a single Christian in the whole 
country. What they found was a purely heathen land — a land 
where homestead and boundary and the very days of the week 
bore the names of new gods who had displaced Christ, and where 
the inhabitants were so strange to the faith they brought that they 
looked on its worship as magic." 

When at length the Saxons did embrace Christianity it 
was not due to the efforts and teaching of the conquered 
Britons, but to missionary efforts emanating from Eome and 
the labours of Augustine,^* Birinus,^^ and Felix.^® In the 

^' Frekman's Nomum Conquest, i. 23, 83. 

^ Haddak and Stubbs, ii. 71, mention (1) a settlement in 387 A.D. in 
Armorica of a colony of Maximos' soldiers from Britain, and the establishment 
of an independent Armorican state a.d. 409-502 under a '* King of the 
Britons," Ibid, 72 ; (2) an immigration of Christian Britons in 450 fleeing 
from Saxon invasion, who in 461 A.D. had a bishop of their own ; (3) a 
further immigration of Britons in 512 a.d. under Einff Howel (Riwallas), 
and the establishment of the sees of St. Paul de L^n ana St Samson de Dol ; 
(4) a further immigration of Britons in connection with St Maclou A.D. 566 
{Ibid,, p. 76). The 2nd Council of Tours, in 567, Can. 9, placed the British 
bishops in Armorica under the jurisdiction of the metropolitan of Tours. 
After that time the Armoricans were gradually absorbed in the Kingdom of 
the Franks. 

*^ Baeda, i. 23 : "About 150 years after the coming of the English into 
Britain, Gregory, promoted to the apostolical see of I^me [590-604], being 
moved by divine inspiration, sent the servant of God, Augustine, and with 
him several other monks to preach the word of God to the English nation." 
Id,, c 2^1 '* The same venerable Pope also sent a letter to Aetherius, Bishop 
of Aries, exhorting him to give a favourable entertainment to Augustine on 
lua way to Britain." Id,, c. 25, then relates how Augustine and his com- 



words of Dr. Bright, ** the Boman planted, the Scot watered, 
but the Briton did nothing " towards the conversion of the 
conquerors, and even refused to treat them as Christians 
when converted.'^ 

B. The Saxons, had, however, embraced Christianity 
before their conquests reached the West of England, and this 
change affected the whole character of their settlement in 
the Western Counties.^® As Professor Freeman has observed 
about these later conquests (Norman Conquest, L 34) : 

panions, some forty men in number, landed in the Isle of Tbanet, and thence 
sent "a message to Kinc Ethelbert signifying that they were come from 
Rome, and brought with them glad tidings/' eta, how Ethelbert to preyent 
their getting the better of him by magical arts received them in the open air. 
** Bat they came furnished with divine not with magic yirtue, bearing a silver 
cross for their banner and the image of our Lord and Saviour painted on » 
board ; and singing a litany they offered up their prayers to the Lord for the 
eternal salvation both of themselves and those to whom they were come." 
As the result Ethelbert embraced Christianity. Still the success of the 
mission seems to have been confined to the Jutes of Kent. After Ethel bert's 
death it very nearly collapsed altogether (Baeda, ii. 6), and it never reached 
the West Saxons. Duchesne, £glise8 s^par^^ p. 5, observes: '*The English 
Church was a daughter of the great Roman Church, a daughter bom out of 
due time, better loved and more closely cherished beneath her mother's wing 
than were her elder sisters." 

^ Baeda, iii. 7 : ** The West Saxons, formerly called Gewissse in the reign 
of Cynegils (a.d. 611-643), embraced the faith of Christ through the preach- 
ing of Bishop Birinus, who came into Britain by advice of Pope Honorius 
[625-640 A.D.], having promised in his presence that he would sow the seed 
of the holy faith in the inner parts beyond the dominions of the English 
[t.«!., the Jutes], where no other teacher had been before. Thereupon he 
received episcopal consecration from Asterius, Bishop of Genoa ; but on his 
arrival in Britain he first entered the nation of the Gewissae, and finding all 
these most confirmed pagans he thought it better to preach the word of God 
there than to proceed further to seek for others to preach to." Bede then 
relates how the King of the West Saxons became a catechumen, and was 
baptized ; and gave to Birinus the city of Dorcic, now called Dorchester, 8} 
miles south of Oxford, to settle his episcopal see there. Agilbert, a Frank, 
succeeded Birinus, but the King, getting tired of one who could not speak 
Saxon, appointed Bishop Wini to be his bishop at Winchester; whereupon 
Agilbert, offended at this being done without his advice, withdrew to and 
died at Paris.'' 

" Baeda, ii. 16: "Bishop Felix coming to Honorius, the archbishop [a.d. 
627], from Burgundy, and having told him what he desired, the archbishop 
sent him to preach the word of life to the nation of the Angles. Nor were 
his good wisnes in vain ; for the pious husbandman reaped therein a large 
harvest of the faithful, and delivered all that province from long iniquity. 
He had the seat of his pastoral charge appointed him in the city of Duromoc 
[afterwards Dunwich, now overwhelmed by the sea on the coast of Suffolk]." 

^' Davidson, in Trans, ix. 202, quotes Abbot Aldhelm's remarks on this 
point A.D. 705. See Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 268, and Kemble'b Saxons, 
u. 859-371. The latter writes : [Facts] indisputably prove that the example, 
adyice, and authority of the See of Rome were very highly regarded among 
our forefathers. There is not the slightest doubt that— despite the Celtic 
clergy — the Anglo-Saxon Church looked with affection and respect to Rome as 
the source of its own being. 

^ For the effect of this change on the village system see Trans, xxvii. 196. 


'^ There was no doubt conqaeet and indeed fearful and desolating 
conquest^ bat it was no longer conquest which offered the dreadfid 
alternatives of death or banishment. The Christian Welsh could 
now sit down as subjects of the Christian Saxon. The Welshman 
was acknowledged as a man and [in a certain sense] a citizen. 
He was put under the protection of the law ; he could hold 
landed property [as a villager but not as a thane] ; his blood had 
its price and his oath had its ascertained value. ... He was not 
yet looked on as the equal of the conquering race; but the 
Welshman within the West Saxon border was no longer a wild 
beast and an enemy, but a fellow-Christian living under the King's 
peace. . . . The great peninsula stretching from the Axe to 
the Land's End was and still is largely inhabited by men who are 
only naturalized Englishmen, descendants of the Welsh inhabitants 
who gradually lost their distinctive language and became merged 
in the general mass of the conquerors." 

We should therefore expect to find traces of British 
Christianity in this county, if the Britons of Devon were 
Christians, for here the Saxons settled after they had already 
become a Christian people. Such traces are found in 
Cornwall, which seems to have been more closely connected 
with Ireland, but if we except the six inscribed tombstones 
found at Tavistock,^^ Buckland Monachorum, Yealmton, 
Stowford, Fardel in Cornwood,^ and Lustleigh,^^ there 
appear to be no traces of Celtic Christianity in Devon. The 
crosses existing at Coplestone,^ East Worlington, and many 
other places in the county, certainly date from Saxon times.^ 
Does it not seem probable in face of these facts that the hold 
which Christianity had upon the Celts of Devon and Corn- 
wall before the coming of the Irish saints was of the slightest, 
and that although the activity of these saints was great in 
Cornwall there are very few traces of it in Devon ?** 

C. It is stated by Walpurga, abbess of Hildesheim, one of 
the three children of Winna, the sister of St. Boniface and 
St. Willibald,^ in the treatise which she wrote about a.d. 750, 

" Described by Rev. D. P. Alford in Trans, xxii 229 ; now in the 
Yicarflge garden at Tavistock. 

*^ Now in the British Museum. 

^ Haddan and Stubbs, i. 162 ; Trans, xxi. 135 ; Worth's Hist, of 
Devon, 179. 

« Trans, viii. 366. 

" Okmerod in Trans, vi 387. 

^ Perhaps the possf ssion of Hollacombe and Newton St. Petrock in Black- 
torington Hundred by the priests of Bodmin is witness of missionary 
activity from Cornwall. 

^ See Bishop Brownlow's monograph on St. Willibald in Trans, xxii 
212. Willibala and Winibald were toe two other children. 

s 2 


entitled "St Willibald's Wayfaring (Hodoeporicon) "•• — 
and WalpuTga must have been well acquainted with Devon, 
since her mother Winna was bom there and her grandfather 
was a Saxon settled at Kirton — ^that 

"It ifl the custom of the Saxon race that on many of the 
estates of nobles and of good men they are wont to have not 
a church bat the standard of the holy cross dedicated to our Lord 
and reverenced with great honour, lifted up on high so as to be 
convenient for the frequency of daily prayer.'' 

This practice of the Saxons, which it has been suggested 
arose from their fear of being bewitched by evil spirits in an 
enclosed place,^ but is in harmony with their well-known 
habit of holding other meetings in the open,^ is illustrated 
by the language of Bede (iii. 26), written some twenty years 
earlier, which at least shows that single presbyters holding 
glebe houses in the country were then unknown.^ 

"The religious habit at that time was in great veneration, so 
that wheresoever any clergyman or monk happened to come, 
he was joyfully received by all persons as God's servant. And if 
they chanced to meet him upon the way, they ran to him, and 
bowing were glad to be signed with his hand or blessed with 
his mouth. Great attention was also paid to their exhortations ; 
and on Sundays they flocked eagerly to the [bishop's] church or 
the monasteries not to feed their bodies but to hear the word 
of God. And if any presbyter chanced to come into a village, the 
inhabitants flocked together to hear from him the word of life; 
for the presbyters and clergy went into the villages on no other 
account than to preach, baptize, visit the sick, and in short to 
take care of souls. And they were so free from worldly avarice 
that none of them received lands and possessions for building 
monasteries [i.e., glebe-houses for single presbyters] unless they 

^ Hodoeporicon of St. JFillibaldf published by Palestine Pilgrim's Text 
Society, c. 3. ^ See note 14. 

^ ViN0ORAD0FF*8 VUlenoge, p. 367: **It is certain that the ancient 

femots were held in the opeo air. The Danes called them ** things.** The 
ustings or honse-meeting, the halimot of the Saxons, belongs to a later age. 
^ For the origin and examples of this use of the word monasterium 
see Keichbl's Complete Manual of Canon Law^ vol. ii. p. 85, note 32. The 
History of the Monastery of Abingdon, ii. 27, relates that a certain presbyter, 
Alfwi by name, about the year 1088 held the church of Sutton in Berkshire, 
the King having guaranteed that "as long as he lived he should hold it of the 
abbot and brethren of Abingdon as he had previously held it of himself.*' . . . 
" When the Kine had given this order tne said presbyter appeared before 
abbot Rainald and demanded of him and the brethren of the same place his 
fflebe-house {montuterium suum) that in pursuance of the Kinf^'s order 
he might hold his glebe-house {Tnonasterium) of them." Kemblb, Saxons in 
England, ii. 448, "Not every church which our historians call monasterium 
was a monastic foundation." 


were compelled to do so by tBe temporal authorities, which custom 
was for long after observed in all the churches of the North- 

Mr. King in his remarks on the Coplestone Cross 
(Trans, viii. 356) has already drawn attention to the same 
peculiarity.^^ Thus it cornea to pass that the solemn en- 
franchisement of slaves is recorded as having taken place, 
not in a church, but " at the four ways," because there stood 
the cross where the people were in the habit of assembling 
for worship.^* In fact, the erecting of a cross seems to have 
been regarded as a kind of legal consecration of the spot 
in Norman times. For in the year 1285 the Statute 13 
Edward L, c. 33 (Stephens' JSccl. Stat., p. 22) enacted: 

"Forasmuch as many tenants set up crosses or cause to be 
set up on their lands on prejudice of their lords, that tenants 
should defend themselves against the chief lords of the fee by the 
priyeleges of Templars and Hospitallers, it is ordained that such 
lands shall be forfeited to the chief lord or to the King in the 
same manner as is provided for lands aliened in mortmain." 

D. Two centuries after Bede's time we have evidence that 
the Saxons were in the habit of meeting for worship at places 
other than the great collegiate churches at centres served by 
regular mass-priests, though it does not follow that as yet 
buildings were erected at them, and they were simply called 
prayer-places {oratorio)?^ In King Edgar's Ecclesiastical 

^ Under the RomaDS the church was a town institntion. The bishop's 
parochia was the eivitaa. Where cities were nnmeroos so were bishops. 
Where, as in Britain, cities were few and far between, so likewise bishops 
in Roman times. Rajisay, Ilie Church in the Roman Empire, p. 57. 

^ This practice is no doubt the true explanation of the crosses round 
Plymton to which Mr. Worth drew attention in Trans, xix. 871, and of the 
Christenmael at Littleham referred to by Mr. Davidson in Trans, xv. 156. 

^ The enfranchisements of serfs recorded in Leofric's Missal, p. 6 (in 
Trans, viii. 417), include an enfranchisement at the four cross roads of 
Bowsleigh in Bratton Clovelly of Oynsie from Lew Trenchard, Godchild 
from Lamerton, Leofric from Sourton, Eadsig from Churchford (possibly 
Stowford), Aelfgyth from Buckland [Monachorum], Small from Okhamton, 
Wifman from Bradstone, Byrbflaed from Trematon, and Aelflaed from Stoke 
Clirosland witnessed by Wynstan the mass-priest, and Wnlfsie [mass-priest] 
at Lamerton and by all the minster- priests, and Aelfgyth [mass-priest] 
of Sourton, and attested by Cynise presbyter, Goda presbyter, and Aelfrie 
presbyter who wrote it; another enfranchisement also at Bowsleigh cross 
roads of Aelgyth witnessed by Wynstan the mass-priest, Goda the presbyter; 
another at Coryton of Aeffan witnessed by Brun the mass-priest and 
Wvnstan the priest and all the minster-priests. Apparently Brun was mass- 
pnest of Coryton, Wynstan of Bowsleigh. 

*■ Egbert's Esxerption 24, circa 990 a.d. (only the first 20 are Egbert's) : 
That churches founded of old be not deprived of their tithes or any other 
possessions in order to give them to new prayer-places. 


Laws of the year 958 (Thorpe, i 262) the following laws 
occur : 

" 1. This is the principal point, that God's churches [not village 
prayer-places] have their right, and that every one pay his tithe to 
the ancient minster to which the district belongs ; and let it be 
paid both from a thane's inland and from the villagers' land 
(geneat land), wherever the plough goes. 

** 2. If there be any thane who hath on land, which he holds as 
bocland a church with a burying-place belonging to it, let him pay 
the third part of his tithes into his own church. If he hath a 
church with no burying-place belonging to it, let him give his 
priest what he will out of the nine parts, but let every church-shot 
go to the ancient minster from all the ground of the freemen." 

In these laws, it will be seen, a distinction is drawn between 
(1) ancient minsters and (2) oratories on private estates, such 
as we now call parochial churches and chapels. Ancient 
minsters were entitled to tithes ; private oratories were not. 
Still a private oratory which had a burying-place attached to 
it was by this enactment allowed so far to rank as a church 
that a third of the tithes of its district might be paid to its 
mass-priest If it had no burial-place, the founder or patron 
had to provide for the priest's maintenance without trenching 
on the tithes. In King £thelred's Ecclesiastical Laws in 
1014 A.D. (Thorpe, i. 338), when parochial oratories began to 
be called churches, the ancient minsters are called mother- 

The same distinction between ancient minsters — otherwise 
mother-churches — on the one hand, and parochial oratories 
and chapels on the other, appears in one of Cnut's Laws 
(L 3) of the year 1017 : 

" All churches are not of equal dignity in respect to the world, 
though they are equally hallowed. The breach of protection in 
[1] a head-church is in the case of satisfaction equal to the breach 
of royal protection, that is 5 pounds [weight = 60 ounces of sUver] 
accordiDg to the law of the English ; and [2] in a middling-church 
120 shillingp, which is the same with the mulct to the King; and 
[3] in a lesser-church that hath a burying-place but where little 
service is done 60 shillings ; and [4] in a country place where there 
is no burying-place 30 shillings." 

^ Law 4 : *< We charge That every man for the love of God and His saints 
pay the church-shot and his lawful tithe as he did in the days of our ancestors 
when he did it best ; i.e.^ the tenth acre wherever the plough goes. And let 
every custom be paid for the love of God to the mother-church to which it 
belongs.'' In Gaul parishes appear to have an earlier date. See Kembls's 
Saxons, ii. 419. 


After the Conquest, however, in Henry I/s time — for the 
so-called laws of Edward the Confessor are generally supposed 
to date from his reign — we find a lesser or parochial church 
with a burying-place called a parochial mother-church, whilst 
ancient minsters or mother-churches of the two higher kinds 
are mentioned distinct from a parochial mother-church in the 
same law (1, a.d. 1065, in Johnson, Thorpe, i 520). 

** If any man lay hands on him who goes to [1] a mother-cburcb, 
whether it belong [a] to a bishop or [b] abbot or [c] be a church 
of religion [secular priory] let him restore what he hath taken 
away and 100 shillings as a forfeiture ; and [if on one who goes] 
[2] to the mother-church of the parish,^ 20 snillings ; and [if] to a 
chapel 10 shillings.'' 

In another of the same laws (law 9, A.D. 1064) it is stated 
that the income from tithes of the ancient minsters — i.e., of 
bishops' administrative-charges (parochiae), and abbots' and 
priests' administrative-charges (dioeceses) — had greatly de- 
creased owing to the recent increase in other churches, " for 
there are now 3 or 4 churches where then there was but 
one " ; in other words, because tithes had been diverted from 
them. However this may be as regards other counties — and 
indeed had there been no diversion of tithes to laymen,^ 
there would have been no tithes available wherewith patrons 
could have endowed rectories — in this county large estates 
appear to have held the place of tithes. Although Ethelwulf s 
supposed grant of tithes, as will be presently seen, refers to 
something quite different, yet the duty of paying tithes seems 
recognized in the treaty of peace between Edward the elder 
and Guthrum.^ The earliest law enjoining their payment is 
that of King iEthelstan in 925 a.d.,^ followed by one of 

^ Lord Selborae, in Ancient Facts and Ficiums, has pointed ont that 
the earliest instance of parochia being used in the modern sense of a parish 
occurs in a letter written by Cnut from Rome in 1031 to the English people. 
(See Trans, viii. 812.) Previously it usually meant the extent otthe bishop's 
cure of souls. (See Trans, xxvi, 134.) 

'^ Gregory VIl. complains of this in the 5th Roman Synod, A.D. 1078, 
Can. 1 and 6, apud Gratian, Causa i., Quaestio iiL, caput 18. 

^ In Johnson called Alfred and Guthrum's Laws, A.D. 878, 1. 6 : If one 
withhold his tithes, or his Rome-fee, or his light-shot, or his plough-alms, or 
deny any ecclesiastical right, let him pay a mulct among the English. 
Kbmble, Saxons f ii. 477. 

^ iEthelstan, 1, in Thorpe, i. 195 : "I ^thelstan the King with the counsel 
of Wulfbelm archbishop and of my other bishops, give notice to the reeves of 
each town and beseech you in God's name and by all His saints that ye first 
of my own goods render the tithe both of live stock and of the year's increase 
. . and let the bishops do the like from their own property and my ealdormen 
and reeves the same." 


Eadmnnd the elder in 940 A.IX,* and the eailiest law allowing 
the application' of one-third of them to the endowment of 
parochial oratories is that of King Eadgar in 958 A.D. 

The conclusions which the antlmrities already cited 
seem to lead to are these : that in the early period of Saxon 
Christianity there existed only two kinds of chnrches, viz^ 
collegiate or prebendal churches, under the bishop {parocAiae), 
and coUegiate or monastic charges under an abbot {dioeaMs), 
These are what the Statute 2 fiichard XL St iL c. 2, aj>. 1389, 
terms berufices eUdivt, The obligaticm of paying tithes was 
not fulfilled by paying them to a single presbyter at dis- 
cretion,^ and very few buildings for worship existed* 
Village crosses were, however, erected in yarious places at 
which the people were in the habit of assembling for prayer 
and instruction, such instruction being usually given by 
itinerant clergy sent out from the bishop or some monastic 
church.^ On great festivals the people were in the habit 
of repairing to the collegiate or monastic churches,^ just as 
they still do in some parts of Austria and the TyroL About 
a century, however, before the Conquest some of the greater 
lords had become alive to the inconveniences of this system, 

* The Uw of Eadnimd, A.B. 940, in Thorpk, L 244. and Kemblx, iL 646, 
goes farther : " Tithe we eBJoin to every ChiistiAB maa on hia christeBdom 
aod chnreh-shot, end Rome-fee and fJoogh-alma* And if any one will not 
do it, he be excommonicate.'* 

* Tkeodori FoenUentiaU II. iL 8, A.B. 673, in Haddah k Stubbs, iii 191 : 
No one is compelled (oogitor) to pay tithes to a prasbytar. 

^ Baedtu Vita Cvihberti, L 29 : *' The bishop on a certain day going round 
his parish imparted the precepts of salvation to rural districts, to solitary 
homesteads and wicks." M ifui. ArZo., iiL 17 : ''Bishop Aidan was at the 
King's ooontiy seat when death aeparated him from the body. For haTing 
a charch and a chamber there, he was often wont to go and stay there, and 
thence to make exenrsions to preach in the coontry ronnd aboat, which he 
likewise did at other of the King's coontry seata^** IhicL iii. 28 : "Chad being 
consecrated began immediately to devote himself to ecclesiastical truth and 
to chastity . . . travelliog about not on horseback, but after the manner of the 
apostles on foot, preachiog the Gospel in towns, the open conntrv, eottagea, 
villa^ea, castles." Ihid. iv. 27 : '* It waa then the costom of the English 
people that when a clerk or presbyter came into a village, all assemblra at 
his bidding to hear the word.** Life of Boniface, Pkrtx, iL 334 : •* But when, 
as is the custom of that country, any presbyters or clergy came among the 
people and lavfolk for the sake of preaching, and had reached the village 
and homestead of the aforeaaid householder.** The Council of Clovesho, A.i>. 
747, Can. 14, enjoins : *'That all abbots and preabyters on the most sacied 
day of Sunday remain in their monasteries and churches and say solemn 

« Capitulum 24 of Theodulf Bbhop of Orleans, A.D. 831, authorized by 
Archbishop Aelfric, A.I). 994 : '* It behoves every Christian that can do it to 
eome to church [».«., the bishop's or a monsstic church] on Saturday, and 
bring a light with bim, and there hear evensong and noctums in their 
proper hour, and come in the morning with an offering to high mass.* 


and ignoring the Saxon love for open-air meetings, had in 
some few places erected oratories, but more frequently had 
provided themselves with mass-priests to minister to them- 
selves and their dependants, to whose maintenance they 
claimed to devote a portion of their tithes. This they were 
allowed to do, if the oratory which the mass-priest served 
had a burying-place allotted to it. The bishop's church and 
the monastic church, at both of which there was a staff of 
clergy, continued still to be the only parochial churches and 
centres of administration where Church discipline could be 
enforced through proper officials, all private oratories or, as 
a later age called them, benefices donative being what we 
should now call chapels of ease. The elevation of chapels 
of ease into cures of souls, and the investing them as such 
with parochial rights, was a change commenced in Norman 
times and not completed before the 13th century,^ but it 
did not exist at the time of Domesday. 

4. One other point it is desirable to draw attention to in 
order to explain the state of things which meets us in 
Domesday. The bishops of the Celtic Church in this country 
were, as we have seen, before all things monastic bishops. 
They lived in a monastery, they were maintained by a 
monastery, they served the family of the monastery. Out- 
side the monastery, so far as we know, they had no jurisdic- 
tion either over persons or places, and the non-monastic and 
non-capitular clergy, as we might call them, went by the 
name of the headless clergy (acephali).^ The Saxon bishops, 
on the other hand, were before all things bishops of nations 
and tribes,^^ and the tribe or nation, irrespective of locality, 

^ Hinobston-Randolph's Stapledon, p. 200 : In March [1240] the church 
of Chitelhamptane was consolidated [i.e,, the different interests in its tithes 
brought into one parochial management] by William de Bruere, bishop of 
Exeter, and the abbot and convent of Tewkesbury, the true patrons. 

^ The Council of Arreme, A.D. 535, Can. 15, requires all presbyters and 
deacons who are (1) neither city-clergy (in eivitcUe) nor (2) canons of a 
collegiate church {in parochiis eanoniei)^ but (8) live in yillages and there dis- 
charge the divine office, to repair on the principal festivids to the city to 
keen the solemnity with the bishop. Egbert's Excerptiona, 159, a.d. 990 : 
"There are two sorts of clerks, one of ecclesiastics under the Kovernment of 
the bishop, the other headless, of whom Gregory says . . . They ought to 
have wives and receive their stipends apart." This was probably a re-enact- 
ment in this country of the decree of the Council of Pa via a.d. 850, apud 
Oratian L Distinctio xdiL c. 8 : "Those are not to be accounted presbyters 
who are not covemed or provided for by the bishop. . . . Such the ancient 
Church called headless." 

^ For instance, the Council of Hatfield, a.d. 673, recites: "Theodore, 
bishop of the church of Canterbury, destineid thereto unworthy as I am by 
the apostolic see, and our most reverend brother Bise, bishop of the East 
Angles, together with our brother and fellow-bishop Wilfrid, bishop of the 


was their parish. Just as the Boman bishop claimed for his 
parishioners all the subjects of the Boman empire, no matter 
in what part of the world they might be found,^ so the 
Saxon bishops claimed as their parishioners all the members 
of the particular tribe or nation of the Saxons for whose 
service they had been consecrated, no matter in what part of 
England they were resident^^ Thus there was one bishop 
for the Jutes, who ultimately made Canterbury his see ; and 
because he found it difficult to minister to both East and 
West Jutes, he had an assistant consecrated who placed his 
seat at Bochester. The site of the see seems to have been 
in both cases determined by the locality of the endowment 
There was another bishop for the tribe of the Angles 
whose see was first at Dunwich. Then it was transferred 
to Norwich, which served as the see of the North Anglians 
or Norfolk men, whilst another bishop was appointed for the 
South Anglians or Suffolk men, who had his see first at 
Elmham, and after 1075 a.d. at Thetford. (Trans, xiii. 126.) 
The East Saxons again had their bishop, whose see was early 
fixed at London but never included the neighbouring West- 
minster; the South Saxons theirs, whose see was fixed at 
Chichester ; the men of the Marches theirs, whose see was 
first at Bepton and then at Lichfield, and who for a time 
(A.D. 787-803) ranked as archbishop among his suffragans 
of Coventry, Leicester, Worcester, Sidnachester (Stoke), and 
claimed to be independent of Canterbury. Finally the West 
Saxons had theirs, the first bishop, St. Birinus, for a short 
time resident at Dorchester, near Oxford, but ever since 

nation of the Northnmbriana, who was present by his proper legates, as also oar 
brethren and fellow bishope, Putts, bishop of the Castle of the Kentish 
called Rochester ; Lutherius, bishop of the West Saxons, and Winifrid, 
bishop of the province of the Mercians, were present," etc. The Council of 
Clovesho, A.D. 747, recites : '*The underwritten acts were done in Synod, Uiese 
prelates of the churches of Christ beloved of God being present ; the honour- 
able Archbishop Cuthbert, and the venerable prelate of the church of 
Rochester, Dun ; and the most reverend bishops of the Mercians, Totta and 
Huita and Podda ; and the most approved prelates of the West Saxons, 
Hiniferd and Herewald ; and the venerable digoitaries [sacerdotes, bishops] 
Heardulf, of the East Anglians, and Tecgulf of the East Saxons, and 
Milred of the Huiccians; also the honourable bishops Alwik, of the 
province of Lindisey, and Siega of the South Saxons," etc 

*• Ramsay, Church of the Roman Empire, p. 148 ; **St. Paul conceived the 
great idea of Christianity as the religion of the Roman world, and thought 
of the various districts, and countries in which he had preached as parts of 
the grand unity. He had the mind of an organizer, and to him the Chris- 
tians of his earliest travels were not men of Iconium and of Antioch, but 
they were a part of the Roman world, and were addressed by him as such." 

^ KsMBLB, Saxons in England, ii. 359, 361 : Whatever were the cause 
we find at least a bishopric coextensive with a kingdom. 


seated at Winchester. As the West Saxon kingdom 
advanced, the West Saxon bishopric was first divided into 
two in the year 705, one bishop continuing to sit at Winchester, 
the other at Sherborn. In the year 909 it was divided into 
five by the subdivision of the Sherborn district, the Bishop 
of Sherborn being henceforth limited to Dorsetshire. Of 
the additional bishops one was provided for the men of 
Wilts, whose see was successively placed at Bamsbury, 
Wilton, and Old Sarum, a second for the men of Somerset, 
whose see was at Wells, the third for the Devon folk, seated 
successively at Crediton*® and at Exeter.*** Very different 
no doubt was this institution of tribal bishops from the 
state of things which St. Gregory contemplated.*^ Still as 
early as the year 680 Archbishop Theodore had succeeded 
in bringing the various tribal bishops of the Saxons into 
union with himself," and as Domesday times are approached 
we find bishops established at fixed town-centres,*^ and on 
the high road to having territorial dioceses. 
We now come to 

11. The Devonshire Churches in ^Domesday'* 

1. Hitherto the term Church has been used in a somewhat 
loose and general sense. It becomes now important to 

^ Warren'b Leofric Missal, p. 1 ; H add an and Stubbs, i. 676 ; Smith in 
Trans, xiv. 193. 

* H ADD AN and Stubbs, i. 693 ; Davidson in Trans, xiii. 118. 

^ Epistle to Augustin, a.d. 601, in Baeda, i. 29. " In regard that the new 
Chnrch of England is through the goodness of the Lord and yonr labours 
brought to the grace of God, we grant you the use of the pall . . . and do you in 
separate places ordain 12 bishops who shall be subject to your jurisdiction, 
so that the bishop of London shall in future be always consecrated by his 
own synod, and that he receive the honour of the pall from this holy and 
apostolic see, which I by the grace of God now serve. But we will have 
you send to the city of York snch a bishop as you shall think fit to ordain, 
yet so that if that city with the places adjoining shall receive the word of 
God that bishop shall also ordain 12 bishops, and enjoy the honour of a 
metropolitan. ... In coming times let this distinction be tietween the bishops 
of the cities of London and York, that he may have the precedence who 
shall be first ordained." 

^ Baeda, H, B, iv. 2 : [Theodore] was the first among the archbishops to 
whom the whole Church of the English would consent to hold out the hand. 
Kem BLB, Saxons in England^ vol. ii. 364. 

'* Mr. Chanter in Trans, vii. 180 seems to have thought that Waerstan 
and Putta must have been bishops of Devon at Bishop's Tawton before 
Eadulf was stationed at Crediton, because he took for granted that the 
bishops were then bishops of places rather than of people. To the writer 
it seems most probable that since BishopV Tawton was one of the old estates 
of the see of Sherborn before it was divided, Waerstan on being appointed 
to that see took the old possessions until they were awarded by the King to 
some other bishop, and that Waerstan's possession of Bishop's Tawton has 
been misunderstood as having his see at Tawton. 


define what is meant bj the tenn in Domesday. In King 
Edgar's Laws and the so-called Laws of the Confessor, a 
church meant a place where the worship of God was 
regularly carried on, whether there was a building there or 
not, but in Domesday it is used either (1) to describe a body 
of men having the administrative charge of Christian souls 
and property belonging to some dead saint (for, as Professor 
Maitland observes in his book on The Toumship and the 
Borough, p. 31, before 1200 no corporations were persons in 
law, but property was given to dead saints) such a sphere of 
work being called an administrative district or diocese ;^ and 
(2) to describe the administrative charge itself, and the 
spiritual rights enjoyed in consequence by such a society. 
The sum total of such districts under a bishop was called 
the bishop's parish.^ 

A. Of the first meaning many instances occur in the 
Devonshire Domesday. Thus a section of the Exeter Book 
(p. 100) is headed " Lands of the Exeter Church of St Peter 
in Devonshire," where Church is used to express the body 
having the administrative charge of the Christians in Exeter, 
and the property there given to St Mary and St Peter. 
Another section (p. 228) is headed " Lands of the Abbot of 
Tavestock Church in Devonshire." Again another (p. 250), 
"Lands of the Abbot of Bulfestre (Buckfast) Church in 
Devonshire. Another (p. 268), " Lands of Churches, which 
have been given to Saints in alms " : and when we come to 
examine this section in detail we find that the churches 
include Cranboum Church, a monastic society in Dorsetshire 
(p. 268), the Church of Labatailge, or Battle Abbey, founded 

^ Council III. of Carthage, a-d. 397, Can. 48 : "A bishop who is in com- 
nunion with all his brethren and the coancil ought not only to hold his own 
church but also its administrative charges {dioeeeses) in full right" The 
Council of Tarragona, a.d. 516, Can. 13 : " Presbyters ought not only to be 
summoned to council from cathedral churches but also from administratire 
[dioeeesaniSf i.«., collegiate] chai^ges.*' {Id., Ibid.) 

Canon 8 in Gratian, Causa x., Quaestio i. c. 10: ''Let what has been 
settled by ancient custom prevail, and every year the dioceses {ue., the adminis- 
trative districts or monastic churches) be visited by the bishop." Council 
of Toledo IV., A.D. 633, Canon 35, Ibid, c 11 : "A bishop ought to go over 
all his dioceses and parishes (i.«., his monastic and collegiate churches) every 
year. " Council of Toledo VII. , A.D. 646, Canon 4, Ibid. Quaestio ui c 8, calls 
the clergy of a collegiate church parochicUes presbyteri, i.e. presbyters 
belon^ng to the bishop's administrative sphere. Oelasius (a.d. 492-496), 
£p. ii. c 2, to the Bishops of Sicily: ''The property of the church, and 
also the monastic churches {dioeeeses) if held by grant from the bishop may 
be lawfully claimed." 

^ Council of Clovesho, a.d. 747, Canon 4 : "That bishops admonish the 
abbots and abbesses within their parishes {parochiae) to be examples of good 


by the Conqueror in Sussex (p. 270), the Canons of St. 
Mary of Bouen (p. 272), the Monastery of St Michael's 
Mount (p. 276), the men's monastery of St. Stephen (p. 280), 
and the women's Convent of the Uoly Trinity (p. 282), at 
Caen, the presbyters of South Molton (p. 284), the presbyters 
of Braunton, for the Geldroll (xx. A. 13) calls them so, 
although Domesday only names their provost Algar (p. 284), 
and the Queen's chaplain Sawin (p. 284), who may have 
been the provost of the South Molton presbyters. In all 
these cases the term Church means a body of men having 
a spiritual charge and spiritual duties. In the same sense 
we read (p. 18) : " To the Church of Axminster \i,e. to the 
presbyteral college of Axminster] belongs half a hide of 
land in that manor," and (p. 19), "To the Church of this 
[Eingskerswell] manor belongs half a virgate of land." 

B. The term Church is more rarely used in the Devonshire 
Domesday to express the administrative charge itself and the 
rights held therewith, t.«., the rectorship or right of adminis- 
tering spiritual revenues. Thus under Woodbury (p. 44) we 
read : " Thereof the abbot of St. Michael holds the church 
(i.e., the rectorship) and the land which the priest held in King 
Edward's time." Again of Columton (p. 270) the Exeter Book 
says : ** The abbot of Battle has 1 hide of land and 1 church 
\i.e., the entirety of the rectory or the undivided right to 
receive and administer spiritual revenues] in Colitone 
(CoUumton), which Torbert held in King Edward's time " ; or 
as the Exchequer Book words it : " The church [meaning the 
monastic society] of Labatailge holds the church [meaning 
the right of administering spiritual revenues] of Colitone, 
together with 1 hide." Again (p. 70) : " The abbot of Battle 
holds the church of this [Pinhoe] manor [where church means 
the spiritual revenues, but cannot mean the tithes, because 
these were first given to Battle Abbey in Bichard I.'s time by 
Bishop John (Oliver, p. 117)] and there belongs to it 1 
virgate." Again (p. 20): "The above named manor [of 
Colyton] has one church \i.e., the entire right to the spiritual 
revenues] where \ virgate of land belongs." In other counties 
this use of the term is fairly common. Thus, after saying 
that there are 20 hides at Cookham, an ancient Crown lord- 
ship, the Berkshire Domesday continues (No. 3 p. ii, Zinco- 
graph) : *' Of these 20 hides Beinbald the presbyter holds of 
the King 1^ in alms and the church [ie., the spiritual 
revenues] of the manor." After describing Cholsey (No. 7 

E. iii.) the text continues : " The abbey of St. Michael's Mount 
olds of the King one church [t.«., the entirety of the 


spiritual revenues] together with 1 hide in this manor." 
Under Streatley (No. 165, p. xiii) : " Wibert the presbyter 
holds the church of this manor together with 1 hide o£ 
Geoffrey [de Mannevile]." In one case, nevertheless, church 
seems to mean something more, but this is in the county 
of Berks. Under Wantage (No. 9, p. iii) : •* In this manor 
Peter the Bishop held two parts of the church together with 
4 hides there belonging, which never paid geld. Now they are 
in the King's hand because they did not belong to the see. . . . 
The third part of the aforesaid church William the deacon 
holds of the King together with one hide which never paid 
geld." Two-thirds and one-third of a church held by the 
King and the parochial deacon respectively — this looks like 
sharing the tithes. But it may be only sharing the church- 
shot^ In Lincolnshire we reed that ** Godric the son of 
Garewin inherited from his mother the church [%.e., the right 
to the church revenues] of All Hallows in Lincoln, and the 
land of the church and whatever belonged to it" In Essex 
that '* Salph Piperel claimed one half of the hide and the 18 
acres belonging to the church of Boreham and one-half of 
the church [t.e., the church revenues]." In an instrument 
quoted by Oliver {M<m, 198), a church is said to be " worth 
3/-, not including offerings," and a separate donation of the 
tithes follows. Here, therefore, church cannot mean tithes, 
but the church revenues other than the tithes and offerings. 

C. It will thus be seen that the mention of a church in 
Domesday by no means necessarily involves the existence of 
a building. That in some cases there was a building we 
cannot doubt ; in others there was not, for the Saxons loved 
to hold their public meetings in the open. What it does 
imply is the existence of a society of Christian men, recognized 
as having a spiritual charge, and also the existence of spiritual 
revenues, and a rectorship or right of administering them 
vested in some persons. Considering how few Churches are 
mentioned in the Devonshire Domesday, may we conclude 
that tithes were rarely paid in Devon before the Norman 
Conquest? There are several circumstances which seem to 
favour such a conclusion. 

2. The first point in support of this contention is the 
proportion which the property of the Church in the time of 
Domesday held to the total of the property in the county. 
Following the order and the divisions of the Exeter Domesday, 
as given in Mr. Whale's Appendix, Trans, xxviii. 402 seq,, 

*> In Trans, xxrii 168, n. 11, it has already been noticed that "church- 
shot " was payable by each house which kept a fire burning. 


the assessment and acreage appears in Domesday distributed 
as follows : 

A. The King held : h. y. f. h. v. f. Acres. Acres. 

(1) Ancient Crown Lordships 

assessed at . . . 27 3 with an acreage of 50,587 

(Whale, No8. 1 to 35.) 
Besides three unhidated 
estates (Whale, Nos. 10, 14, 

(2) Royal Lordships, or Earls* 

Lands, assessed at . . 106 1 1 115,923 

(Whale, Nos. 36 to 87.) 

(3) Forfeited £stetes of Sub- 
jects 84 1 2 31,124 

Brictric and Boia (W. Nos. 

88 to 103). 

168 1 8 197,634 

Deducting the portions of 
these estates held by the 
Church (W. Nos. 4, 17, 19, 
21, 29, 31, 61, 69, 77) . 6 1 IJ 2,542 

There remain in the King's hand 163 li 195,092 

B. The Bishop held (W. 104- 

126) . . . . 124 2 with an acreage of 79,807 

Deducting for Niwetona (W. 
1083) which was in lay 
hands and is assessed among 
the English thanes' lands .800 3,108 

There remain 121 2 76,699 

C. The great monastic Churches held : 

1) The abbot of Glastonbury 
(W. No. 223.) . . . 6 1,148 

2) The abbot of Tavistock 
(W. 224-239) . . . 19 8 2 24,861i 

3) The abbot of Bucfast 
(W. 240-262) . . . 16 1 lA 9,936 

4) The abbot of Horton (W. 
253-256) . . . . 8 3,465i 

D. Other Churches held : 44 . 3^ 38,911 

1) New Churches of recent 
endowment (W. 257-269) . 54 2 2 18,596 

2) On the royal estates de- 
ducted above (W. Nos. 4, 
17,19,21,29,31,61,69,77) 6 1 IJ 2,642 

3) On the Barons' estates 
deducted below (W. Nos. 
440, 479, 481, 482, 492, 589) 

4) On the Frankling Knights' 
estates (W. No. 980) 

5) On the English thanes' 
estates (W. Nos. 1072, 1081) 

Together 66 li 26,264 

2 3 2 








E. The bvons held (W. 
Nob. 127-222, 270-976, 

(1) Bishop of Coatances 

(2) Earl of MorUin . 

(3) Earl of Chester 

(4) Baldwin the Sheriff 

(5) JodhelofTotnes . 

(6) Ralph de Pomeray. 

(7) Walter de Dowai . 

(8) WillUm de Mohon 

(9) WUliam de Faleise 

(10) Alnred of Spain . 

(11) Odo fitz Gamelin . 

(12) Torstin fitz-Bolf . 
(18) Goecelm and Walter de 


(14) Gosoelm of Exeter . 

(15) William Capra . 

(16) Tetbald fitz-Bemer 

(17) Rnald Adobed 

(18) William de Poillei 

(19) Robert de Albemarle 

(20) Robert Bastard . 

(21) Richard fitz Tarolf 

(22) Hervei de Helion . 

(23) Alared the Breton . 

Deducting estates held by 
Chnrches nnder Baldwin 
and Judhel (W. Nos. 440, 
479, 481, 482, 492, 589) . 

There remain 

F. The Frankling Knighto 
held (W. Nos. 977 to 1016) 

(1) Osbcm de Salceid . 
{2) Girold the Chaplain 

(3) Angger de Senarpont 

(4) WilHam de On 

(5) Ralph Pa^nel 

(6) Ralph de Limesei 

(7) Flohcr . 

(8) Girard . 

(9) Richard son of Earl 

Gislebert . 

(10) Roger de Buslei 

(11) Aiulf . 

(12) Morinus of Caen 
(18) Ralph de Felgers 

Dednctiog estate previoasly 
held by the Church (W. 980) 

There remain 

h. T. t h. V. t 

55 8 



79 3 





. 146 3 



69 1 



. 41 2 



. 47 8 






16 1 



1 3 


. 21 





86 3 


20,8211 + 1 perch 

1 2 


. 84 3 



14 1 



. 14 1 



. 14 8 



. 11 


2 2 





1 8 



. 16 



689 2 


503,088i + l perch 

2 8 2 


686 8 01 

+ 1 perch 











5 8 













88 2i 



G. The King's military thanes h. v. f. h. v. f. Acrea. Acres, 
held (W. Nos. 1017-1056) : 

(1) Godbold .... 

(2) Nicolaus the head Cross- 


(3) Fulcher .... 

(4) Haimeric de Arcis • 

(5) William the King's Mes- 

senger ... 1 424 















H. The King's yeomen thanes 23 1 2 15,510 

held (W. Nos. 1057-1068) : 

(1) William the Seneschal . 9 2 6,424^ 

(2) Ansger .... 1 432 

I. The King's English thanes 10 2 6,856J 

held, including Ni 
Gyres and Seal 
Nos. 1069-1120) . . 27 OJ 25,875 

held, including Newton St. 
Gyres and Sedborough (W. 

Deducting estates held by 
Bodmin presbyters(W. 1072 
and 1081). ... 1 1 1,318 

There remain 25 3 OJ 24,057 

Total 1129 28^ 907,665 

+ 1 perch 

This total, which is slightly less than that given in 
Trans, xxvii. 183, has been arrived at by correcting the 
error in the Association's reprint of Motbilie (No. 383, 
p. 361) and making it 4 instead of 1 hide; by taking the 
assessment of Exminster (No. 5, p. 7) as 0. 3. 2. instead of 
1 hide, the omitted half virgate representing Matford, the 
assessment of which is given under W. Capra (No. 714, 
p. 683 ; see Trans, xxvii. 178) ; by taking that of Leuia 
(No. 83, p. 76) as IJ hides instead of 1^ hides + 1 ferling, 
the omitted ferling being Gohewis (No. 430, p. 402) ; by 
taking the assessment of Edeslege (No. 90, p. 85) as 2. 3. 0. 
instead of 3 hides, one virgate being deducted for Clavil's 
Iweslei (No. 856, p. 823); by taking the assessment of 
Sideberie (No. 118, p. 113) as 3 instead of 5 hides; and that 
of Wiche (No. 1240, p. 1173) as 0. 0. 2. instead of 0. 1. 0.; 
and that of Woodbury Church (No. 51, p. 45) as 0. 3. OJ. 
instead of 1. 1. 0^. in accordance with the figures 
given in the Exeter Book; by taking the assessment of 
Pultimore (No. 1194, p. 1131) as 3. 0. 3. instead of 3. 1. 3. as 
the particulars require and the interlineation in the Exeter 
Book suggests; by taking the assessment of North Molton 
(No. 24, p. 39) as 1 hide and ^ virgate, instead of 1^ hides, 
that of Northam (No. 303, p. 28) as 1 hide 3^ virgates, 



instead of 2 hides and ^ virgate, that of Wasberlege (No. 
1255, p. 1187) as 1^ insteiui of 2 virgates, and that of 
Olvereworth (No. 1218, p. 1153) as 1 instead of 2 vir- 
gates, to make the totals agree with the particulars; and 
omitting as duplications Newton St. Cyres (No. 165, 
p. 99), Lob (No. 489, p. 461), and Sedeborge (No. 439, 
p. 413). The ploughland has been uniformly taken as 100 
acres, and the hide in the 4 cases in which it is used as 
a measure of area, viz., Otrei (No. 297, p. 273), Bourige 
(No. 299, p. 273), Otri (No. 824, p. 793j and Smarige (No. 
1002, p. 961), as 120 acres.^ The number of ploughlands 
has been taken as 10 instead of 1 in Liege (No. 270, p. 243), 
and as 12 instead of 3 in Rourige (No. 299, p. 273), in accord* 
ance with the Exeter Book. Some additional areas have 
been inserted and a very few in Mr. Whale's list corrected. 
It appears, therefore, at the date of Domesday 

h. V. f. Acres. 

The Bishop held . . . . 121 2 with 76,699 

The great monastic Charches held 44 3^^ 38,911 

Other Churches held . . . 66 1^ 26,264 

Altogether the Church held . . 231 3 If with 141,874 

out of a total of . . . 1129 2 A with 907,665 + 1 perch 

In other words, it held one-fifth of the assessed value of the 
county, and more than one-seventh of the cultivated area. 

3. Next it will be well to enquire when the Church 
obtained these estates, and more particularly what portion 
of them it obtained after King Edgar's time (a.d. 958) ; for 
we have seen that in Theodore's time (a.d. 680) it was not 
lawful to bestow tithes, and still less land in lieu of them, on a 
single presbyter, and that not before Edgar's time could any 
portion be diverted permanently to the use of country clergy. 

A. The estates given to the Church by the Conqueror's 
companions, Baldwin and Judhel, consist of 

(1) Clist (No. 499, p. 471). called East Cliat h. t. f. Acws. 

in the taxation of Pope Nicolas, now 

Ashclist in Broad Clist . .10 2 972 

(2) Pontimore (No. 600, p. 478), Cotton in 

Poltimore . ... 20 286 

(8) PolealeuKo (^o. 501, p. 473), Hoopem 

next Polsloe, St. David's . .002 202 

(4) ClUte (No. 502, p. 473), Clistmois alias 

West Clist, Broaddist ... 2 2 818 

(5) Fierseham (No. 504, p. 475), Forsham, 

Drewsteignton . . .010 638 

(6) Follaton(No.652,p.625),Follaton,Totne8 10 202 

2 8 2 2,608 
•• This point seems oonclosiyely settled by Round in Feudal England, p 87. 


All of these must have been given to the Churoh after 
the Conquest. The Church of St. Mary in the Castle of 
Exeter, to which the four first-named belonged, was the 
foundation of Baldwin the Sheriff. In the year following 
the battle of Hastings, i.e., 1067 a.d., we are told the 
Conqueror selected a spot within the walls of Exeter for the 
erection of a castle, and committed the execution of the 
work to his principal knights. (Trans, xxviii. 366, n. 4.) 
Nineteen years later we find the Canons of St Mary in 
the Castle holding four of Baldwin's estates, all of them 
estates which had been in private hands before the Con- 
quest Four thanes had held Ash Clist, Ulmer had held 
Cutton, Aluric had held Hoopem (Polesleuge), and Ulveva 
had held (West) Clist The foundation of the Castle 
Church, therefore, was subsequent to the Conquest, and 
the founder and giver of the estates must have been 

The four estates named seem to have constituted the 
endowment of three out of the four prebendaries who served 
the church. The fourth prebend must, however, have been 
founded at the same time, or very nearly so, because in the 
letters patent of William Avenell, who married Emma, 
the second daughter of Baldwin, addressed to Bobert 
Chichester, Bishop of Exeter (1138-1155 A.D.), it is 
described as " the Church of the Castle of Exeter with 4 
prebends." (Dugdale, ii. 9 ; Oliver, 136, note.) 

In his History of Uxeter, published in 1821, Dr. Oliver 
observed, p. 142, that as to the lands and possessions of 
Ash Clist nothing was or was likely to be ever koowu. He 
probably had not imposed on himself the task of finding 
its Domesday mention, or he would have satisfied himself 
that it was an estate of 974 acres in the parish of Broad 
Clist But he lived long enough to mention in his 
Monasticon, published in 1846 (pp. 170, 181), that this 
prebend was, in 1238 a.d., bestowed by Bobert de Courtenay 
on Torre Abbey, and that several of the muniments of the 
abbey referring to it still exist 

The prebend of Cutton, we learn from Dr. Oliver, had 
four free tenants: (1) the proprietor of a part of Hoopem, 
who paid 50/- ; (2) the proprietor of the remainder of 
Hoopem, who paid 13/4; (3) the rector of Whimple as 
such, who paid 13/4; and (4) the rector of Hemington, 
Somerset, as such, who also paid 13/4. It had besides 
four copyholders or village tenants holding lands, all situ- 
ate in the parish of Poltimore, viz.: (1) Higher Cutton, 

T 2 


194a, 2r. 27p.; (2) Middle Cutton, 55a. 2t. 38p.; and (3) 
Lower Cutton, 39a. 3r. Ip.; total, 290a. 26p. 

The prebend of Hayes, or, as it is called in the Hundred 
Bolls of 3 Ed. I, Heechen and Clistmois in Wonford 
Hundred, consisted, according to the same authority, in 
Queen Elizabeth's time of 4 messuages, 4 gardens, 100 
acres of land, 100 acres of pasture, 60 acres of meadow, 
and £3 rent in Hayes within the Castle of Exeter, Stoken 
Tynhed, Okhamton, Ken, Cutton, Clist, in the parish of 
St Thomas the Apostle. Hayes, from which it took its 
name, is situated in the parish of St Thomas. St Thomas 
includes the Domesday estates of Cowick (No. 518, p. 489) 
and Exwick (No. 521, p. 493). Cowick, of which Hayes forms 
a part, was one of Baldwin's estates, and had an area of 806 
acres. Since only a portion or submanor was assigned to 
this prebend, it would naturally not be mentioned in Domes-- 
day. But 20/- of the fee -farm rent belonging to this 
prebend it appears to have obtained by gift of Go^celm, one 
of its canons, which was charged upon Clistonhayes (No. 
894, p. 863) in Domesday, ^'^ 

The prebend of Carswell, otherwise Cresswell and Kers- 
well, consisted, according to Oliver {Hist Exeter, p. 141), 
of (1) Kerswell farm in the parish of Kenn, 119a. 39p., 
with the first shear of 2 acres in Broadmeadow there ; (2) of 
BurringtofCs tenement in the same parish, intermixed with 
Trehill, 19a, Ir. 34p.; (3) of an Orchard adjoining TrehiU, 
\ acre, and 1 acre laid open with Frankallar Bottom on 
Trehill farm ; and (4) of the yearly rent of 1/- issuing out 
of Eobert Crockwell's tenements in Exminster. This prebend 
must, therefore, have also been created as a submanor out of 
Baldwin's estate of Kenn (Chent, No. 464, p. 439). From 
the entry in Domesday : " To this barton-land [Kenn] are 
appurtenant eleven borough-tenants who dwell {qui maneni) 
in Exeter and pay four shillings and five pence," it will be 
seen that certain dwellings in Exeter belonged to Kenn. 

■^ Goscelm is called in the Geldroll (xxvi. A. 7) " the canon," and Dometday 
(No. 894, p. 863) calls him "of Exeter.*' He seems, therefore, to hare been 
one of the canons of St. Mary's Chapel in the Castle, who are called canons, 
(No. 499, p. 471.) As Chenistre is said to hare held Herstanhaia before 
Domesday^ it is clear that Goscelm eot it either by inheritance or by the 
Conqneror's gift At any rate, he did not hold it in free alms. DotfU$day 
also states that he let it to farm to the Tillagers for 20/-, so that all that he 
could leave to the canons of St. Mary at his death wonld be the fee-farm 
rent of 20/-. According to Oliver {ffist. of Exeter, 142), Clistonhayes in 
Broad Clist appears among the soarces of income of the prebend of Hayes. 
We seem, therefore, to be right in identifying it with the Domesday 


Some«of these dwellings were probably given together with 
Kerswell for the residence of the canons. 

In the Taxation of Pope Nicolaus, in 1288, Bobert de 
Litelebere is returned as holding the prebend of " Heghes " 
in the Castle of Exeter, value £10; Henry de Esse [Ash], 
as holding the prebend of "Cotetone," value 113/4; the 
Abbot and Convent of Torre, as holding the prebend of 
"Estclyst," value £2 135. 4d.; and Philip de Dughtone 
[Dutton], the prebend of " Carsville," value 50/-. 

From the fact that the rectories of Whimple and Hem- 
ington in Somerset were held of the prebend of Cutton, 
and that in Domesday times Baldwin's wife was the holder 
of Whimple (No. 505, p. 477), it seems not unreasonable 
to conclude that the church, i.e., the tithes of these two 
places were bestowed upon it by the founder's wife, just 
as the church, i,e., the tithes of St Mary of Totnes were 
bestowed upon Totnes Priory by JudheL {Trans, xxix. 234, 
n. 17.) 

Another estate, Fierseham (No. 504, p. 475) must also 
have been given to the Church after the Conquest, because 
Eddulf, we are told, held it previously. It was given to the 
monks of St. Michael's Mount, to which King William was 
a large benefactor, most probably as a votive gift after 
a safe arrival in this country across the sea, St. Michael of 
Mount Tuba being the patron saint of those in peril on the 

The Conqueror's queen Matilda had given Washburton 
(Aisbertone) to Judhel. In grateful acknowledgment of his 
obligation to her, Judhel, on her death, gave Foletone (No. 
652, p. 625), to St. Mary of Totnes for prayers for her soul. 
The queen died in 1083, and the gift is mentioned in Domes* 
day, so that the date of the gift is limited to three years. 
Follaton had been in lay hands before the Conquest and 
belonged to Aluric. 

Not very long after Domesday, St. Mary's, Totnes, to- 
gether with its property, including Follaton, was bestowed 
by Judhel on Totnes Priory, a cell of the Benedictine 
House of St. Sergius and St. Bacchus at Angers. (Oliver, 
Mon. 238.) 

B. The estates given to the Church by the Conqueror and 
his queen consist of the following. That they were his gifts 
may be gathered from the fact that all of them are stated to 
have been in lay hands before the Conquest 


(1) North&m (No. 803, p. 281), Northam . 

(2) Umberlie (No. 804, p. 283), Umberleigh 

(8) Otritone (No. 800, p. 277), Otterton . 

(4) Donitone (No. 801, p. 277), Dennington 


(5) Erticome (No. 802, p. 279), Yarticombe 

(6) Ck)letone (No. 295, p. 271), Colamton . 

(7) Rourige (No. 299, p. 278), Roridge, Up 

ottery . . . . 

(8) In South Molton and Braunton (No. 305 

p. 285) .... 

(9) In Braunton (No 307, p. 285) . 

(10) In Kingskerawell (No. 21, p. 19) 

(11) In Yealmton (No. 31, p. 27), Lyneham 

(12) In Binge (No. 306, p. 285), Swymbridge 

h. T. f. AOTtM. 

1 8 2 2,084 

110 1,420 

14 2,875 

3 1,300 

8 1,344 

10 410 

8 1,280 

10 242 

10 820 

2 150 

10 212 

8 402 

SO 1 12,539 

(1) Northam had belonged to Brictric The Conqueror 
gave it to the monastery of St. Stephen at Caen. 

(2) Umberlie had belonged also to Brictric. The Con- 
queror gave it to the Nunnery of the Holy Trinity at Caen. 

(3) Otterton had been Countess Githa's. The Conqueror 
gave it to the Monastery of St Michael's Mount. 

(4) Dennington ^ had both been Earl Harald's. The Con- 

and > queror gave them to St Michael's 

(5) Yarticombe J Mount 

(6) Columton had been Turbert's. The Conqueror gave it 
to St Mary's at Bouen. 

(7) Eoridge had been Ulveva's, but a centurj' and a halt 
previously it may have belonged to some religious house, t.e., 
if it is identical with the 3 hides at Upottery, which Aedel- 
mare, with King Aedelred's sanction (a.d. 978-1013), ex- 
changed away, together with 23 hides in other places, for 
30 hides in the Thames Valley. (Codex Diplomaticus, iii. 339, 
No. 714.) 

(8) The Conqueror appears to have given 1 virgate of land 
to the presbyters of South Molton. 

(9) Also 1 hide in Braunton to Algar, apparently the 
provost of a college of presbyters at Braunton. 

(10) Also \ virgate at or near Kingskerswell to the church 
there, which in King Edward's time was included in its 
assessment of 1^ hides. 

Tealmton being an ancient Crown lordship, of which 
Bevelstoke, which is otherwise not mentioned in Domesday, 
seems to have formed a part (for Bevelstoke was in later 
times a chapelry of Yealmton, Bronescombey 6 and 193), it 
seemed at first reasonable to suggest that the 1 hide held by 


•* the clerks," or administered " by the priests of the town- 
ship," as the Exeter Book has it, or the property "of St. 
Mary," according to the GeldroU (xliii B. 3) might represent 
Revelstoke. But there is an entry in Kirby's Quest, No. 428, 
under Plymton Hundred, which seems to point to another 
locality. It runs : " fialph de Dinham [presumably Lyneham 
is meant] holds Dinham [clearly an error for Lyneham] 
together with the tithe of the dean and chapter of Sarum 
[paying there]-for 20s. per annum. And the same dean and 
chapter hold of Mathew fitz-John [the holder of Yealmton] 
[and he] of the King in chief." Domesday states that 
the clergy of Yealmton township had 1 hide in Yealmton. 
Later accounts tell us that the church [i.«., the tithe] 
of Yealmton was a prebend of Sarum. Now Sarum 
was the church of St. Mary, and the GeldroU states 
that St. Mary holds an exempt hide in Plymton Hundred. 
Further, Kirby states that before 5 Edward I., Lyneham in 
Yealmton was held under the dean and chapter of Sarum. 
The inference seems plain that Lyneham must be the 1 hide 
of which the Yealmton clerks {clerid), i.e., the inferior clerks, 
not those in holy orders, were the local holders (teneni) on 
behalf of the distant cathedral priests of Sarum {sacer dotes), 
who again administered (fuxhent) it for St. Mary. 

C. When we get beyond the Conqueror's time to that of 
Edward the Confessor (1042-1066 a.d.) we can point out the 
following estates as having been granted to the Church : 

(1) Colitone (No. 23, p. 21), Tudhayes (?), Colyton 

(2) Axeministre (No. 7, p. 7), Kenbury, Exminster 

(3) Otrei (No. 297, p. 273), Ottery St. Mary 

(4) Doules (No. 108, p. 103), Dawlish . 

(5) NistflDestoch (No. 1155, p. 1095), Stoke St. Nectan 

(6) Sireford (No. 63, p. 47), Sherford .... 

(7) Wodebene (No. 51, p. 45), Heatbfield, Redbills, 

Little Pilehays and BeaUgrouDd, Woodbury 













I 2 











(1) To Colyton Church the Confessor, if not the Conqueror, 
gave ^ virgate of land. This is an inference, because it is not 
included in the 1 hide at which Colyton was assessed in King 
Edward 8 time.^ It appears to be the estate which King 

"* " CulitoDa OQ tbe day on wbicb King Edward waa alive and dead paid 
geld aa for 1 hide. . . . Thereof the King has 1 virgate in the lordship . . . 
and the villagers have 8 virgates." This makes ap the total of 1 hide. It 
continnes: '*The aforesaid barton -land has one Church where i virgate 
belongs." This) virgate was therefore extra, an addition to the assessment 
after King Edward's time. 


John granted to Polsloe Priory, 100 shillings' worth of land 
at Colyton, and if so has since been known as Tudhayes 
or Mimkinham. (Traris. xxix. 503, n. 76.) The church itself 
belonged to the Chapter of Exeter {Bronescombe, p. 136), but 
the vicar has only five acres of glebe. 

(2) Domesday states that in King Edward's time his reeve 
allowed the priest who ministered at Exminster the benefit 
{accommodavU) of 1 ferling of land. By the Conqueror it 
was given to Battle Abbey, and is now known as Ken* 

(3) In 1061 A.D. the Confessor gave Ottery, called Otreyia 
in the Charter (in Codex DiplomaticuSf iv. 149, No. 810) " to 
the holy and ever virgin Mother of God, St Mary of Kouen." 

(4) In 1044 A.D. the same Kiog gave Dawlish to Leofric, 
his chaplain, and the latter in 1061 A.D. bestowed it on the 
see of Exeter. (See Trans, xiii. 112.) 

(5) A great benefactress to the Church in King Edward's 
time was Countess Githa, sister of the Danish Earl Ulf, wife 
of the great Earl Godwin, and mother of Earl Harald, who 
succeeded the Confessor as King, but forfeited his life 
and kingdom at Senlac. She is said to have been the 
founder of Hartland Abbey (Oliver, Mon. 204), and it seems 
at least established that she gave Stoke St. Nectan to the 
canons. The Conqueror bestowed it on Girold, his chaplain, 
but the canons continued to enjoy it under him. To judge 
by the name it seems not improbable that the Church of 
Stoke St Nectan was on the site of some ancient fortress, 
and existed before Githa's time to secure prayers for the 
souls of those who bad fallen in battle. 

(6) The Church of St Olaf, or St Clave, in Exeter, cannot 
go back to a date earlier than 1030 A.D. For in that year 
St. Olaf was slain at Stikelstad (Freeman's Norman Conquest^ 
i. 503). St Olaf was half-brother to Cnut, and therefore 
it probably owes its foundation to Cnut (a.d. 1013-1036), 

^ The passage in Domesday^ p. 6, referred to by Sir John Phear, Trans, 
XZ7. 808, mns: "De eadem mansioDo (sc. Axeroinistra) habent monachi de 
BataiUa uduiii ferdinam qaem Eccha praepositus accommodavit cuidam pres- 
bytero teiDpore regis Edwardi." The ferling of land referred to is Kenbnry in 
Exoiinster, an estate consisting, as Polwhele, ii. 208, says, of about 100 acres of 
rich land, which up to the Dissolution was held by St. Nicolas' Priory, the 
daughter house of Battle Abbey. Oliver, Mon. p. 127, says that it was then 
Talued at £3 6«. 8<^ The ^ft to the presbyter appears, therefore, not to 
hare been of a share in the villagers* land, but of a portion of the unoccupied 
lordship land which Eccha the reeve allowed the presbyter the benefit of. 
The technical meaning of aecatnmodavU (from comrnodum, a benefit) is that 
he allowed the presbyter the beneficial enjoyment of this laud without 
rendering services for it, i.e., as we say, rent-free. 


and was founded for prayers for Olafs soul. Gnut*8 sister 
Estrith was the wife of Earl Ulf, and Ulf was brother to 
Countess Githa. (Freeman, i. 467.) This circumstancje probably 
decided Githa to entrust the clergy of St. Olafs with the 
duty of praying for her deceased husband Earl Godwin, who 
died in 1053. (ibid. ii. 351.)*^ Four years later, in 1057, being 
herself Lady of Stokenham, she bestowed on St. Olafs Church 
the adjoining sub-manor of Sherford. The Conqueror sub- 
sequently gave St Olafs with all its possessions, seven houses 
in Exeter, Sherford, Kenbury, Pinhoe Church, and Columton, 
to Battle Abbey, a cell of which, by the name of St. Nicolas 
Priory, became independent after William £ufus had founded 
St. Nicolas Church there.^ 

(7) It seems probable that Countess Githa also gave the 
endowment which Woodbury Church, according to Domesday, 
possessed before the Conquest. The Exchequer Book gives 
it as 1 hide, 1 virgate, and ^ ferling ; the Exeter as \ hide, 1 
virgate, and i ferling. Probably the Exeter Book is right. 
This endowment seems to be now represented by the four 

~ The Charter in Kbmble's Codex Diplomaticus, iv. 264, No. 926, runs: "I 
Countess Gy^a fptint to the Church of St. Olaf, King and martyr, my land of 
Scireford which is [part] of my dower for my soul and that of my lord Earl 
Godwin." The charter is attested by Bishop Leofric and two of her sons, 
TostifT and Gy^artS, who sign as earls. 

^ Oliver, HisL of JExeter, p. 156, says that the Conqueror founded St. 
Nicolas Priory, and with the small Church of St. Olaf made it dependent 
unon Battle Abbey. It existed, however, before, but did not get the name 
till William Rnfus built the church there. The houses in Exeter which con- 
stituted the Priory were given to the presbyters of St. Olave, and their Priory 
became a cell of Battle Abbey after the Conquest. St. Nicolas, after whom 
it was called, was Archbishop of Myra in Lycia, and died in 342L His relics 
were brought to Bar! in 1087, and since then his memory has been specially 
venerated in the West on 6th December. This date, 1087, fixes the name of 
St. Nicolas' Priory as later than Domesday, Gnnter was the first prior, 
Cono the next, and he was able by the help of William Rufus to erect a 
monastic ceU dedicated to St. Nicolas, and to secure independence from 
Battle Abbey. St. Nicolas Priory, like Battle Abbey and All Souls' College, 
Oxford, was therefore a mortuary foundation. It is not everybody who will 
recognize in St Nicolas Santa Klaus, as he appears to the Dutchman the 
patron saint of schoolboys. The legend goes tnat two boys being on their 
way to school at Athens were put into a pickle-tub by an innkeeper to pro- 
cure their monev and clothes, when St Nicolas appeared and rescued them. 
On the old seal of Pocklington Grammar School St. Nicolas is represented 
in full pontificals by a tub in which two boys are standing, whilst a third is 
in the act of putting his leg over the side to get out. A representation of 
St Nicolas with his tub, in green and yellow, occurs in one of the windows on 
the south side of the nave in York Minster. His furtive visits on Christmss 
Eve to put presents in shoes and stockings are no doubt connected with the 
great pains he took to prevent his charities being known. It is supposed 
that the three balls, the pawnbroker's symbol, are derived from the legend 
of Santa Klaus providing the poor nobleman's three daughters with 


farms in Woodbury known as Heathfield, Sedhills, Little 
Pilehays, and Beal^^ond^ 

In the Conqueror's time a thane of his, one Ordgar by 
name {Trans, xv. 148) gave Littleham next £xmouth to 
Horton Abbey. This has been grouped with the other 
estates given to that Abbey. 

D. Between the time of King Edgar (a.d. 957-975) and 
the accession of Edward the Confessor in 1042, many gifts 
of land to the Church can be clearly distinguished. 

h. ▼. t ACP8». 

(1) To St Peter of PUmton by King: Edgmr . 2 600 

(Wemburj Aod Bohngdoo.) 

(2) To T«Tistock Abbey 19 8 2 24,86H 

(3) To Horton Abbey 8 8,4651 

(4) To Cranbom Abbey 2 639 

(5) To Baefast Abbey . .' . 15 1 1ft 9,936 

(6) To the BiBhop BUhop's Nymton 8 5,690 

(7) To Pinhoe Church 10 150 

48 8 8ft 44,842 

(1) It we could be sure that the Wicganbeorg of the Anglo- 
Saxon Chronicle, where in the year 851 " Ceorl the ealdorman 
with the men of Devon fought against the heathen men and 
there made great slaughter and got the victory," was Wem- 
bury near Plymton, as Mr. Davidson suggested (Trans, ix, 
213), followed by Mr. Worth (ibid. x. 2y9 and xix. 364), 
and not Wickaborough in Berry Pomeroy, a clear case 
would seem to have been made out for dating the founda- 
tion of the Plymton House back to the 9th century. But 
this identification seems more than doubtful. The House, 
it is true, existed before Domesday, and was converted in 
1121 A.D. into a Priory of Canons Regular. Previously it was 
a secular Priory, and like Axminster was presumably founded 
to pray for the souls of those who had fallen in some battle. 
" Over and above this land (praeter loanc terram — i.e., the 2 J 
hides which the King holds at Plymton) the canons of the 
same barton-land hold 2 hides"; so runs the Exchequer 
Domesday, The Exeter Book says: " Independently of these 
[the King's] 2J hides (exceptis his duahiLS hidis et dimidia) 
the canons of St. Peter of Plimton have 2 hides." These 2 
hides are the estates now known as Wembury and Boringdon 
in Plymton, as a reference to the Charters of Henry I. and 
Henry IL will show. (Oliver, Mon,, p. 135.)** The connection 

** I am indebted for this information to the late Rev. J. Lo?eband Falford, 
incumbent of Woodbury. 

•» The Charter of Henry I. in Oliveb (p. 134) is as follows : '* Henry [I.] 
King of England to Richard Fitz-Ralph and George de Fnmeanx greeting. 


between the canons of Plymton and Wembury being thus 
established,^ it would be quite in accordance with the spirit 
of the times that the site of the battle, if the battle was 
fought at Wembury, should be given over to those who were 
to pray for the slain. But then (1) it seems quite impossible, 
to judge by analogous words {Trans, xxviii 475, n. 20), that 
Wicganbeorg could ever become Wembury ; (2) it is doubtful 
whether the Saxons had pushed their conquests as far as the 
Tamar by 85 1 A.D. ; and (3) according to Leland (Oliver, Mon,, 
p. 129) the Church of St. Peter of Plymton was founded by 
King Edgar, and antiquaries rarely name too late a date. 

(2) Tavistock Abbey was begun by Earl Ordgar in 961 a.d., 
and completed by his son Ordulph. (Dugdale, ii. 490; Oliver, 
Mon.^ p. 94) As King Aedelred's Charter^ of A.D. 981 
declares, it was founded ''because Ordulph's mother and 
brother (i.«., Aedelred's own grandmother and uncle, for 
Aedelred's mother Elfleda was the only daughter of Earl 
Ordgar and therefore was sister to Ordulph), and all his 
kindred were there entombed awaiting the third nativity 
at the sound of the last trump " ; in other words, it was a 
foundation to pray for the dead of Earl Ordgar's family, not 
improbably for those who had fallen in fighting against the 
West Weala on the Stoke or stockaded fortress by the Tavy. 
This abbey also possessed the Stoke by the Plym, now 
Plymstock. Its foundation as late as 961 a.d. seems to 

I enjoin you to let the land of the canons of Plimton be discharged from any 
demand in respect of geld, assessments or other daims (res), because the 
Bihhop of Samm has acknowledged by charter [issned] out ot my treasury 
that it is altogether exempt therefrom, and exempt therefrom because the 
land of Weybiria and Colebroc is itself not included in the number of my 
hides." The Charter of Henry II., ibid., p. 135: *' Henry [XL] King of 
England, &c., to all archbishops, &c., greeting. Take notice that I have 
granted and confirmed to the church and canons regular of Plimtona 2 hides 
of land in Colebroc and Wenbiria, free and discharged from Danegeld [King's] 
geld, assessments, shire and hundred and all other claims, which are outside 
the number of my hides, as witness the Charter of Henry my grandfather. 
Mr. Worth, in Trans, xix. 364, mentions a doubtful charter of a.d. 904, 
whereby Eadward the Elder purports to grant to Asser, Bishop of Sherborne, 
3 estates of 12 manors in exchange for the monastery of Plymton containing 
but 2 hides. To the writer this charter seems a fabrication beeotten of ao 
attempt on the part of the canons to hare the King instead of uie bishop as 
overlord. The Kin^r would overlook the concubinage which the bishop would 
condemn. Mr. Worth's observations (p. 372) seem to confirm this 

^ In Bishop Grandison's time Wembury was served as a chapelry from 
Plymton (Oliver, Mon.f p. 141), in accordance with the canonical rule that 
when a religious bouse has once been established it may not be removed 
without provision being made for the religious needs of those who remain 
near the old site. (See Reichkl's CompleU Manual of Canon Law, ii. 99, 
note 114.) 

** Ksmble's Codex Diplomaticus, iii. 182, No. 629, 


indicate that the Saxons were not thorough masters of 
Devon up to the Tamar much before that date. 

(3) Horton Abbey in Dorset was another foundation of 
the same Ordgar and his son Ordulph, probably for a similar 
purpose, and was begun in 965 a.d. (Dugdale, ii. 511.) Its 
Devonshire estates, four in number, appear to have been all 
given to it after the year 1000. Two of them, Beer and 
Seaton,^ were granted by King Aedelred in 1005 a.d. to 
his £Euthful thane, Eadsige {IVans. xvil 193), probably the 
same Eadsige who four years previously had unsuccessfully 
taken the field against the Danes {Trans, xv. 145), and whose 
flight had been followed two years later by the capture of 
Exeter through the treachery of Emma's reeve. {Trans, xiii. 
120.) Is it not most probable that the King "booked" them 
to Eeidsige that Eadsige might get the benefit of the prayers 
of the monks of Horton for the souls of those who had fallen 
in fight by giving it to that abbey ? The third estate, Abbot's 
Kerswell, was, according to 2'esta de Nevil (No. 1303, p. 193a), 
a gift of one of the kings in pure alms ; it is not stated of 
which king, probably either Cnut or the Confessor. The 
fourth estate, Littleham, near Exmouth, has been already 
mentioned. The Confessor gave it to a thane of his called 
Ordgar in 1042 {Trans, xv. 148), and Ordgar to Horton 

(4) Cranborn Abbey, in Dorsetshire, is stated to have been 
founded in 980 a.d. by Aylward Mere, otherwise Snew, the 
grandfather [the dates incline one to suggest great- or great- 
great-grandfather] of the dispossessed Brictric of Domesday. 
(Dugdale, ii. 53.) It is clear, therefore, that it had no exist- 
ence, and consequently can have had no estate in Devon 
until after King Edgar's time. In Domesday it had a single 
estate in this county only. 

(5) Bucfast Abbey must have been in existence before the 
time of Cnut (1015-1036 a.d.). (Oliver, Mon., 317.) For 
^'Aelfwine abbud on Bucfasten" is witness to a charter of 
Cnut's in Kemble's Codex Diplomaticus, v. 195, No. 1334; 
and the Hundred Rolls of 3 Edward I., under North Tawton 
Hundred, No. 25, have this entry : — 

^ It will be seen that in Domesday (No. 291), p. 265, Flueta, i.e., SeatoD, 
was assessed at i hide, whereof the abbot was said to have 4 virgate and the 
villagers 3} virgates. That would make 1 hide. Similarly Bera, i.e.. Beer 
(No. 292) was assessed at i hide, whereof the abbot wss said to have i virgate 
and the villagers 8} virgates. That would make another hide. It seems, 
therefore, probable that Flueta and Bera originally were held together and 
together constituted the 1 hide which King Aedelred gave to Eadsige (Trans. 
xvii. 193), and that there was no variation in the assessment, as suggested by 
Mr. Davidson, ibid. p. 197. 


**The abbot of Bafeetre holds a certain manor called Sele 
Monachorum by gift of Kbg Cnad." 

Mr. Brooking Bowe has suggested that Bucfast Abbey 
probably existed before the coming of the Northmen {Trans. 
viii. 810) ; that would be before 787 A.D. It may be so ; but 
at least it must be grouped with Bodmin and Glastonbury 
Abbey as one of a trio of monastic churches which had 
property in Devon before King Edgar's time, and is probably 
with the exception of Exeter the only monastery before that 
time existing in the county. Its extreme antiquity may be 
inferred from the fact that Bucfestre itself (No. 288, p. 261) 
never was assessed. The bulk of its property was, however, 
probably given by Aecfelstan and Cnut. Considering its 
dose proximity to Stock in Holne and Hembury Castle, the 
writer ventures to suggest that like Tavistock and Horton its 
foundation may be due to the desire of relatives to procure 
the prayers of holy men for those who had fallen in defending 
these fortified positions against the West Weala. 

(6) Mr. King, in Trans, viii 355, has quoted a charter 
bearing date a.d. 974, by which King Edgar booked to his 
faithful thane Aelfhere 3 hides of land at Nymet, one of the 
boundaries of which was a Coplastan or headstone. With 
the Domesday materials before us it may be confidently 
asserted that these 3 hides cannot represent the Copleston 
estate of 160 acres. (1) Such an area in that district 
would have been assessed at most at half a virgate. 
(2) The booking of land being a grant of jurisdiction 
rather than of property, usually implies a considerable area, 
not a single faruL (3) The Copleston estate is a submanor 
of the bishop's Critetone. To the writer it seems hardly 
open to doubt that the 3 hides at Nymet booked by King 
Edg^r to Aelfhere must represent Bishop's Nymton, the 
only Nimet in Domesday assessed at 3 hides (No. 124, p. 119), 
which Aelfhere passed on to the Bishop or to the Monastery 
at Exeter for his souFs health, and the Bishop held in the 
13th century still. (Testa de Nevil, Nos. 1121-1127, p. 189b.) 
There must hav6 been many Coplestones which served as 
boundaries in different parts of the county. There is less 
difiSculty in referring the boundaries quoted to Bishop's 
Nymton than to Coplestone. 

(7) If there is any truth in the legend which connects the 
mass-priest serving Pinhoe with the fight against the 
Danes in the year 1001, the endowment of Pinhoe Church 
probably dates from that period. Mr. Davidson (in Trans, 


XV. 147) has discredited the story in the form in which it is 
usually told. Nevertheless it probably has a substratum of 
truth. There is nothing at ail improbable in the mass- 
priest's having brought to Pinhoe from Exeter a fresh supply 
of arrows for the combatants, and it is quite in accordance 
with the spirit of those times that after the Saxon defeat 
a virgate of land from the royal estate at Pinhoe should 
have been given to the mass-priest who was charged with 
the duty of praying for the souls of the slain. The 
Conqueror, thinking it better to pray for the souls of his 
supporters than for those of the ancestors of his enemies, 
after the capture of Exeter in 1067 A.D., bestowed this 
virgate upon Battle Abbey, and in Richard L's time Bishop 
John sanctioned the appropriation to that Abbey of the 
tithes bestowed upon it by the King. (Oliver, Man,, p. 114.) 
This virgate in Edward IV.'s time produced 30s. a year 
(Oliver, Man,, p. 126) ; at the Dissolution £2 6*. (ibicL p. 227), 
out of which 16^ were, and are still, paid to the Vicar of 
Pinhoe. (Trans, xv. 147.) These I65. represent the vicar's 
third share of the Church rights or pension, in accordance 
with Edgar's Law, and have nothing to do with the heroism 
of the mass-priest in 1001, who is now represented by the 
Ecclesiastical Commissioners. 

4 It appears from these data that of the 231h. 3v. Iff. and 
141,874 acres held by the Church in Domesday, there were : 

A. Given by the Conqaeror's com- h. v. f. h. v. f. Acres. Acrw. 

panions . . . .232 2,608 

B, Given by the Conqueror and 

bis Queen . . . . 30 1 12,539 

C. Given in the Confessor's time . 35 1 8i 11,264 

D, Given between Edgar and the 

Confessor's time (a.d. 957- 

1042) 43 3 8A 44,842 

112 2 If 71,258 

Showing a residue of 119 1 and 70,621 

as the territory belonging to the Church before King 
Edgar's reign began. These were distributed as follows: 

Held by the Bishop [of Crediton] b. v. f. h. v. f. Acres. Acres. 

and the presbyters of Exeter . 121 2 76,699 
Less Dawlish and Bishop's Nym- 

ton, which were later gifts . 10 8,744 

Ill 2 67,956 

Held by Glastonbury Abbey . 6 1,148 

Held by Bodmin Priory . . 110 1,818 

Held by Bucfast Abbey . . not assessed area not known 

Held by Presbyters of Axminster 2 200 

119 1 70,621 


A. It appears, therefore, that of the 1,1 29h. Ov. 2/^f. and 
907,665 acres and 1 perch under cultivation in the county in 
Domesday times, the bishop of the shire held 111^ hides and 
67,955 acres at the beginniog of King Edgar's reign ; three 
other monastic houses held 7^ hides and 2,466 acres, and one 
prebendal church held \ hide and 200 acres. The bbhop's 
holding, 111^ hides, would be a tithe of 1,115 hides, and his 
acreage, 67,955, a tithe of 679,550 acres. Considering the 
extensive enclosures or intakes made from the Downwood 
by Cnut,^ which had increased the assessment of the county 

^ The following can be enumerated from Domesday as Nimets, tome of 
which had acquired distinctive names before Domesday, such as Lootiebere, 
Newton and Voley, Colridge, and the two Donewoldeshams. 

No. 74, p. 69, W. 83. The King's Niinetona 

(King's Nymton) 
No. 76, p. 69. do. added land 

No. 102, p. 95. W. 98. do. Ulwardesdona, 

alias Wardes Nymet 

(Wolfin, Down St Mary) , 
No. 124, p. 119. W. 121. The Bishop's Nime- 

tona (Bishop's Nymton 
No. 768, p. 145, W. 149. Bishop of Ck>utances' 

Limet (Tracy) 
No. 169, p. 147, W. 150. do. Colrige 

No. 294, p. 269. Cranbom Abbey's Lose- 

No. 343, p.. 823, W. 811. Earl of Mortain's Done' 

voldehame (Woolfardis- 

worthy) .... 
No. 451, p. 425. W. 398. Baldwin's limet (Row- 

No. 454, p. 429, W. 601. da Limet 

(Broad) .... 
No. 458, p. 433, W. 406. do. Limet 

(Walson) .... 
No. 461, p. 436, W. 408. do. Limet 

No. 762, p. 731, W. 737. Faleise's Dimewoldesham 

(Minikinland) . 
No. 1124, p. 1067, W. 769. Odo's Limet (George) 
No. 874, p. 843, W. 784. Goscehn's Nimet (Nat- 
son) • . « . • 
No. 875, p. 845, W. 786. do. Nimet (Nicoll) 
No. 876, p. 845. W. 786. do. Nieutona 
No. 862, p. 829, W. 792. Walter's Nimet (Bradde- 


No. 868, p. 831. W. 793. do. Schipebroc 

No. 1161, p. 1101, W. 1021. Godbold's Newentone 


Na 1228, p. 1157, W. 1082. Godwin's Limeta 


Leaving as the extent before Cnut's time 
















































2 A k 887,648 


by at least 15 hides, and the additional acreage brought 
under the plough since Edgar's time on old estates^ it may 
be doubted whether in King Edgar^s time the assessment 
and area under cultivation exceeded these figures. The 
presumption is, therefore, that when the Christian Saxons 
conquered Devon, they gave a tenth part of the conquered 
lands to God through the bishop for the use of the poor, the 
maintenance of the services and the support of the cleigy in 
the county ; and that the subsequent gifts to monasteries 
and the foundation of local churches were made for prayers 
for the souls of deceased relatives.^ 

K Nor is this altogether lOere conjecture. It is known 
that the heathen Saxons were in the habit of setting aside 
one-tenth of their lands for the use of their priests;^ and, 
on the other hand, we have documentary evidence of the 
Christian Saxons doing so in the case of Cornwall from the 
letter of Archbishop Dunstan (a.d. 960 to 988) addressed to 
Kino Aedelred [the Unready, a.d. 978 to 1013]. This latter 
has been lately published in AnaUcta Oxoniensia, viL 106, 
and Mr. Bisk quoted a portion of it for another purpose in 
Trans, xxix. 570. It runs : 

"This writing the arcbbishop sends to his lord Aedelred the 
King. Years ago the West Welch [i.e., the Comishmen] rose 
against King Egbert [827 to 836 a.d.]. The King then fared 
thither and subdued them [at Hengeston, a.d. 835]. and gave a 
tenth of his land to Ood in the way that seemed fit to him. He 
fjtave to Sherbom [the see of the West] 3 estates — PoUtun 
[Pawton in St Breock], Caellin [Callington], Landivitban [Law- 
hitton in Launceston]. And that arrangement held for many 
years untU heathen hordes [the Danes or Northmen] overran the 
country [a.d. 855] and occnpied it [871-878]. Then there came 
another time later on, when the teachers fell away and departed 
from Eaffland on account of the unbelief that prevailed [a.d. 
901]. and all the kingdom of the West Saxons was for 7 years 
without a bishop. Then Formosus [in intention, for he died in 
895 before being able to accomplish it, and probably Seigius III., 
A.D. 904 to 911, in execntion of that intention] sent from Rome 
and admonished King Edward [the Elder, a.d. 901-925] and 
Archbishop Plegmund [a.d. 890-914] to mend this. And they 
did so. With the counsel of the Pope and all the witan of the 

^ The Church of Bradford on ATon, near Bath, was fonoded in the 
7th century by St. £a]dhelni to pray for the aonU of those who fell when 
Cenwealh defeated the West Welsh there in A.D. 652. 

<* See Dr. H. Lansdell's ''Tithe-girinf( among Ancient Pagan Nations** 
in Not., 1897, Session of Royal Victoria Institute. MAiTLAiiD, Domesday^ 
499: Wbenerer the West l^ons conquer new lands they cede a wide 
prorinoe to their bishops. 


English nation they appointed 5 hiahops where there were 
formerly 2 [a.d. 909]; one at Wincheater that was Frytheatan; 
a second at Kamshury that was Aethelstan ; a third at Sherhom 
that was Waerstan ; a fontth at WelJs that was Aethelm ; a fifth 
at Crediton that was Eululf. And to him [Eadnlf] were 
assigned the 3 estates in [Com] Wales, that they might he 
under the authority of the people of Devon, hecause they [the 
Comishmen] had formerly heen disohedient without awe of the 
West Saxons. And Bishop Eadulf held these lands during his 
life [909-934 a.d.]; Bishop Aethelgar [a.d. 934-953; Haddan 
and Stuhbe, i. 683 ; hut 1] in like manner. Then it came ahout 
that King Aethelstan gave to Conun [H. and S., i. 683 call him 
Comoere or Comuyre] the hishopric [of Cornwall at Bodmin, 
5 Dec. A.D. 936] as far as the Tamar flowed [t.0., making the 
Tamar the houndary]. Later awhile, King Edred [947-955 A.D.] 
commanded Daniel to he consecrated [to succeed Cunun ; 
H. and S., i. 691, deny that he was Bishop of Cornwall] and gave 
the estates &< the witan advised him to the hishopstool of St. 
German's. Later again, when King Ead^irar hade me consecrate 
Wulfsige [a.d. 966 Bishop of Cornwall] all our hishops said 
that they did not know who could possess the estates with greater 
right than the hishop of the [Cornish] shire, seeing that he 
was loyal, and preached the faith of God aright, and loved 
his lord [the King]. If then this hishop does so still, I trow 
he is not unworthy of the estates, if God and our lord [the King] 
grant them to him. For it does not seem to us that any man can 
possess them more rightfully than he. And if any [other] man 
take them to himself, may he have them without God's hlessing or 

5. It would, nevertheless, be a great mistake to suppose 
that because the bishop in King Edgar's time held one-tenth 
of the cultivated lands of the county, therefore the Church 
must have had a large rent-roll in Domesday, 

A. First, it must be remembered that when these estates 
were given to the Church, whether before or after King 
Edgar's time, a large portion of them was of little or no 
value. At the time when Uplyme was booked to Glaston- 
bury, or Beer and Seaton were booked to Horton Abbey, when 
Dawlish, Bishop's Teignton, Bishop's Tawton, and Paignton, 
which included Stoke Gabriel, were given to the bishop, 
when Wembury and Boringdon then called Colebrook were 
given to the presbyters of Plymton, all these places were 
on the seaboard exposed to the constant ravages of the 
Danes. Culmstock, Stoke Canon, and Stoke St. Nectan, as 
their names indicate, even Crediton itself (if the recently- 
published charter is genuine), were outposts or fortresses 

VOL. XXX. u 


where war and strife with hostile tribes were coostantly 
waging. The Saxons seem to have used the Church, as the 
French now use their missionaries, as an instrument to 
accustom hostile tribes to their dominion. Bucfast, Plym- 
stock, Tavistock, as the names imply, were all stockaded 
sites of border warfare — of carnage and bloodshed — which, 
as being most exposed to hostile incursions, were of least 
value to those who held them. 

B. Next it must be remembered that what the bishop and 
the great monastic churches had in all these large areas in 
Domesday times was not so much an ownership as an over- 
lordship. It might have been an ownership in the beginning; 
but ownership of land without the means of cultivating it is 
worthless. Hence bishops, like other great men, were com- 
pelled to grant or loan their land to others able and willing 
to cultivate it, whether nobles or yeomen, retaining for 
themselves a comparatively small portion. ^^ (Maitland, 
p. 168.) All that they retained over the rest was in the 
case of their own yeomen a direct lordship; in the case of 
nobles an overlordship. 

C. Again, there seems no reason to suppose that when the 
tenth part of the conquered land was given to the Church 
it was given on any other footing than were ordinary gifts of 
folcland. "It seems to me," says Mr. Kemble (Saxons in 
England, i. 298), "that when Christianity was intro- 
duced and folcland was granted for the erection and 
endowment of a church, the burdens were not always 
discharged." As to the extent of these burdens, we may 
get some idea from what Mr. Kemble says {ihid, i 293): 
"In whatever form the usufruct [of folkland] may have 
been granted, it was accompanied by various settled burdens. 
(1) In the first place were the inevitable charges from which 
no land was ever relieved, viz., military service, in early times 
performed in person, and the repair of bridges and fortifica- 

^ Bi8ho{>8, like other meD, could only support their slaves by giving them 
land on which to maintain themselves, and the Council ot Chelsea, a.d. 816, 
Canon 2, decreed that: '* When any bishop passes out of this world, let every 
Englishman who has been made a slave to him in his days be set at liberty. 
Afterwards let every prelate and abbot ... set at liberty 8 slaves and 
give 3 shillings to each one of them." Archbishop Aelfric in his will, 
A.D. 1006, in History of the Monastery of Abingdon, i. 417, 419, gave freedom 
to all his slaves who had become such during his episcopate. The oft-quoted 
passage from King Alfred's Blossom gatherings out of St. Augustine runs: 
'* A man hopes that if he has built a cottage on laenland of his lord, with his 
lord's help he may be allowed to live there awhile and hunt and fowl and fish 
and occupy the Icien as he likes on sea and land, until through his lord's graco 
he may perhaps some day obtain it as bocland and perpetual inheritance." 


tions. (2) Besides these there were dues payable to the 
King and the gerefa, watch and ward on various occasions, 
aid in the royal hunting, convoy of messengers going and 
coming on the public service from one royal vill to another, 
harbouring of the King, his messengers, and huntsmen. (3) 
In addition to these there were heavy payments in kind 
which were to be delivered at the royal vills, to each of 
which various districts were apparently made appurtenant 
for this purpose ; and on which stores so duly delivered the 
King and his household in some degree depended for sub- 
sistence. These were comprised under the name Cyninges- 
feomiy or, fir ma regis J* 

" It is therefore permissible to doubt," as Professor Mait- 
land observes (p. 237), "whether modern historians have 
fully realized the extent of the rights which the King had 
over the land of free landowners." 

D. Mr. Kemble then goes on to explain (i 301) that 
bocland was folcland, which by authority of the King and 
witan had been exempted from the two latter of these three 
obligations, so that a grant of bocland was not so much a 
grant of an estate, as a grant of a franchise or royalty over 
an estate. The effect of booking was to liberate the estate 
of folcland which the grantee possessed from its folcright 
obligations to the King, to give to the holder a perpetual 
possession with power of devise, and to place the grantee 
in the King's position in regard to the other folcland estates 
included in the grant, thus conferring on him in relation to 
them a lordship (dominium). For instance, in the Codex 
Diplomaticus is a charter (No. 313), bearing date 883, 
whereby a certain monastery was freed "from all things 
which the monks are still bound to pay to the King's hand 
by way of Gyning-feorml* or king's food rent. In another 
charter (No. 1084), dated 902 A.D., the gafol or produce rent 
which the monastery of Taunton had to pay is mentioned. 
In yet another (No. 1088), dated 909 a.d., the gafol reserved 
upon 20 hides at Tichbourn, which King Edward the elder 
in 901 granted to Denewulf, bishop of Winchester [who 
died in 908 A.D.], for three lives, is transferred to the Church 
to provide double commons for founder's day. King Edgar's 
grant of [Bishop's] Nymet to Aelfhere, a.d. 974 {Trans, viii. 
365), runs : 

" Wherefore I Eadgar . . . being willing to endow with perpetual 
freedom a certain portion of a rural lordship (rurts) under my 
jurisdiction, do grant unto Aelfhere my faithful thane 3 homestead- 
lands (mwisas) in the place commonly called Nymed [1] that he 

u 2 


may bold H as a perpetual inheritance ... [2] Moreover the land 
is to be free of all secular tribute and royal service excepting only 
[3] military service (expediHo) and the repair of bridges and 

More explicit is Edward's grant of Dawlish, a.d. 1044 
{Trans, xm. 109): 

'* Wherefore I Edward have granted to a certain worthy chaplain 
of mine Leofric by name a certain rural lordship (ru») in the town- 
ship (viUa) which by the inhabitants of the same place is called 
DoflisCy to wit 7 homestead lands (manscLs) for his own tillage 
[ipsimet ad arandum, probably that he may get his own land 
tilled by them, see Trans. xxviiL 376, 377] apon terms [1] that 
it shall be ruled all the days of his life without fraud under his 
lordship and poioer {dominio atque potestate) ; and [2] after his 
days ^ded he shall have the power of bestowing and making it 
over to whom he pleases." (Trans, xxvi 157, n. 8.) 

Aedelred in his charter to Tavistock Abbey (Oliver, Man,^ 
p. 94) bestows on it "the privilege of freedom (libertatis)" 
which can only mean freedom from the duties usually in- 
cumbent on foldand. The charter continues : " Therefore 
the said monastery shall be free from every yoke of terrestrial 
servitude excepting these three, military service, the repair 
of bridges and strongholds." "The land books even of the 
earliest period," says Professor Maitland (p. 232), "despite 
their language, convey not the ownership of land but, the 
term must be allowed us, a superiority over land and free- 

E This view of the nature of "booking" lands will 
explain the language of another charter (in Codex Diplo- 
maiicus^ iv. 3, No. 729) bearing date 1019 a.d., to which Mr. 
Davidson has already drawn attention. {Trans, xiiL 120.) 
In it Cnut the grantor, after setting forth that " Earl Aedel- 
bert had brought to his knowledge how that his reeves in 
Devon are imposing the yoke of servitude on the estates of 
the Holy Church of God and of His Mother Mary and of 
all the Saints which is at Exeter, the pagans having first 
destroyed the monastery and burnt the charters of privileges 
granted by the Kings of old," continues: "Wherefore I 
Cnut . . . grant to Aedelwold abbot and bis brethren and 
their successors residing in the said Church house (monads- 
terium) with the view of securing to them a perpetual 
freedom {libertatem), that the Church house itself with all 
the estates granted to it and with all things rightfully 
belonging to it, to wit, fields, meadows, pastures, woods. 


chaces (vencUionibtis), and fisheries, shall be free from all 
royal and secular burdens both greater and lesser excepting 
continual prayers, save only military service and the duty 
of repairing bridges." 

It is clear that what is here called the yoke of servitude 
is the same thing as is mentioned in Aedelred's charter to 
Tavistock Abbey, and refers to the two obligations due from 
folcland other than the trinoda necessUas. Because the 
charters had been burnt the King's reeves had treated the 
estates as folcland. Cnut, therefore, " booked ** them afresh. 

F. It was indeed only natural that to avoid " the yoke of 
servitude " charters should be eagerly sought after by the 
Church for lands which it already held by folcright On this 
subject Mr. Kemble {Saxons in England, i 306) observes : 

'' With respect to ecclesiastical lands we frequently find a loss of 
very large estates submitted to in order to secure freedom to what 
remained.^^ There are also a few instances in which lands having 
descended encumbered with payments, the owners engaged some 
powerful noble or ecclesiastic to obtain their freedom, i.e., to 
persuade the witan into abolishing the charges. The gratuity 
offered to the member whose influence was to carry these ancient 
private acts of Parliament is often very considerable. Towards the 
closing period of the Anglo-Saxon polity I should imagine that 
nearly every acre in England had become bocland," 

The earliest booklands, it is well known, were gifts to the 
Church. As Professor Maitland (p. 220) remarks : 

''From 600 to 750 a.d. we have some 40 charters booking 
]and& With hardly an exception the grantor is a king or an 
under^king, while the grantee is a dead saint, a church, a bishop, 
an abbot, or a body of monks. If the grantee is a layman, the 
gift is made to him in order that he may found a minster. If 
this purpose is not expressed it is to be understood. Thus in 674 
or thereabouts Wulfhere, King of the Mercians, gives five manses 
to his kinsman Berhtferth as a perpetual inheritance. Berhtferth 

^ This fact will possibly explain the loss of some Chnroh lands which are 
nsoally attributed to other caases. See Trans, ziii. 19. ^1) Some were 
surrendered to purchase the lordship over districts in which others were 
held. (2) Some were never more than laenlandf land held for so many lives 
or a term of years. Kbmblb, i. 311, 813, gives instances. (8) Others were 
mortffaged to obtain the means of paying the Danegeld, and then lost through 
inability to repay ; for instance, Little Greedy in Newton St Cyres. See 
Trans, x. 252. (4) Others again were forfeited because having been granted 
for the purpose of churches, i.e., religious houses being established on them, 
the conditions were not fulfilled. See Bede's Letter to Archbishop Egbert, { 7, 
in Haddan and Stubbs, iil 821 ; Kemble, i. 801. (5) Others again were 
exchanged away. 


18 to have foil power to giTe tkaiii to whom ha pleMM, and we an 
not told that he propoees to derote them to pioos oaea. NeTer- 
theleee, the King makee the gift ' for the lore of Ahnighty €rod 
and of His faithful servant St. Peter.' In other cases the lay- 
donee is to hold the land hy Church right or by minster right. 
Indeed there does not seem to be a single act of this period which 
does not purport upon its face to be in some sort an eccilesiastifla] 
act, an act done for the good of the Church." 

G. In connection with the enfranchisement of Church 
lands by booking, two kings' names are prominently before 
the public, those of Ectelw^ (a.d. 836-857), and Aedelstan 
(▲.D. 925-940). Devonshire annals and traditions know 
nothing of Ectelwulf, but they constantly refer to Aedelstan. 
Still Edelwulfs legislation ought not to be passed over 
without notice. 

It has been ably pointed out by Eemble (Saxofis in 
England, iL 481, 485) and by Haddan and Scubbs (Councils^ 
iii 637) that Ectelwulf s legislation has no reference whatever 
to the tithe of increase, as supposed by such ¥rriters as 
Selden, Collier, and Hume. StiU less is it the origin of 
parochial glebes as Spelman supposed. But to use Eemble's 
words (ii. 489) : 

" Edelwulf did three distinct things at different times. He first 
released from all payments except the inevitable three, a tenth part 
of the folclands or unenfranchised lands whether, in the tenancy of 
the Church or of his thanes. In this tenth part of the lands . . . 
he annihilated the royal rights (regnum), and as the lands receiving 
this privilege were secured by charter, the Chronicle can justly say 
that the K&g booked them to the honour of God. A second thing 
he did, inasmuch as he gave a tenth part of his own private estates 
to various thanes or clerical establishments. And lastly, upon 
every ten hides of his own land he commanded that one poor man, 
whether native bom or stranger^ that is, whether of Wessex or 
some other kingdom, should be maintained in food and in 
clothing." (See Hook's Lives of the Archbishops, L 288.) 

Ethelwulf s legislation can hardly have affected the Church 
in this county. First, there is no record of any land having 
been " booked *' by him in the county.^^ Next, it is alleged 
that Devon was not under the West Saxon bishop before 
A.D. 884 ; but the passage relied on to prove even this appears 

^ Mr. Daridson in Trans, ix. 218 has shown that the charter of 854, 
mentioned by Haddan and Stubbs, i 675, note in Kemblk's Codex Diplom,, 
Ko. 272, ii. 54, refers to property in Wilts, not in Deron. 


to refer to the custodianship of the city of Exeter and the 
district belonging to it^^ Thirdly, excepting Glastonbury 
and Bucfast no one of the great churches which appear a 
century later as holding property in the county was then in 
existence, and these two refer their booklands to Aedelstan 
and Cnut, not to Edelwulf. Thus Glastonbury, the oldest 
church in the kingdom, which possessed a single estate, Uply me, 
in the extreme east of Devon in King Edgar's time, is said 
to hold it by charter from King Aedelstan. (No. 96, Dugdale, 
L 50.) Bucfast, which probably also existed in King Alfred's 
time, for its estate of Bucfast was never assessed to the geld,^^ 
claimed Cnut as its benefactor. Bodmin Priory, which, being 
in Cornwall, we might have thought was older, claimed 
Aedelstan as its founder (Oliver, Mon,, 15), and it is just 
possible that he may have "booked" to it Newton St. Petrock 
and Hollacombe in this county ^^ which it already possessed, 
for its earliest known charter (referred to in a charter of 
Henry III.) dates from King Edred's time (a.d. 947 to 955). 
To Aedelstan also is referred the foundation of the collegiate 
Church of Axminster, but this again is in the extreme east 
of the county. The legend that the estate of Priestaller was 
given to maintain seven presbyters to celebrate there the 
obits of seven earls and the rest who fell in battle against 
the Danes, rest^ on no better evidence than the roisters of 
Newnham Abbey .^* Unless it refers to the fighting between 
King Edward and his cousin Aedelwald the ethelins in 
901 a.d. — and that took place in the neighbourhood of 
Wimbome — ^it is difficult to make it agree with known 
facts. It probably antedates the foundation of the prebendal 

A long list of other estates Aedelstan is stated or known 
to have "booked" to the Church. The Hundred EoUs of 
3 Edward I., a.d. 1274, No. 9, have this entry under 
Budleigh : 

'> Asser in Habdan and Stubbs, L 675, says: *'Dedit mihi [Aelfrbdus] 
Ezanceastre cnm onini parochia quae ad se pertinebat in Saxonia et in 
Coranbia.'* Here the mention ot Exeter with all the district belonging 
to it seems more probably to refer to a temporal jurisdiction over the city and 
the district under obligation to keep it up as a stronghold than to a diocese. 

'* Trans, xxvii. 168. 

7' Haddan and Stubbs, L 690, confound Hollaoombe in the Hundred of 
Blacktorington held by the presbyters of Bodmin in Domesday with Holcombe 
in Exminster Hundred, part of the Bishop's Doules in Domesday, 

^ The registers say (Oliver, Mon.^ 817) that the battle began '*apud Kalea- 
t]rnes downs'* or "al mnnt Seynt Kalyxt en Deransyr" and continued to be 
fought as far as Colecroft under Axminster, where the seven warriors were slain. 
The estate of Priestaller consists now of 513 acres and forms the endowment 
of the prebends of Worthill and Grendall in York Minster. 


** The manor of Sydebiiy was anciently in the King's lordship 
but the dean and chapter now hold and have held it more than 500 
[1 300] years by grant of King Aedelstan." 

Under Colyton Hundred, No. 12, they say : 

'* The dean and chapter of St Peter's Exeter hold the manor of 
Brankecombe [i.e., Btanscombe] by gift of King Aedelstan as they 
believe but they know not when or by what warranty; and the 
aforesaid manor was a lordship of the King belonging to the 


A royal lordship Bronscombe certainly was in King Alfred's 
time, for that king left it by will together with Axminster, 
Columton, Tiverton, Millburn, Exminster, and Sidbury, then 
called Sidworthy, and other estates not in the county, to his 
younger son. (Cod Dipl ii. 112, No. 314; v. 130, No. 1067.) 

Three charters of Aedelstan are extant dated a.d. 937 and 
938; one^ (Cod, Dipl ii. 207, No. 371, and the boundaries, 
ibid. iii. 411) by which he booked "six ploughlands \sex 
perticas; the word is unusual, but the Dom^day area is 
6 ploughlands although the assessment is 1 hide] at 
Hrocastoe [Rocky Stoke, now Stoke Canon] to God and St 
Mary for the monastery at Exeter" (see Kirby, No. 6); 
a second (ibid, ii 209, No. 373, and the boundaries, ibid, iiL 
412) by which he booked "5 homestead-lands (cassato8= 
hidas) at Culumstoce [Culm Stoke] to God and St. Mary and 
St Peter chief of the apostles for the monastery at Exeter"; 
the third (Hid, ii 204, No. 369, and the boundaries, ibid, iii 
411), dated a.d. 937, by which he booked "a small part of 
a rural lordship (ruris) to wit one homestead (mansa) at 
Toppesham to the monastery of bt. Peter the apostle of 
Exeter Church." 

According to Mr. Davidson (Trans, xiii. 119) King Aedel- 

^ Mr. Davidson (Trans, xiii. 120) savB that there were three monastic 
establisbments at Exeter, all within what afterwards became St Peter's 
Close. The first according to Godwin (following Hoker) was a house of nuns, 
where the Dean's house and, accordins to Risdon, p. 108, the Calendar hay 
or Vicar's Close stood in 1615 a.d. The second was a monastery for monks, 
supposed to have been founded by King AeSelred, third son of King AeM- 
wulf and immediate predecessor of Aelfred the Great, in 868 a.d. The third 
was the monastery of S^ Mary and St. Peter for monks of the order of 
St. Bennet founded by AeSelstan. It is suggested that the third was only a 
refoundation of the second, rendered necessary by the foundation of the new 
see at Crediton, and in neither case is monaaterium used to express a society 
of cloistered monks living under St Bennel's rule ; but a priorV or society of 
secular presbyters who had charge of the spiritual interests of the ci^. It 
was not till Loofric's time that Augustiuian canons were substituted at Exeter 
for secular priests. For this meaning of the word monaaUrium = glebe-house 
or clergy-house, see note 29. 


Stan gave or booked to the Church (%,€,, the religious society 
of which Crediton was then the cathedral) Treasurer's Bere, 
Monkerton, Ide, and Bedricestan, besides the estates just 
named, to wit, Topsham, Culmstock, Stoke Canon, Sidbury, 
and Branscombe. But when he speaks of 26 cotlifs, as 
having been given by Aedelstan, it is doubtful whether by 
cotlif more is meant than a homestead-land or hide, of which 
Ide furnished 2, Bedricestan 1, Topsham 1, Culmstock 5, 
Stoke Canon 1, Sidbury 3, and Branscombe 5 ; and whether 
the gift was not a "booking" of lands already held as 
folcland. For the charters, although emanating from King 
Aedelstan, who was king 925 to 940, yet purport to grant 
Stoke Canon and Culmstock in the year 670 a.d. 

H. There is, however, another and a very important reason 
why Aedelstan rather than Edelwulf should be looked upon 
as the benefactor of the Church in Devon. Prior to the year 
909 Devon in theory formed part of the parish of the West 
Saxon Bishop of Sherbom, i,e., if it was under any bishop 
other than the monastic bishops of Cornwall. In 909 a.d. 
it was separated from Sherbom and received a bishop of its 
own. This change required a distribution of the property of 
the Sherbom see. Apparently Edward the elder was too 
much engaged in fighting with a domestic foe to trouble 
himself about such a distribution; but no sooner had 
Aedelstan established his overlordship in 927 a.d. (Trans. 
xii. 118), than he forthwith took the matter in hand and 
booked Crediton to Eadulf, a.d. 909 to 934 (Trans, x. 245.) 
His charter (in Codex Diplomaiicus,\\. 191, No. 362), dated in 
933, sets forth that '* in consideration of 60 pounds of silver 
paid him by the venerable Bishop Eadulf [of Crediton, a.d. 
909 to 934], he grants such a freedom (libertatem) to the 
bishopric (episcopaius) of Crediton Church that it shall be for 
ever safe and secure from all secular services, fiscal payments 
(Jiscis), greater and lesser taxes (tribtUis), and military 
services, to wit, field-faring-dues (expeditianibus scilicet), and 
from all other claims save only field-faring (expeditione) and 
stronghold maintenance." 

Then follow many other charters which have been already 
mentioned. The history of the see of Devon may therefore 
be said to commence from Aedelstan*s time. Fifty years 
later only four churches had property here besides the 
bishop and St. Feter^s priory at Exeter, and two of these 
were situated in other counties. It is clear, therefore, that 
there is no vestige of the parochial system in Edgar's time. 
There is hardly any trace of it in Devon in Domesday. 


6. One more point to which attention should be drawn in 
the Devonahire Domesday is this. Some 11 entries oocnr in 
which individnal piesbjters are stated to have held lands in 
King Edward's time, and in all bnt three these lands appear in 
lay hands after the Conquest These entries are : 

(1) Godwin the picsbjtar had held Ghideikia (Xa 318, p. 
295) in King Edward'^ time. Ho continned to hold it under the 
Eaci of Mortain. To judge bj the sequence Ghiderleia probeblj 
laj in HartUnd or Shebbear Hundred, and now forms the glebe 
of some roral church. The writer suggests that it is the ^be of 
Buckland FiUeigh, some 87 acres in extent, which, local tradition 
says, was the gift of King Aedebtan. It now bears the name of 
Chiihanger, corrupted into Challenger. 

(2) Gode the presbyter had held Bichetone (Abbofs Bickington 
No. 1154, p. 1095) in King Edward's time. In Domesday Giroki 
the chaplain held it, and through him it passed to Hartland Abbey. 
One wonders whether this can have hoea the Gode who redeemed 
Hig and Dunna and their offspring from an Exeter citizen in King 
Edward's time. (Haddan and Stubbs, L 689.) 

(3) Algar the presbyter had held Standone (So. 965, p. 927) in 
King Edward's time ; probably the same Algar who in Domemiay 
held Brantone in alms. (No. 307, p. 285.) The sequence requires 
Standone to be looked for either in Sherwell or in Cliston 
Hundred. In Sherwell Hundred Kalph de Pomeray held Brendon 
and Ralph de Pomeray also held Standone then. Is it possible 
that Standone — »'.&, stony down — ^now forms the glebe of Brendon t 
The Domesday area of Standone was 30 acres; the glebe of 
Brendon now is 58. 

(4) Wigod the presbyter had held Cliste (SatchyiUe alias 
Bishop's Clist^ No. 134, p. 124) in King Edward's time. In 
Domesday the Bishop of Coutances held it as part of his barony. 

(5) Godman the presbyter had held Cloenesberg (Clannaborougb, 
No. 457, p. 431). 

(6) The same had held Brenfort (Upton Pyne, Na 541, p. 513). 

(7) Dode the presbyter had held Otrit (Datton Mill, No. 547, 
p. 519) in King Edward's time. In Domesday all three were held 
by Baldwin the sherifi^ but Datton ended by being given to 
Dunkeswell Abbey. 

(8) Abie the presbyter had held Otri (Upottery, No. 1001, p 

(9) Likewise Stanlioz (Stanelsthom, No. 1129, p. 1071), 

(10) and Honesham (Huntsham, No. 1141, p. 1081) in King 
Edward's time. The first-named was in Domesday Ralph de 
Pomeray's, the two latter Odo fitz-Gamelin's. 

(11) Edward the presbyter had held Redone (East Raddon in 
Thorverton, No. 1204, p. 1139). It was WiUiam the Seneschal's 
in Domesday. 


If any of these were Church lands in the proper sense of 
the term before Domesday ^ the Church was the poorer by the 
loss of them, but to the writer it seems far more probable 
that they were the inherited lands of English thanes who had 
taken orders, and not lands held in free alms. 

IIL Some Conclusions from the above Facts. 

1. So far the evidence before us seems to show that when 
the Christian Saxons first conquered Devon they gave one- 
tenth of the conquered lands to God and the saints; that 
after Devon had received a separate bishop of its own the 
lands in Devon were "booked" to the bishop by King 
Aedelstan ; and that at the beginning of King Edgar's reign 
a tithe of the assessed lands of the county was held by the 
bishop as overlord. The evidence also shows that beginning 
with Aedelstan's time a few monastic and prebendal 
churches were founded whose primary mission seems to have 
been to pray for the souls of the dead. The bishop had the 
care of the living, the monks the care of the deceased. These 
churches also had estates " booked " to them, and in the time 
of Domesday the bishop and the monastic churches between 
them had the overlordship of 231 hides, 3 virgates. If ferlings 
out of a total of 1,129 hides, virgate, 2^ ferlings in the 
county, which included an area of 141,874 out of a total of 
907,665 acres. 

2. The second conclusion is that the parochial churches of 
Devon in Domesday times were few and far between, the list 
being as follows : 

(1) The Cathedral Church of St. Peter in Exeter of the 
Bishop and Canons of St. Mary and St. Peter (Oliver, Mon,^ 
134), founded in 1050 A.D. (Haddan and Stubbs L 691), with 
oratories in Exeter such as St Martin's, consecrated 
A.D. 1065, and, it may be presumed, rural oratories at 

(a) St. Sid well's, Exeter. {j) St. Michael's, Holcombe, 
(6) Clist Honiton. a/ta« East Teignmouth, 

(c) Stoke Canon. the church of which 

{d) Culmstock. existed in 1044 A.D. 

{e) Branscomba {Trans, xiii. 114.) 

(/) Sidbury. (i) Ide. 

(^) Salcombe. (t) St Mary ChurcL 

(A) Topsham. (m) Staverton. 

(t) DawlisL (n) Ashburton. 

{o) Colbrook. 


The Bishop and Chapter held all these estates; and the 
churches existing on all of them, together with Colyton, 
which in Domesday belonged to the Crown, and littleham, 
next Exmouth, which in Domesday belonged to Horton 
Abbey, formed the peculiar of the Chapter in 1288 A.D. 

(2) The Church of St. Stephen in Exeter given to the 
Bishop by the Conqueror before Domesday (No. 103, p. 99 ; 
Oliver, Motl, 134), and ever since held as part of his barony 
under the Crown. (Jenkins' Memorials, p. 320.) It is pre* 
sumed that the Bishop had also oratories at 

(a) Bishop's Tawton ) these being ancient possessions of the 
(6) Swymbridge j see. (Trans, xxwiu 170, n. 17.) 

(c) Paignton. 

(d) Stoke Grabriel, part of the Bishop's Domesday Peintone. 

(e) Morchard Bishop, part of the Bishop's Dom>esday Critetone. 
(/) Chudleigh, the lordship of the Bishop's Domesday Tantone. 
(^) Bishop's Nymton, 

all of which belonged to the bishop's peculiar, or were 
peculiars of the Precentor and Treasurer by the bishop's 

(3) The Church of St. Clave in Exeter of the priory 
afterwards known as St. Nicolas' Priory, a dependency of 
Battle Abbey, founded after 1030 a.d., probably after 1057 
A.D. with an oratory at Sherford. (Oliver, 117.) 

(4) The prebendal Church of St. Mart in the Castle op 
Exeter, founded by Baldwin the Sheriff after the Conquest, 
and before 1086 a.d , for 4 prebendaries. 

(5) The prebendal Church of the Holy Rood at Crediton, 
a peculiar of the bishop founded in 909 a.d. for 18 canons 
(Oliver, Mon,, 75), reduced to 12 before 1261 a.d.^« Some 
religious house probably existed there previously to 909 a.d. 

(6) The prebendal Church of St. John the Baptist at 
AxMiNST&R, alleged to have been founded by King Aedelstan 
in 927 A.D. for 7 prebendaries. (Oliver, Mon.y p. 317.) 

(7) The prebendal Church of St. Peter and St. Paul 
AT Plymton of the Canons of . St. Peter {Domesday, No. 
29, p. 25. and No. 926, p. 891), founded by King Edgar 
in 960 A.D. for 6 canons according to Leland {Trans, xix. 
372),^ given by the Conqueror to Bishop Williamfs pre- 

^ The prebends of the 12 canons were known ts WolsRro?e, Oarswell, 
Poole, Credie, Rudge, Stowford, Pruscombe, Woodland, West Sandford, 
Aller, Crosse, Henstell. (Oliver, Mon., 78, 416.) 

^ Leland's statement that one of the prebends was Sutton Prior next 
Plymouth may explain Robert Bastard's Domesday right to 2 villagers' lands 
in the land of St. Peter of Plimton, assuming the liwd to represent Sutton. 
(No. 026, p. 801.) 


decessor, William's episcopate being 1107-1138 A.D.] accord- 
ing to Henry I/s charter (Oliver, Mon., 134), and by Bishop 
William refounded in 1121 a.d. as a Church of Canons 
Begular with oratories at 
(a) Wembury. (Geldroll, xliii. A. 4.) 
(6) Sutton Prior, St. Peter and St Paul's parish of Plymouth. 

(8) The prebendal Church of St. Brannoc at Bkaunton, 
founded before Domesday (No. 307, p. 285), and given by 
the Conqueror to Bishop William's predecessor and the see 
of Exeter. (Oliver, Mon,, 134.) 

(9) The prebendal Church of St. Mary Magdalen at 
South Molton, also founded before Domesday, (No. 306, 
p. 285.) 

(10) The prebendal Church of St. Nectan at Stoke or 
Hartland, founded by Countess Githa in 1061 a.d. 

(11) The prebendal Church of St. Mary, Columton, founded 
by the Conqueror for 5 Canons holding the 5 prebends of 
Upton, Colbrook, Hineland, Weaver, and Ash. (Oliver, Mon., 

(12) The prebendal Church of St. Mary at Totnes, founded 
before Domesday^ with the chapel of St. Peter, and bestowed 
by Judhel on the Church of StSergius and Bacchus at Angers. 

(13) The priory Church of St. Mary of Modbury, named in 
the Geldroll (xlvi. A. 8), part of the Domesday Motbilie (No. 
383, p. 361), founded as a dependency of St. Mary's Monastery 
of St. Pierre sur Dive for a priest and two monks.^ 

* See Trans, xxix. 234, n. 17, and E. Windbatt in Trans, xii. 162. 

^ Oliveb, Mon,t app. 25, states that the Monastery of St. Peter sur Dive 
was fonnded by Lesceline, widow of William Conte d'Eu in 1046 a.d. Its 
first abbot was Ninard, who died in 1078, and was succeeded by Fulco. The 
cell at Modbnry must have been fonnded by Rainald de Yalletorta, who held 
Motbilie in 1086 under the Earl of Mortain, and was endowed with 1 hide 
out of the 4 hides at which Modbury was assessed. The endowment consisted 
of the glebe adjoining the Church on the north side, and some 400 acres of 
land in a detached outlier lying north of the parish called Penkoyt or 
Penquit. According to a survey taken 18 Ed. I. in Olivsr, Mon.^ 299, 
oertttm houses at Penkoyt were worth . • . . ~ ~ ~ 
5 free tenants there paid 

7 conyentionary tenants paid 

Their Mnrices bisyond what they received were worth 
52 acrea of land, worth 2d. an acre . . • 

8 acres of meadow, each worth lOd. 

10 acres of scrub, each worth 3d 

A dovecot, worth beyond expenses • . • 

A water mill 

Pleas and perquisites of court .... 

Total 65 8 

From the same valuation we learn that at that time — 
Wheat was worth 6«. a quarter ; barley, Zs, id, ; oats. Is. id, ; a horse, 
21s. ; an ox, 8s. ; a sow, 6s. ; a sheep, 9(2. ; a boar or sow, ^d. 


2 6 

25 8 



8 8] 
2 6] 
2 6] 


2 2 


(14) The prebendal Church of St. Mabt or Newtoh 
Fkurbrs, named in the (JeldroU (xlvL A. 9) part of the 
Votnesday Niwetone. (No. 349, p. 329.) 

(16) The parochial Chapel on the ancient Crown lordship of 
ExMiNSTER, existing before and given after the Conquest to 
Battle Abbey. 

(16) The parochial Chapel on the ancient Crown lordship 
of Ybalmpton, given by the Conqueror to the Chapter of 
St. Mary of Old Sarum. 

(17) The parochial Chapel on the ancient Crown lordship of 
CoLYTON, given by Henry I. to the Bishop and see of Exeter. 
(GUver, Motl, 134) 

(18) The parochial Chapel on the ancient Crown lordship of 


(19) The parochial Chapel on the royal estate of Woodbxjby, 
founded 1057 A.D., given after the Conquest to Battle Abbey. 

(20) The parochial Chapel on the royal estate of Pinhob, 
founded, perhaps, in 1005 A.D., given after the Conquest to 
Battle Abbey. 

(21) The parochial Chapel of St. Peter at Barnstaple, be- 
stowed by Judhel with the Conqueror's sanction upon the 
Cluniac cell of St Martin de Campis in Paris. (Oliver, Motl, 

(22) The monastic Church of Tavistock, founded a.d. 961, 
with oratories at the places where it held estates not granted 
away in fee-farm, viz.: 

(a) Milton Abbot. {e) St. Giles in the Heath. 

ih) Brentor alias St. Michael (/) Burrington. 

of the Rock. (g) Denbury. 

(c) Hatherleigh. (A) CoffinswelL 

{d) Abbotsham. (t) Plymstock. 

(23) The monastic Church of Bqcfast, existing in King 
Alfred's time, with, presumably, oratories at the places where 
it held estates, viz.: 

(a) Petrockstow. {d) Trusham. 

(6) Zeal Monachorum. («) Churchstow. 

(c) Down St Mary. (/) South Brent. 

It is also presumed that the following out-county churches 
must have had oratories in this county at the places where 
they held property, viz;: 

(1) At Uplyme, Glastonbury Abbey. 

(2) At Beer and Seaton, 

(3) At Littleham next Exmouth, y Horton Abbey, 

(4) At Abbot's Kerswell, 


(5) At Eevelstoke, the Cathedral of St. Mary, Sanim.^ 

(6) At Umberleigh, the Convent of the Holy Trinity at 


(7) At Northam, St. Stephen's Monastery, Caen. 

(8) At Ottery St Mary, | The Church of St. Mary of 

(9) At Eoridge, Upottery, J Rouen. 

(10) At Otterton, ) 

(11) At St. Michaers, Sidmouth ( The Church of St 

(No. 297, p. 273), f Michael's Mount 

(12) At Yarticombe, ) 

(13) At HoUacombe, 1 The Priory Church of 

(14) At Newton St Petrock, j Bodmin. 

3. The third conclusion is that the national endowment 
of the Church given by the Saxon kings was already in- 
adequate in the time of Domesday to supply the spiritual 
needs of the county. This will be easily seen if we look at 
the value of the Church lands in Domesdai/, always remem- 
bering that what the bishop and the great monastic churches 
held in the areas booked to them was not ownership but 
overlordship. Large portions of these areas had never been 
in their hands, but were held by military tenants as free- 
holders, often for nominal rents {Trans, xxviii. 368), and 
never exceeding one-fourth of their estimated value. Other 
portions belonged to the villagers, hinds, and cottagers, 
without whose services the land would have been worthless 
to the lord. If, for example, we glance down the bishop's 
list of holdings, we find Domnus holding Newton St Cyres, 
and apparently successfully disputing the bishop's claim, 
even to any overlordship ;** we find Eobert holding Talaton, 

^ AccordiofT to an instrament dated between 1224 and 1244 in Hikoeston- 
Randolpb'b BroneseombCf p. 6., the Bishop sanctioned the appropriation 
of the Chnrch of Kingsteignton with the Chapelry of Highweek, and also 
the Chnrch of Yealmton with the Chapelry of Revelstoke, to the Chapter 
of Old Samm in exchange for the Churches of Kenton and West Alvington. 
Reyelstoke appears here as the chapel of the Canons of St. Mary serving 
the Chnrch of St. Bartholomew at Yealmton. Ibid.t p. 193, settles the 
vicarage in 1270. 

"* No doubt this was not the only instance. In Codex Dipt. vi. 124, 
No. 1287, is a letter addressed by Oswald, Bishop of Worcester, to King 
Edgar, reproduced by Maitland, Domesday ^ p. 305, m which he says : ** I am 
grateful to yon my lord for all ^our liberality. . . . Therefore I have resolved 
to put on record the manner m which I have been g^nting to my faithful 
men for the space of 3 lives the lands committed to my charge, so that 
• . . . my successors .... may know what to exact from these men according 
to the covenant that they have made with me. ... I have written this 
document in order that none of them may hereafter endeavour to abjure the 
service of the Church. ... If any one attempt to defraud the Church of land 
or service, he be deprived of God's blessing." (See Trans, xxix. 237, n. 10.)- 


Boger holding Knighton, and Baldwin holding Dittdsham 
and Slapton. To judge by the Bent Boll of the see in 
Stapeldon's time (Reg, p. 24), the bishop derived no revenue 
from any of these, but the lord of Slapton had certain 
duties to perform and certain perquisites to gain at the 
enthronization of the bishop. (Oliver, JAm., 322 ; and K 
Windeatt in Trans, xii 155.) We may therefore ignore 
these. On all the other estates tog^her, excepting three 
small ones, of which the particulars are not given, he had 
in his lordship, t.^ , he either occupied himself or by rack- 
renting tenants 29} hides and 6,700 acres. Their Ihrnesday 
value was £267 5k, or, including the three small estates, 
£269 2«. M. 

The same with the Glastonbury Abbey estate of Uplyme, 
the abbot had in his lordship just one half — 3 hides and 448 
acres, and its value was £4. 

The 19 hides, Z\ vii^ates and 24,361} acres of the Abbot of 
Tavistock's overlordship when they come to be examined show 
that liddaton, Thornbury, Northcot and Halfsbury, Baddon, 
Bomansleigh, Hountor, and Coffinswell were in the hands of 
freeholders, besides large portions of Tavistock and Hather- 
leigh. If these are denoted, there remain for the abbot's 
lordship 2 hides, 1} virgates, 4,179} acres, and a value £58 10«. 

Bucfast Abbey had only 3 hides, 3 virgates, 3^ ferlings and 
2,161 acres in its lordship, of a total value of £19 8«. 4^. 

Horton Abbey had only 3} virgates and 873} acres in the 
lordship, of a total value of £8. 

The same with lesser churches, the general results being as 
follow : 

h. V. t Acres. & •. d, 

1 The Bishop (W. 104-126) had 29 2 in lordship6,700 value 269 2 6 

^ ^^S' ^^^"^"^ ^^: - '^ ^ ^* " ^'^^ '• ®* ^^ * 
8 I^^r Churchw (W. 257- ^^ " 8 „ 4,406 „ 126 10 

4 New foiiDdationa on royal 

e8Ute8(W.4, 17. 19, 21, „ 8 11} „ 1,330 „ 9 5 
29, 31, 61. 69, 77) 

5 Collegiate Charches founded 

hy Barons (W. 440, 479, „ 12 2 „ 1,008 „ 5 15 

481, 482, 492, 589) 

6 Do. by Franlding Knights ^ 1 200 2 

(W. 980) . . . »» ^ " " '• ^»^^^ '• z u u 

7 The out-coanty Priory of „ ^ in a o a a 

Bodmin (W. 1072,1081) »» ^ ^ »» _^ »» ^ ^ ^ 

59 0} 22,924 504 10 10 

Assume that every £10 would maintain four clergy by 
allowing to each one 3^ marks per annum, or £2 10^ This, I 


think, may be safely done, considering that a constitution of 
Archbishop Islip in 1362 (Lyndwood,p. 238), some 300 years 
later, fixes the stipend of a priest at 5 marks, or 6 marks if 
assisting in the cure. Not till 1378 did a constitution of 
Archbishop Sudbury (ibid, 240) increase these amounts to 
7 and 8 marks respectively ; and in 1439 a constitution of 
Archbishop Chichele fixed 12 marks as the stipend to be 
allowed to a vicar. If, then, we assume that all clergy were 
having a minimum stipend, if we allow nothing for the 
bishop, nothing for the abbots and monastic households, 
nothing for the maintenance of the fabrics, nothing for the 
poor, this amount would only maintain 202 clergy. But 
when it is remembered that the whole value of the lesser 
churches, £126 10s,, excepting the stipends for twelve vicars, 
went out of the kingdom, and was therefore not available ; 
that at least one-half of the bishop's income must have been 
required for his own household, the twelve canons at Exeter 
and eighteen canons at Crediton, whose ministrations did not 
extend far beyond their immediate neighbourhood ; that the 
income of the four great churches, £89 18s, 4d.f was not 
available except for the nineteen churches where they held 
property and their own households, we see that the remaining 
income, £153 lis. 3d., would only provide support for some 
62 clergy, a number altogether inadequate for the spiritual 
needs of the county. 

4. What has been said as to the insufficiency of the 
national endowment of the Church in Devon to supply by 
means of the great elective churches the spiritual needs of the 
people, leads to yet another conclusion, viz., that the system 
of endowing local mass-priests with tithes, which is first met 
with here after the Norman Conquest, was introduced to sup- 
plement this deficiency. The history of tithes and of the 
foundation of donative parochial churches has yet to be 
written, and is no part of my present subject. Suffice it to 
observe that in this country there is not a trace to be found 
of the Eoman fourfold division of tithes. Here tithes were 
always deemed to be of two kinds — great tithes and small 
tithes. Great tithes, called also predial tithes, which were 
estimated to form two-thirds of the whole, are the tithes 
of com and grain, and all that grows in the open field, and 
were usually called the tithe of the sheaf (decima gerharum). 
Their destination was understood to be primarily for the 
maintenance of the poor, secondarily for the fabrics and 
the services of the Church. Small tithes, called also first 
fruits of increase, are the tithes of all that is raised in the 



curtilage, such as milk, butter and cheese, garden-herbs, and 
the young of cattle. These appear to have been looked npon 
as the portion of the clergy ministering locally, and they seem 
to have taken the place of that rough-and-ready hospitality 
which in thinly-populated countries, where food is plentiful 
but other things are scarce, is gladly meted out to wayfarers, 
more particularly to wayfarers on a holy errand. Such hos- 
pitality would be willingly accorded on their occasional visits 
to the clergy, for whom the State had made permanent pro- 
vision in the see-church and the monastery, and more readily 
to those who were living close at hand. Thus the practice 
of what may be called occasional and voluntary tithe-paying 
would come in. Here and there a particularly wealthy and 
devout lord might make himself answerable to the bishop 
permanently to support in his village or castle a mass-priest. 
We have two such instances in Domesday, "Walter de 
Clavil holds Instow, &c. (No. 860, p. 827). There is one 
presbyter and seven hinds and three slaves." At Exminster, 
a royal lordship, Eccha the reeve allowed the presbyter the 
benefit of 1 ferling of land. In other cases mass-priests 
might be dependent upon the good- will of the people. 
Although such hospitality can hardly be called, in strictness, 
payment of tithes, yet in effect it comes to the same thing. 
For what is the difference between maintaining a man and 
giving him the means to maintain himself? 

In this sense, but only in this sense, can I discover any 
trace even of the payment of small tithes in Devon before 
the Conquest, and no trace at all of the payment of great 
tithes. When tested by facts the endowment of all our 
parochial churches with tithes and glebes is found to have 
been the work of the Norman conquerors and their descend- 
ants, and to have been done by them by way of private 
benefaction for purely local purposes and by no means by 
way of general endowment. I am well aware that Edgar's 
law seems to tell against the view here advocated, and 
possibly a very different state of things may have existed 
in some of the home counties; but in Devon a tithe of 
land seems to have been given from the first in lieu of 
tithes. Still there were country mass - priests in many 
places;®* for Lanfranc's canon at Winchester, in 1076 A.D., 

^ In the Confessor's time, when Brihtmaer purchased his freedom at 
Holoombe [probably at Gorway, anciently Godaway Cross {Trans, xiii. 125) 
or Ariet's stone] Leofwine appears to have been presbyter at Whitstone. 
When Edwy Beomege's son purchased his freedom at Topsham Kinstan 
appears to have been mass-priest there. 


i,e., before Domesday, runs: "That no canon have a wife. 
That such priests as live in townships and hamlets (casiellis 
et vicis) be not forced to dismiss wives if they have them." 
This canon shows at least that village priests and hamlet 
chaplains were fairly numerous then, and they must have 
been supported by those to whom they ministered. This 
right to support was their Church right (ecclesia), but it did 
not involve payment of tithes except by private arrange- 
ment. When we get to the 12th century we find individual 
laymen granting the tithes on their estates to monastic 
churches and parochial chapels, and the bishop confirming 
these grants or appropriations, showing that the tithes of 
these estates cannot have been paid to the Church before. 
A whole batch of such grants to Tewkesbury Abbey is 
named in Trans, xxix. 248, note 16. In Dugdale*s Mon.f 
iL 490, we read that Bishop Bartholomew in 1186 gave 
permission to Tavistock Abbey to appropriate the tithes 
of St. Eustace, Tavistock, Lamerton, Milton Abbot, North 
Petherwyn, Hatherleigh, Abbotsham, and St. Michael of the 
Sock {alias Brentor), which Pope Coelestine III. confirmed 
in 1193 A.D. If Tavistock had enjoyed these tithes before, 
what need of the bishop's appropriation of them then ? If 
any other church had held them, how comes it that the deeds 
of appropriation make no mention of it? It seems clear 
from these grants that in the 12th century the payment of 
tithes was a new thing, and that the holders of estates be- 
stowed the tithes of their estates of their own free will or else 
for a consideration upon such churches as they thought fit 
In that century, moreover, great tithes as being the patrimony 
of the poor (Trans, xxvi. 135, note 6, and 277) were usually 
appropriated to monastic churches, it being left to them 
to make some provision for the services of religion. But in 
the 13th century we find the bishop constantly interposing 
to make a proper provision for the local clergy by settlements 
of vicarages (ordinatio vicariae). The gifts of tithes therefore, 
whether made to monastic or parochial churches, appear thus 
to have been as much private endowments as episcopal and 
chapter endowments were national. (Trans, xxvi. 136, note 2.) 
This question, however, takes us beyond Domesday times, 
and however interesting the subject may be, the spread of 
the parochial system in Devon forms no part of the history 
of the Domesday churches of Devon. 

X 2 



(Read at Honiton, Aagusfe, 1808.) 

In dealing with the subject, perhaps it is best to b^n with 
ascertaining what wit and humour are. It would, at the first 
blush, seem easy enough to do, but on nearer enquiry it 
becomes more difficult Let us turn to the dictionary, and 
from Stormonth's we find the word "wit" is derived from 
the Anglo-Saxon " witan," the Icelandic " vita," to know (the 
Anglo-Saxon " wita," a wise man, wit, understanding), and the 
meaning there given is power or faculty of knowing ; under- 
standing, intellect; the power of associating ideas in a manner 
new and unexpected, and so connected as to produce plea- 
sant surprise, etc., and a wit is defined as a man who is 
capable of so associating ideas, etc. To pursue the matter 
further, we find that the ancients held there were five wits 
in man : (1) common sense, (2) imagination, (3) phantasy or 
fancy, (4) estimation, and (5) memory ; common sense being 
defined as the outcome of the whole five, imagination being 
the wit or play of the mind, phantasy being imagination 
united with judgment, estimation being the power of esti- 
mating the absolute, such as time, place, and locality, and 
memory being the power of recalling past events. So, too, 
the ancients held that the soul of man was compounded 
of seven properties, which were under the influence of seven 
planets : fire gave animation, the earth gave sense of feeling, 
the water gave speech, the air gave taste, the mists gave 
sight, flowers gave hearing, and the south wind gave smell- 
ing ; so that the seven senses are animation, feeling, speech, 
taste, sight, hearing, and smelling, and the expression so 
common in the West of England of being frightened out of 
one's seven senses is therefore one of ancient origin. 


Now wit, with its first principle common sense, is the out- 
come of all the senses, and has something common to them 
all; and we have arrived at the conclusion that there are 
seven senses and five wits. 

Shakespeare, in Much Ado about Nothing, makes one of 
his characters saj, ** Four of his wits went halting off" ; and 
Stephen Hawes, in his Pastimes of Pleasure, says : 

"There are five wits removine inwardly ; 
First, common sense, and then imagination, 
Fantasy, and estimation truly — 
And memory." 

To rightly appreciate the meaning of the word " wit," we 
cannot do better than see how it is used. Proverbs are of 
most ancient origin, and concerning wit are numerous. The 
following are examples : 

" The wit of you and the wool of a blue dog will make a good 


''Tis good bojing wit with another man's money.'* 

"Wit without wisdom cuts other men's meat and its own 


Some of our best writers have introduced it in their 
writings. Thus in Pope we find : 

" True wit is nature to advantage dressed ; 
What oft was thought but ne'er so well expressed." 

In Shakespeare : 

** Brevity is the soul of wit" — HamUL 
** I am not only witty in myself, but the cause that wit is in other men.'* 

Henry IF. 
"A good old man, sir; he will be talking: as they say, 'When the age is 
in, the wit is out.' " — Much Ado abotU Nothing. 

" Home-keeping youths have ever homely wits." 

The Tioo Oentlemen of Verona, 

In Boswell's Johnson : 

''This man (Chesterfield) I thought had been a lord among 
wits, but I find he is only a wit among lords." 

John Selden says : 

"No man is the wiser for his learning — wit and wisdom are 
born with a man." 

In Moore : 

** Whose wit in the combat, as gentle as bright, 
Ne 'er carried a heartstain away on its blade." 

In Swift's Writings : 

'*Tis an old maxim in the schools 
That flattery is the food of fools ; 
Yet now and then your men of wit 
Will condescend to take a bit." 



Fuller, in his Book of Natural Fools, says : 

" Their heads are sometimes so little that there is no room for 
wit ; sometimes so long that there is no wit for so much room." 

Lord John Bussell said a proverb was 

'* The wisdom of many and the wit of one ; one man's wit and 
all men's wisdom." 

Another writer has defined wit as "the sense of the 
likeness of unlike things." 

Sir John Suckling describes a young lady thus : 

** She is pretty to walk with, 
And witty to talk with, 
And pleasant too to thiiik on." 

Jane Brereton said, on seeing the picture of Beau Nash 
at full length between busts of Sir Isaac Newton and 

Mr. xOpe : «« xhe picture placed the busts between, 

Adds to the thought much strength ; 
Wisdom and wit are little seen, 
But folly at full length." 

Dryden said : 

" Great wits are sure to madness near allied, 
And thin partitions do their bounds divide." 

Lord Chesterfield said : 

** Unlike my subject now shall be my song. 
It shall be witty, and it shan't be long." 

From these few examples some slight idea may be 
obtained as to the different shades of meaning of the word 
" wit," and we will proceed to deal with the word " humour." 

There appear to be two words "humour," both derived 
from the French word " humour," a fluid — ^the one applied 
to the body and the other to the turn or temper of the mind, 
which perceives and generalizes the peculiarity of persons 
or circumstances in a kindly or facetious manner. The 
expressions " good humour " and " bad humour " are doubt- 
less derived from the old pathology, according to which there 
were four principal fluids or humours in the body, namely, 
blood, choler, phlegm, and melancholy, the preponderance of 
any of which in any person governed the temperament 
Thus we have a choleric, a phlegmatic, or a melancholy 
person; whereas a person whose blood ran in the ordinary 
course with only a modicum of the other humours was a 
good-humoured person, or a person with humour; and hence 
in course of time the original meaning of the word or its use 


was lost, and tlie word " humour " came to mean anything 
which had the tendency to create amusement. 

We find but few instances of the use of the word in the 
old writings, but these will illustrate the original meaning 
and the gradual alterations which have taken place in 
respect of it. 

Pope said: 

'* Manners with fortune's humours turn with climes. 
Tenets with books and principles with times." 

Ben Jonson wrote a play entitled Every Man out of his 

In Shakespeare we find : 

"The humour of it! 
Was ever woman in this humour woo'd ? 
Was ever woman in this humour won ? " ; 

and in As You Like It : 

" It is a melancholy of mine own, which wraps me in a most humorous 

So much for our attempt to get at the meaning of '* wit 
and humour," and the attempt reminds us of an amusing 
anecdote told as having occurred at a meeting of clergymen. 
The story goes that a discussion arose as to what an arch- 
deacon was. Various definitions were given — ^''The eye of 
the bishop," "The ear of the bishop," etc.; but the one 
generally accepted as the most correct and sound was, '' One 
who performs archidiaconal functions." So probably we 
should be more correct and more generally understood if 
we defined " wit " as ** something witty " and " humour " as 
"something humorous"; but both differ from satire, which 
has been defined as the sword of wit. It is clear they are 
nearly allied, but differing largely. Wit, as we know it, is 
something active — the French "j'eu d'esprit," a fire or 
sparkle of the mind, some repartee answer or description 
which tickles the imagination or fancy, whereas humour 
may be or exist in something not at all intended to be 
amusing or witty ; in fact, more often than not it is some- 
thing serious said or done, or a solemn statement or action; 
the very seriousness or earnestness of the person saying 
or doing it is the cause of humour or amusement to 

So much for wit and humour generally. To deal with the 
more immediate subject of this paper — that of the West 
country in particular. It cannot be said that in the West 
country we are distinguished by any particular gift of 


repartee or epigram such as is found in Ireland, nor have 
we anything which is equal to the dry natural humour of 
the Scotch, but at the same time we have wit and humour 
of our own which have their distinctive characteristics. There 
is not the play of the imagination which is always associated 
with the French and Irish, but there is a phantasy or fancy 
which is unequalled — a curious, quaint way of putting things, 
not arising from ignorance or want of knowledge, as some 
might suppose, but really from the quality of the mind or 
fancy which, as before referred to in our original definition 
of wit, is best described as *' the power of associating ideas 
in a manner new and unexpected, and so connected as to 
produce a pleasant surprise." No better illustration of 
what is meant can be given than the story known as the 
** R.S.V.P." story, which is actually of West country origin, 
and founded on fact, the history of which is as follows : 

In the year 1890 a dinner was given at Okehampton by 
the writer, then Mayor, to the Town Councillors and others, 
the invitation card being in the ordinary form and having 
the letters "R.S.V.P." on it. Shortly after the cards had 
been sent out two of the recipients met and discussed what 
the letters meant. One of them, with the element of fancy 
which is a necessary ingredient of wit, said he expected it 
was a sort of intimation of what they were going to have — 
**a bill of fare like" — most likely meaning "Rump steak, 
vegetables, and pudding." The other, not to be outdone, 
says, "Oh! if that 's what it stands for, I reckon, as it 's about 
Christmas time, they stand for 'Eump steak and viggey 
pudden '." 

The story was sent to Punch, where it was shortly after 
reproduced as a conversation between a page-boy and the 
housemaid, who came to the conclusion that their master 
was asked to partake of rump steak and veal pie. A very 
amusing discussion is related to have taken place between 
a lady and her husband in connection with an invitation to 
them on the same point. The husband suggested it meant, 
"Remember seven very punctually." But madam would 
not agree. "Why, John, it can't be that," says she; "it 
might as well be six." Many other versions have been 
given, such as, "Rub your shoes very particularly," "A 
regular social visit party," and so on; but none will be 
more appreciated in the West country than the original 
"Rump steak and viggey pudden\" Now it must not 
for a moment be supposed that the persons who gave 
that definition thought that the letters actually stood for 


those words. It is more than probable they did not 
know what they meant ; but it was the quaint turn of their 
fancy or play of their mind which caused them to give the 
meaning in *'a manner new and unexpected." Then, too, 
the following story gives a further illustration of what is 
meant. It occurred in a small town about fifteen miles from 
Exeter, no longer ago than the time of the Abyssinian War. 
The schoolmaster of the little place, a veritable pedagogue 
of the old school, nigh seventy years of age — short, fat, and 
stumpy — whose quedifications were the three E's only — 
reading, 'riting, and 'rithmetic — which he taught thoroughly. 
I knew him well — the race is, however, extinct — Board 
schools have taken the place of the old viUage schools, 
and masters are possessed of higher qualifications in 
examination ; but whether they teach any more real 
practical good than the old masters has even yet, after so 
many years, to be found out. 

Well, the master was a complete type of his class — was 
a great authority in the village, made wills, and was 
consulted generally by all persons whenever they were 
in doubt or difficulty. There was an old lady there also, 
who had a son in the army ; he was with General Sir Eobert 
Napier, afterwards Lord Napier of Magdala, at the final 
engagement when King Theodore's stronghold was stormed 
and destroyed. The son often wrote home to his mother, 
who was illiterate, and who got either the rector's daughter 
or the old schoolmaster to read the letters to her. Shortly 
after the final engagement with King Theodore she had 
received one of the periodical letters, and had been to our 
old friend the schoolmaster to have it read and interpreted 
to her. A few days after the old woman, meeting the 
rector*s daughter, tells her all about the letter, and what was 
told the rector's daughter is the foundation of this story, 
which I will give as nearly as I can in the old lady's own 
words : 

" Oh yes, mum, I 've had the beautifuUest letter you ever 
did hear from my son Jim. Jim, you know, mum, had been to 
schule, and is brave and smart. Oh, a brave thing is edication ; 
't was all avore my time, you know, mum. I couldn't read 
'en at all, nor couldn't mak'en out quite, when Master 

read 'en too me. A learned man is Mr. B , mum. I 

don't know whatever us poor folk would do if it wasn't for 
the likes of he. When the man from the post-office brought 
the letter I was all to a flitter like, and I took 'en right up to 
wance to Master, and told 'en of it, and axed 'en if he 


would be 80 kind as to read 'en to me. So he up and siud 
in a minute, ' Of course I will, Betty ' ; and then he sot 
down in a chair, tooked out bis glasses — they beaatifal 
siller ones, I've heard his father used to wear — and iv^hen 
I was a-standing by 'en, respectful like, he said, ' Sit down, 
Betty,' so homely like that I sot down so comfortable as if I 
was in my own 'ouse by my own kitchen fire ; and then he 
putched a-reading. Oh, 'twas beautiful; 'twas just like 
Jim a-speaking to me, tho' he was thousands and millions 
o' miles away. ' My dear mother,' he said — I can mind the 
very words — ' I hopes this wiU find you as it leaves me all 
well too present.' Oh, 'twas beautiful. Then he said ail 
they was a-doing — how they was a-making roads, and how 
'twas that dry and dusty and he was that thirsty he 
should like to ha' had a drop of Kirton cider that 'e used 
to have when he was to home; 'twas that natural, for he 
was main cruel fond of a drop of cider, and I think 'twas 
that made 'en a listee for a soojer to first ; but 't was beau- 
tiful to hear what he'd a wrote, and the wonders 'e had 
a dude and seed. He said as how they had a tooked the 
king and his sons prisoners, and then he said something I 
couldn't sense about storming the forteyfications — I couldn't 
sense that You see, my son was a bit of a scholard, as I 
told 'ee afore, so I axed Master what 'twas. He didn't 
hear me for a time or two — *e's a bit deeve sometimes, as 
you do know, mum — so I axed agen, and as soon as he heard 
he told me in a minute — a brave learned man is Master; 
but, lor, I 'm a pore lone sole, and I couldn't tell what 't was 
after he 'd a tole me. What did he tell me ? Lor, bless 'ee, 
I canst hardly tell, 'cause he put the letter down 'pon the 
table, and turned to me with his siller spectallers, a-looking 
through me almost. 'Well,' said he, ''tis right, Betsy, you 
should ax these things of me when you don't understand 
'em, and I '11 explain to 'ee. You see, Betsy, it taketh a bit 
of a scholard to understand these things, and it may be after 
I 've explained it too 'ee you '11 hardly car' it home.' And 
he was right, I didn't. Then he said how proud he was 
of my son; how he'd a taught 'en when a boy, and how 
he 'd a profited by it. Oh, 't was cruel good words for me, a 
pore lone widdie. *0h, 'twas fortification,' said he, 'you 
want to know the meaning of. Well, you see, Betsy, 'tis 
fortification ' ; and he tooked up the letter again and spelled 
'en thro' ; then a turned to me, and said, ' Look 'ere, Betsy, 
't is like this you know ; forty,' said he, ' is twice twenty, and 
twice twenty is forty, as you do know. Now fortification 


is twice twenty fication, and twice twenty fication is fortifi- 
cation ' ; and then he axed as how he 'd made it clear to me, 
and tho' I could not say exactly as how he had, I didn't like 
to ax 'en any more, tho* he always saith, 'Nothing's no 
trouble, Betsy' — a cruel kindly, learned man, mum, is 
Master, and me only a pore lone sole — a wonderful thing 
is edication." 

The following story of a West country auctioneer of 
considerable fame is distinctly amusing. He was selling 
some cottage furniture, when a too-curious purchaser pointed 
out that the legs of one of the chairs were cracked. 
** Cracked?" said he; " cracked? Of course he is; why that's 
the very booty of 'en; if 'e wasn't cracked he wouldn't be 
half so valuabla Why, 'twas only last week when some 
lord chap came down from Lunnon to a sale I had, and 
he wouldn't buy no chiney at all unless 't was cracked ; more 
't was cracked the more 'e bid for it. 'T is the same wey the 
chairs now ; all of 'ee do as the Lunnon chap did — the more 
they'm cracked the more they'm worth. Do the same as 
he did, bid the more for 'em, and you can't be wrong." 

Within the last month, at a large property sale in the North 
of Devon, the auctioneer was selling a shop in the village 
and the post-office; after describing the situation and the 
dimensions of the premises, he went on to say that "the 
splendid business of the post-office is carried on there, and 
attached thereto is that 'pleasing diversion' — a village 
grocer's shop of the most flourishing kind." The grocer's 
shop being a pleasing diversion is really lovely. 

On a Bank Holiday on the North Cornish line two very 
humorous sayings were heard. A lot of young lads were in 
a carriage — probably it was some choir outing. One of the 
lads with very red hair was half leaning and half hanging 
out of the window, with his red hair blowing about, watching 
a train approach on the other line, when one of his com- 
panions, evidently more familiar with horses and their 
peculiarities than with trains, said in the broadest Cornish 
dialect: "Dra back thee old head, Bill, dra back; thee '11 
make the old train shy if thee doesn't" Then there was 
a carriage hired or engaged by a party and reserved to them. 
At one of the stations was an old woman, a quaint old-world 
woman with one of the old-fashioned whalebone umbrellas — 
none of your fairy new-fangled, steel-framed ones which fold 
into nothing, but one such as belonged to the old lady who 
upon opening it on some occasion was overwhelmed with 
packages tumbling out. " Lord a massy me if there isn't all 


the tea, the sugar, and the cakes I bought last Winkleigh 
revel and thought the picksies had a stold." Well, the! old 
lady at the station had just another such an umbrella as this, 
and was altogether quite a delightful old lady ; and she was 
walking up the platform looking out for a seat for herself 
and came to the reserved compartment, and in an inimitable 
manner planted down her umbrella, studied the placard 
pasted on the glass of the window, and burst out, "An 
preserved," hitched up her dress, took up her umbrella, and 
marched along. 

A tale of the old coaching days is worth repeating, though 
its truth cannot be vouched for. The story goes, there had 
been a terrible accident, an overturn -collision and a general 
smash -up. A man is engaged in rescuing the injured 
passengers from the debris, and has become haixiened. 
•'Whose legs be these?" said he, when a little shrill, 
piping voice from the bottom of the wreck squeaks out: 
•'If 'tis a little crinkley, crankley pair with white stock- 
ings on and elastic boots with tabs on the top of 'em, 'tis 

The sarcasm of an old woman who hailed from the 
neighbourhood of Woodbury, and who had a son in the 
regular army, when the volunteers had their manoeuvres in 
her district, was lovely. " Call that fighting ! " said she ; 
"call that fighting! call that war! I should like men to 
see what 'tis like where my son is, where 'e's a-fighting; 
'tis proper war, 'tis. Why, bullets is falling like rain, and 
men*s bones is crackling like hail upon glass — that 's proper 
war that is, 'tain't no make believes like this." 

But nothing illustrates what was said as to humour more 
than a story which used to be told by a gallant colonel of the 
yeomanry, now, alas ! " gone to the majority," who d propos of 
a review on Woodbury Common used to tell the following : 

They were having a sham -fight, and the roads and paths 
were guarded by sentries in truly military fashion. The 
attacking force were storming the hill, and a small detach- 
ment came across a sentry with whom at home they were 
well acquainted. The sergeant of the attacking party says, 
"HuUoa, BiU, you'm our prisoner"; but Bill says, "No I 
bain*t, danged if I be," put up his carbine to his shoulder, 
and much to the surprise and horror of the party it goes 
off, and, though only loaded with blank cartridge, it is so 
close that the sergeant is seriously damaged and has to 
be taken to the hospital. Next morning, after the matter 
has been reported to the colonel, he has the unfortunate 


sentry up to explain bis conduct, and after lecturing him on 
the enormity of his offence and the serious damage to the 
sergeant, which has probably disfigured him for life, he asks 
him what he has to say for himself in explanation of the 
matter. The sentry's answer, as he shuffled his feet and 
scratched his head, is intensely humorous : ** Beggar th' ole 
gun,'' said he, " beggaration tak'en ; when her 's wanted to go 
*er never will go, and when 'er isn't wanted to go her always 
due." The story is said to have moved the War Office to 
that degree that shortly afterwards the gallant yeomen had 
a more dependable weapon served out to them. 

We all know that policemen are named "Bobbies" and 
" Peelers " after the late Sir Eobert Peel, who reconstructed 
the police system, although ''peeler" was an old word 
meaning plunderer, and old Highland towers were called 
" peels " long before that. We know too that the sobriquet 
** Tommy Atkins " of soldiers arose from the fact that those 
words or names were used in the soldiers' enlistment book 
giving the specimens or precedent for filling them up; but 
we cannot say why the inhabitants of Bradford, near Hols- 
worthy, are called " horniwinks " or " peewits " or *' lapwings," 
although we know it is so, and that the taunt of being a 
" Bradford horniwink " is a very dire insult. 

The following lines give the sobriquet to the various 
North Devon parishes, but the origin and application are 

** DoltoQ ducks and Dolland geese, 
Iddesleigh rats and Monkoketon mice, 
Hatberleigb rumps, Meeth poor stumps, 
And Padstow full of leese." 

" More squeak than wool " is an old English saying, the 
West country version of which is, " More cry than wool, as 
the man said when he shaved his pig at Christmas." Another 
old English saying is, " On Michaelmas day the Devil put 
his foot on blackberries"; the Devonshire version being, 
** The Devil put his foot upon blackberries as he went home 
from Barnstaple fair," the fair being held about the middle of 
September. The real explanation or meaning, being that 
blackberries are not very good after the frosty mornings 
have touched the fruit and rendered some of the globules 

A curious saying is given in Eisdon's Devonshire as to the 
weather : 

«* When Haldon hath a Hatt 
Let Kenton beware a squatt" 


The motto of an old West country gentleman, now over 
eighty but still as active as a boy, is worth remembering : 

" If I eat too much I 'm never the better, 
If I eat too little I 'm none the worse for it" 

The Church has always been associated with wit and 
learning. Perhaps the most elegant epitaph in the country 
is at Lew Trenchard, to a member of the Baring-Gould 
family, on a bronze or copper sheet : 

** Death darts at all and spares not Maigaret 
Altho' a pearl in Gould most nicely set." 

The association of Margaret meaning a pearl and the gold 
setting is very pretty. 

Bisdon gives a curious epitaph which formerly existed in 
a chapel of the ancient church of Tiverton to the memory of 
Edward Courtenay and his Countess. 

" Hoe, Hoe, who lives here ? 
'T is I the good Earl of Devonshire ; 
With Kate my wife to roe fnll dear, 
We Ve lived together fifty-five years. 
That we spent we had, 
That we left we loste, 
That we gave we have." 

A good story is told of the Bev. — Burges, the rector of 
Winterbourne, near Bristol, and Bishop Wilberforce. The 
bishop complained of the rector's hunting; the rector re- 
torted by sayiug that hunting was no worse than dancing, 
and that he had noticed his lordship attended Her Majesty's 
State balls. The bishop excused himself by saying that he 
was never in the same room with the dancers. "No more 
am I, my lord, ever in the same field with the fox," was the 
reply. The story is not so well known as the one told of the 
same bishop, who complained of a young rector driving 
tandem, and who retorted that his lordship drove a pair, and 
he didn't see why he should not also ; to which his lordship 
explained the difference lay in the situation of the horses, and 
illustrating it with his hands, placing them together in a 
devotional attitude as being right and proper for a clergyman, 
and then placing them one after the other as tandem-horses, 
being the reverse. 

The late Treasurer Hawker had the following lines over 
the door of his house : 

*' A glebe, a house, a pound a day, 
A pleasant place to watch and pray : 
Be true to cnurch, be kind to poor. 
Oh minister for evermore.*' 


There is an excellent story told of a West country church 
where it was the custom (once pretty general) for the clerk 
to read out the notices. The story goes that the clerk had 
been directed in writing by the rector to let the congregation 
know that on the following Sunday there would be no 
service, as the rector was going to help a neighbour, and he 
horrified the congregation by saying, " Next Sunday want be 
no Sunday, as our parson's going a-fishing [officiating] in 
Drewsteignton parish." 

A West country story is told of a high church dignitary, 
now living, who went to a country parish to investigate a 
complaint which had been sent him by some aggrieved 
parishioner. After making due inquiry, it is said he found 
there was nothing in it, and that at the most it was only a 
case of a little too much zeal on the part of the rector's 
daughter. The story goes that he lunched at the rectory, 
and afterwards administered a little reproof to the young lady 
by calling her aside and in a playful way pointing out that 
the most important personage in a parish was often the 
clergyman. " He," said he, " I will call the rector ; the next 
most important,*' continued he, " is his wife. I will call her 
the director. The next most important is often their 
daughter, and sometimes I must call her Miss-director." 

An old toast used to be common at country dinners : 

" Here 's to those that we love ; here 's to those that love us ; 
here '0 to those that love them that love those that love them that 
love those that love us." 

Another common one in the neighbourhood of Plymouth 
was, I am told, after the Battle of Waterloo : 

"Here's to the blue — the true blue — the Prussian blue — who 
together licked Bony blue." 

The Prussian blue alluded to the blue uniform of the 
Prussian army, which came up so opportunely on that 
memorable day of June 18th, 1815. 

A chaplain was asked to give a toast at a festive regimental 
dinner. " Alas and alack-a-day, what toast can I give you ? " 
was the simple-minded man's exclamation. " We could wish 
for no better," was the general shout. And "Alas and a lack 
(of rupees) a day " was drunk with three times three. 

A lawyer proposed the toast of the ladies as follows : 

" Fee simple, a simple fee, and all the fees in tail. 
Are nothlDg when compared to thee, thou best of fees— fe-male." 

At a convivial dinner in the West country, d propos of 


names, the following good jokes are tol(L Fun was being 
made of the names of some of those present, when a gentle- 
man of the name of Dunlop said, '' Well, there is one thing, 
no one can make a joke of my name." " Nonsense,** was the 
witty rejoinder, " you 've only to lop oflF the last syllable, and 
then it is done." 

A Mr. Woodcock and a Mr. Fuller were shooting in Lydford 
Woods in Devon back in the fifties, when a brown owl rose 
and was mistaken by the former sportsman for a woodcock 
— a not very unpardonable mistake. His friend twitted him 
with it, however, saying at last, " Yes, an owl is very like 
a woodcock, isn't he ? " " Yes," was the reply, " he is, but 
he 's fuller in the head, fuller in the body, and fuller alto- 

At a large country house the coming-of-age had been daly 
celebrated by a general invitation to lunch, to which all the 
country people, as well as the local gentry, were invited, and 
at which the fun was fast and furious. There was a good 
story told of an old countryman being served with a glass of 
liquor — maraschino, or something of that sort. On being 
supplied by the waiter with a small glass, he sniffed it 
suspiciously at first, tasted it again, and then in a very 
audible tone said, *' Hie, here, tender, bring I a little of that 
'ere trade in a mug." After the function was over a clergy- 
man, meeting one of his parishioners who had been there, 
asked him how he had enjoyed himself. " First class," says 
he; "'twas bravo and tine, but lor, I didn't know that 
*laurating' was good to eat (meaning the garnishing) till 
Squire gee'd it to us. I ate two sprigs and a blossom, but 
lor, 't was so bitter as the very gall ; ees, and that there rid 
pepper, too, scald my mouth most dredfulL" 

A propos of shrewd remarks by old-fashioned countrymen, 
the following story is told of one who kept a small shop 
in a country village. He was waited upon by a very up-to- 
date looking young man, very smartly dressed, with a great 
gold chain and rings, who entered his shop with a very 

familiar ** Good-morning, Mr. ." The old man neither 

approved of his appearance nor his manner. "Who be 
you ? " was the somewhat brusque reply. " Oh, I am Mr. So- 
and-so. Don't you remember me? I represent So-and-so 
(mentioning the firm for whom he travelled). I used to live 
down here. Don't you remember me ? " " Oh, baint you Bill 
So-and-so's son, be 'ee?" "My father was Mr. William 
So-and-so," is the dignified response. There is a silence 
for some seconds, the old man running him up and down in 


the meantime; then with .half a leer breaks out, "Vouched 
fore a bit, aint 'ee?" The expression will be appreciated by 
lovers of Devonshire. It is not, You have got on, or that 
success is assured, but rather the idea of pushing forward 
only with an effort, half slipping and half pushing, main- 
taining the position with difficulty. 

One of the funniest things on record occurred at a prize 
distribution at a small village, when on a hot summer 
evening tiny children were assembled to have the prizes 
they had won during the previous term distributed. 

There were numerous local magnates, and various 
addresses, all more or less ponderous, pointing out the ad- 
vantages and blessings of education, and on other well-worn 
themes. A well-known local man, who was alnjost as tired 
as the children, was called upon for a few remarks. He 
summed up the situation, brought down the house, and 
delighted the children by saying, "Tis a hot evening, and 
you 've heard speeches and got your prizes ; all I shall say 
to 'ee is, be good childem and don't 'ee michey." 

The answer of the West country schoolboy at North 
Tawtou is worth noticing. When asked to give the meaning 
of the word '' skull," none of the class could answer ; until 
at last a bright little boy, the son of a butcher, said, " I 
know, sur — a man's head, sur, with the meat of 'en off." 

An excellent story is told by a West country landowner of 
a doubtful compliment paid by a tenant of his to his wife. 
The squire was going over the farm one day, and was 
immensely struck with the splendid pigs the farmer had. 
*• Ees," said the farmer, " they be a brave line lot of pigs. 
Missis, her's a cruel handy 'ooman for pigs" — the "missis" 
being then engaged in feeding them with skirts tucked up 
far above her ankles with two great buckets, one on either 
side of a big hoop which went round her skirt and kept the 
buckets at a distance from her skirts. She was tramping 
through the deep muck and mud of the yard. Seeing the 
squire had noticed his wife the farmer continued, "Ees, 
Missis is a rare 'ooman for pigs." Then drawing his arm 
across his mouth he continued, ''Ees, 'er's a rare 'ooman 
for pigs. Ees, you must have a bastely 'ooman for pigs too." 

A curious West country story is told of a farm lad who 
had left his place, and was making an application for 

On being interviewed by the intended employer, he was 
asked the reason why he left his last place, and the story 
goes his explanation was as follows : 



'^ \VhT» aur, it was just like this. Last Friday three weeks 
v\i: ^H«h\ Us farm chaps had to eat pig; 'twas pork for 
(^»\^ktW(t, pork for dinner, and pork for sapper till 'e was 
A ttu\»luH). Then sheep died, and ns had to eat 'e too, and 
^« kmU to eat mutton morning, noon, and night; nothing to 
s^\ but mutton till 'er was finished. Then poor missis, her 
v(uhI I was always cruel fond of poor missis — so then I 
uuiuml away." 

A l>artmoor story is told as follows. A man came in from 
otl the Moor to his master. ''Please, sur, there's a man 
»out over' got in. Will 'ee come out to *en? He*s bogged 
lim vish." " Oh ! Is he in deep ? " " He 's in middaling — he 
might be worse, but he is a bit bad." ''How deep is he 
ill?*' "Ob, he's middaling deep — he's up to his ankles." 
•♦Oh, that aint very bad." "No, I told 'ee he was only 
middaling bad, but head of 'en downward." 

The few anecdotes given, I believe, are purely West country 
ones, and illustrate what may be considered as the general 
nature and peculiarity of the wit and humour which 

In presenting the paper, however, I feel an apology for 
its meagreness and insufficiency is due; but as one of the 
objects of this Society is the encouragement of literature 
in every form, and Devonshire literature in particular, 
I hope that will be thought a sufficient excuse for its 
appearance; and if it should be the means of a laiger 
collection being made of these characteristic anecdotes and 
stories for which Devonshire and the West country generally 
have become so well known, the object for which it has been 
written will be attained. 



(RMd at Honiton, Angost, 1898.) 

Thkre is a period of more than a half-century in the 
ecclesiastical history of Seaton which has been left blank 
by such historians as the little town possesses. It is a 
somewhat curious episode that took place at that time, and 
the very fact that the advowson was in the possession of 
people outside of the county may help to explain this 
silence of writers on the history of Devon. The advowson 
had been owned by members of the Tonge family ; it passed 
out of their hands, as I am about to relate, and afterwards 
returned to them again. What, then, is more natural than 
to assume that it had remained in their hands during the 
interval, especially as those were troublous times, when 
records disappeared or were not carefully made ? Yet in the 
neighbouring county of Dorset, in the Borough Archives of 
Dorchester, there are a number of documents that throw a 
flood of light upon the course of events, and which with 
information gleaned from various sources help us to fill the 

Many years ago Dr. Oliver published a sketch of Seaton 
and Beer, being part of his notes towards an Ecclesiastical 
History of the County. In this he gives a list of vicars, 
which has been copied by Pulman in his Book of the Axe 
with such exactitude that he repeats an error into which 
Dr. Oliver had fallen. 

After giving the value of the living, glebe, &c., from 
Henry VIII/s Taxatio, Dr. Oliver continues the list of vicars, 
thus : — 

" John or Richard ChAndey^ alias Austen, vras admitted on the 
28th of September, 1558, on the presentation of John Willoughby, 

Y 2 


who had recently purchased the right of John Frye, of Yartj, 
the grantee of the Crown. 

" Thomas MycheU, on the 1 7th of July, 1 560. Patroness : Agnes 
WiUonghhy, relict of John Willonghhy. 

*^ Thomas Phillips^ who signed the Terrier in 1601, when he 
descrihes *John Yonge, of Culliton, as Patron.' On whose 

'*John Pai/nfer, on the 26th of May, 1612. Patron: John 

Tonge, Esq. 

" Edward Serle, On whose death 

" William Oke, on the 7th of July, 1664. Patron : Sir Walter 
Yonge, who was created haronet on the 26th of September, 1661. 
This vicar signed the Terrier on the 15th of March, 1679, and 
resigned within three years later." 

It is my purpose to describe the transference of the 
advowson to other hands, and to supply the names of 
three other incumbents, with a brief sketch of each, whose 
names should appear between Paynter and Searle. There 
were in all probability two other incumbents whose names 
have not yet been recovered. 

In order to make this forgotten page clearly understood, it 
will be necessary to give a short account of some of the 
preceding events. 

When the Domesday book was compiled the manor of 
Fleet, the ancient name for Seaton and Beer, belonged to 
the Church of Horton, Dorset This priory was annexed 
in 1122 to Sherborne Abbey. After the suppression of the 
monasteries Henry VIII., it is said, granted this parish with 
others to Catherine Parr as dowry when he married her 
on 12 June, 1543. But shortly after we find that he 
granted the reversion of the manor and the rectory to 
John Fry, of Gray's Inn. There is an entry in the Originalia 
EoUs, dated 10 August, 1656, of which the following is an 
abstract : — 

"For the sum of £456 7s, Id, paid into the Augmentation 
Court, the King has granted to John Fry, of Gray's Inn ... the 
manors of Maynbow [in Buckfastleighj. Also all the Manor 
of Seaton, in the county of Devon, with all its rights, members, 
and appurtenances, formerly belonging to the Abbey of Shirbome, 
in the county of Dorset^ now dissolved. Also all the rectory and 
church of Seaton, otherwise called Beare, in the county of Devon, 
with all its rights, &c., formerly belonging to the Monastery of 
Shirbome. Also the advowson of the church of Seaton or Beare ; 
also all the messuages, &c, &c." 


The clear annual value of the manor of Seaton is here 
given as £23 2s. O^rf. It, with Maynhow, was to be held of 
the king in capite, by the service of the 40th part of a 
knight's fee. The annual rent of Seaton was 32/2| and the 
rectory of Seaton 14/-. 

It would, however, appear that Fry had been holding this 
property for several months already. The document above 
quoted states that he is to have the rents and profits from 
Lady-day last past, and there is also in the Augmentation 
Office another document, dated 7 July, 1546, in which 
John Fry is styled "grantee," and it is explained that the 
parsonage of Beare is most usually called and known by 
the name of the parsonage of Seton; " now it is to be entered 
as the parsonage of Beare at did Seaton." 

Beer itself was alienated to the Hassards in 1556-57, and 
about the same time Seaton was sold by John Fry, then 
of Wycroft, near Axminster, to John Willoughby. On 
28 September, 1558, Willoughby presented John or Richard 
Gumley to the living, and in 1560 Thomas Mychell was 
presented by Agnes Willoughby, widow, who was the 
daughter of William Fry of Yarty, and formerly widow 
of Hugh Culme. 

Five years later (1565) Thomas Phillips paid the first- 
fruits of the rectory, and in the Terrier, signed by him in 
1601, he describes "John Yonge of Culliton" as patron; so 
it must have been between the years 1560 and 1601 that the 
advowsbn passed to the Yonge family. In a document dated 
1631, at Dorchester, it is stated that " the Parsonage of 
Seaton and Beare had been bought of John Fry," with certain 
conditions in favour of Fry's wife and son, and that Mr. 
Walter Yonge and his son. Sir John Yonge, " in the late 
tymes bought of the Mann' &c. . . . the said parsonage." 
This Walter Yonge was the author of the well-known Diary, 
who died in 1649 ; his eldest son John was born in 1603, 
and knighted in 1625. There is evidently a slight mistake 
in the previous statement, as John Yonge, according to the 
Terrier, was patron in 1601, two years before his grandson's 
birth. But there is a further statement made in the 
Trevelyan Papers^ to the effect that John Fry sold the 
manor of Seaton, ** together with the Eectory of Seaton and 
Beer," in 1565 to John Willoughby, "by the marriage of 
whose heiress Mary to George Trevelyan in 1655 it came to 
the latter." This must be an error, referring only to the 

^ Vol. ii , p. 44, note. 


manor and not to the advowson, for no Trevelyans are 
known to have presented to the living, and Sir Walter Yonge 
did present in 1664, 1682, and 1683, but by 1710, the next 
presentation, it had passed to Sir William Drake. 

On the death of Thomas Phillips, who signs the registers as 
late as 1611, John Yonge, father of the diarist, as true patron, 
presented to the living 

Henry Paynter, who was instituted 26 May, 1612. He 
appears in the lists of Dr. Oliver and Pulman as John 
Paynter. He was an active Puritan, and, as will appear in 
the biographical sketch below, a member of the famous 
Assembly of Divines. He held the living for several years, 
probably until 1626, and afterwards became Rector of St. 
Petrock's, Exeter. His successor in the living was 

William Walton, whose name appears in the registers in 
1627. He was a kinsman of the Eev. John White, the 
Patriarch of Dorchester, and it was during his incumbency 
that the idea occurred to the Dorchester people to purchase 
the " parsonage." His name does not occur in the registers 
after 1632, and probably not long after that date he sailed 
for New England. There was in all probability another 
incumbent whose name has not been recovered, but we find 

Hugh Gundry signing the registers from 1636 to 1641. 
After him comes 

John Noseworthy, who signs from 1642 to 1648, but he 
may have continued until 1655, though there was talk of a 
vacancy in 1648. 

Edward Searlb is described as " minister of Seaton and 
Beare," in a list of those present at the Exeter Assembly in 
1656, and he held the living until his death in 1663, probably 
having conformed at the time of the Bartholomew Act 

William Oakb was instituted 27 July, 1664, and by this 
time Sir Walter Yonge had regained the advowson. 

Let us now deal with the transfer of the parsonage to the 
Mayor and Corporation of Dorchester, Dorset. In order to 
understand the position of affairs, and the reason of the 
purchase, we must take a backward glance. 

After the Reformation a vast number of parishes were for 
various reasons served by clergymen who were almost 
illiterate. Many of the priests who had been educated at 
the Universities or elsewhere had remained Romanists, and 
it was necessary to fill the livings from which they had been 


removed. By the suppression of the monasteries many of 
the livings had fallen into the hands of laymen, who, 
unaccustomed to the task, made unwise selections, in some 
instances appointing clergy recently ordained who had not 
even completed their studies, and who were allowed to 
become non-residents that they might attend the Universities 
to obtain their degrees, their places meanwhile being filled 
by illiterate men. Indeed the whole Church was at this 
period disorganized that it might be reorganized, and it was 
even difficult to know at the moment what the true doctrine 
of the Church was. 

In these circumstances it was found that all sorts of 
seditious doctrines and heresies were being promulgated from 
the pulpits. By 1604 matters were in such a condition that 
serious action was called for at the Hampton Court Con- 
ference. The Bishop of Winchester then complained that 
"lay patrons cause the insufficiency of the clergy, presenting 
mean clerks to their cures," and to avoid the above-mentioned 
difficulties the Bishop of London suggested that ''until learned 
men be planted in every congregation godly Homilies may be 
read therein." According to the 49th Canon a minister 
without a licence to preach "was only allowed to read plainly 
and aptly (without glossing or adding) the Homilies."' 

In 1606 all licences were withdrawn. In July of that 
year Walter Tonge, the diarist, notes: "No minister what- 
soever may preach before he get a new licence from the 
ordinary of the diocese wherein he is, albeit he hath been 
a preacher these 20 years."* The " unpreaching " or 
'* reading " ministers were not respected by the people, who 
frequently refused to receive the sacraments from their 
hands, or to have them baptize their children. 

In spite of these regulations and commands, heresy was 
not easily repressed, and further steps were consequently 
taken. In order to regulate preaching. King James, on 
4 August, 1623, issued directions, in which he said, 
" Whereas, at the present, divers young students, by reading 
of late writers, and ungrounded divines, do broach many 
times unprofitable, unsound, and dangerous doctrines," he 
ordered that only certain persons should be permitted to 
preach upon certain selected subjects."^ 

His action in this matter caused great excitement. " Some 
counted it a cruel act, which cut off half the preaching in 

^ Fuller's Church History (Ed. 1842), iii. 183. 

' Yonok's Diary t p. 9. 

* Fuller's Church History, iii. 879. 


England at one blow." At all events it put to silence many 
of the advanced Puritans, a vast number of whom were 
thrown out of employment, as it were, the doctrines which 
they preached not being in accord with the doctrine of those 
in authority. 

But before long steps were taken to give employment to 
these clei^y. About 1627 a scheme was formed to "pro- 
mote preaching in the country, by setting up lecturers in 
the several market towns of England; and to defray the 
expense a sum of money was raised by voluntary contribu- 
tions, for the purchasing such impropriations as were in the 
hands of the laity, the profits of which were to be parcelled 
out into salaries of forty or fifty pounds per annum for the 
subsistence of their lecturers.''^ The funds thus obtained 
were placed under the control of twelve feoffees, who were 
described by Fuller as "four divines to persuade men's 
consciences, four lawyers to draw conveyances, and four 
citizens who commanded rich coffers.'' 

But their scheme was looked on askance by Laud and his 
party, as they encouraged factious and seditious lecturers, 
whom he was trying to silence ; so an action was brought 
against them, and they were condemned to have their feoff- 
ment cancelled, and a fine was inflicted, while a further 
action against them in the Star Chamber was ordered. But 
this additional prosecution was never carried out^ and the 
matter was allowed to drop. 

Meanwhile this scheme for buying up lay impropriations 
commended itself to the Bev. John White, who had obtained 
great ascendency over the people of Dorchester, both as to 
their souls and bodies, to say nothing of their purses. By 
his "persuasion" he induced certain wealthy parishioners 
and friends to supply funds for this purpose. In 1630 there 
was received £100 from H. Smythe, late of London ; shortly 
after another £100 was contributed, and J. Gould, one of his 
parishioners, left a legacy which became available, so that in 
1631 he had obtained nearly £1500.« 

With this money was purchased the " Parsonage of Seaton 
and Beere," and, as one witness states in a lawsuit at a later 
date, this sum of £1500 was "paid down in Mr. Walter 
Tonge's house in Colliton." The parsonage, he adds, was 
worth £100 per annum between the years 1631 and 1642. 

According to an entry in the Dorchester Minute Book, 

» Neal's Puritans, ii. 221. 

• Presamably £1400, as we find the CorporatioD borrowiDg £100, which 
was to be repaid by Mr. B. Devenish. 


dated 13 December, 1630, "£100 from the profitts of 
Seaton were to be given quarterly, half to the minister of 
All Saints, and half to Mr. White for his assistance in 
Trinity and Peters/' though in one of the documents rela- 
tive to the lawsuit it is stated that the Rector of St Peter's 
had £80 per annum, and the Bector of All Saints £60. 
Apparently a small sum was allotted to the incumbent of 
Seaton ; it should be borne in mind that this was the great 
tithe bought of the lay impropriator, and the Vicar of Seaton 
collected the lesser tithes. 

A few entries gleaned from the Borough Archives con- 
cerning Seaton are worthy of notice. On 26 January, 
1637-38, the Corporation let the parsonage to Mr. J. Hill 
for seven years. On 29 December, 1639, it is recorded 
that certain parishioners of Seaton and Beere refuse to pay 
tithes on some marshes, which they call "unnent (?)" 
meadows, and they say they have a custom to pay Ss. an 
acre only. "Ordered to be enquired into and the custom 
allowed, if ancient" 

On the 14th August, Mr. J. Gould and Mr. J. Seaward 
were appointed to go to Seaton to try to arrange the chronic 
tithe difficulty there. 

In 1648 the vicarage was vacant But at this period 
negotiations for the sale of the impropriation were in pro- 
gress. On the 4th April of that year the Corporation agreed 
to sell " the impropriate parsonage of Beere to Walter Yonge 
for £850/' and on the 26th April they order that " whatso- 
ever shall be received from the parsonage of Seaton shalbe 
payd unto any mynister as shalbe p'cured to officiate at 
Fordington.'' But on the 21st April, while the negotiations 
were still in progress, the Corporation suggest ** Mr. Mundon, 
now minister of Long Burton," as incumbent, while Mr. 
Yonge, who is about to purchase the living, wishes to have 
a voice in the selection, so he '' commends *' a certain '* Mr. 
Smyth," and they agree that he is to preach for a time in 
that place, and then, "if the godly party of the parish" 
(mark this distinction) give him "a certificatt," he is to be 
appointed and to have £20 a year, or else the whole tithes 
if he will pay £20 a year to the minister of Fordington; 
evidently the value was then about £40 per annum. It 
would appear that the " certificatt " was not obtained, as the 
vicarage was, presumably, still vacant when Mr. J. Derby 
applied for it on the 7th July following. 

Just about this time, 21 July, 1648, occurred the death 
of the Rev. John White, the Patriarch of Dorchester, who had 


been so instnunental in the purchase of the advowson, and 
who had recently advised the sale when the Mayor laid 
before him the fact that it yielded little, and the public 
stock of the town was almost exhausted. Now they were 
obliged to continue their negotiations without his assistance. 

The exact date of the resale to the Tonges is not obtain- 
able, but we can fix it very closely. From evidence given in 
the lawsuit it appears that "in the troubles the Parsonage 
yielding little and the publicke stock of the towne being 
exhausted, the Mayor, Corporation, &c., by the advice of Mr. 
White, in 1648 sold the parsonage to Walter Yonge, Esq., 
and Sir John Youge, for £1150,^ and engaged them to give 
out of it £20 p. ann. to the Vicar of Seaton for ever, which 
was settled." And on 23 February, 1648-49 the Ck)rporation 
wrote a letter to " Mr. Walter Yonge, of CuUiton, for 100» 
of his money for Seaton parsonage, w^ is for the p'nt to 
be lent the Brew House to help pay for their Coles w^ are 
now come fro New castel." Evidently the bargain was 
completed and some payment made at this time. 

The money received by the Corporation was invested in 
the following manner : — £300 were spent for a house for the 
minister of St Peter's in lieu of the old one which they took ; 
£400 were invested in the Brew House, and the rest in the 
purchase of Fordington Parsonaga 

All these events were occurring during the Puritan ascend- 
ency under the Commonwealth, but with the changes of the 
Bestoration a curious state of affairs, not quite explicable, 
arose.® A bill in Chancery was lodged by Eichard Wine, 
clerk, Bector of All Saints, with others, against Sir Walter 
Yonge, Bart, and Messrs. Gould and Savage. (These two 
last>mentioned names are among those who conducted the 
original purchase, and possibly the only survivors at this 
tima) The case was to be heard on 24 April, 1665. The 
complaint of Wine was that he received only £25 per annum, 
and that St Peter's was void for want of maintenance. But 
it is not at all clear how he had an action against Sir Walter 
Yonge, the then holder of the parsonage of Seaton, for there 
is no evidence that when he bought back the parsonage he 
agreed to pay anything towards the maintenance of the 
Dorchester ministers. As against the Corporation it seems 

' This, it will be seeD, it aD adyance of £300 upon the offer they agreed to 
accept in April, 1648. 

^ Dr. Pearson, at the reading of this paper, called roy attention to a case 
in which it was held illegal to sell an advowson separately from a manor, bat 
this would not wholly explain the cause of this lawsuit. 


as if they might have had a claim for the interest of the 
money that had been raised for the purpose of augmenting 
their incomes, but, as appears above, the Corporation gives 
an account of the reinvestment of the money, and there is 
evidence that the donors of the £1500 intended it for pious 
uses, not exclusively for the benefit of the ministers. 

There is a mysterious reference, however, that may point 
to an attempt to improve their financial position. It looks 
as if a purchaser had recently come upon the scene, and that 
the Corporation, or its advisers, sought to find a flaw in the 
transaction with Yonge, for we read in the archives, "it 
would be wrong to lose a purchase of £1500 for want of 
4^*1100." This was written about 1665, and this idea is 
supported in a measure by Sir Walter Yonge's demand later 
on " to have a decree to establish him in the possession of 
the parsonage." 

AmoDg the documents relating to the case we find a curious 
letter from the Dorchester ministers, J. Knightbridge, Bector 
of Trinity and St. Peter's, and Richard Wine, Eector of All 
Saints, addressed to the Mayor, BailifTs, &c., suggesting 
several different courses that were open to the latter in the 
matter of the lawsuit against Yonge and others, of which they 
craved "their cautious consideration." They proposed the 
following queries (some of which savour of sharp practice) : — 

1. Whether, if the magistrates and ministers agree with Sir W. 
Yonge, such agreement would hold good in law ? 

2. Whether it be not needful "to bee very wary" in answering t 

3. Whether it be not necessary to answer that the impropria- 
tion was never bought or sold by the Corporation (but by 
individuals) 1 

4. Supposing the Corporation has to repay Sir W. Yonge, it 
must be remembered that there are £340 " in an house," and other 
sums towards such repayment ; and that it would be wrong to lose 
a purchase of £1500 '*for want of £1100." 

Lastly. That if part of the payment falls on the Corporation, 
then an order in Chancery should be got to secure to that body so 
much revenue from Seaton tithes as may give reasonable interest 
on that money. But they advise the Corporation to give an 
answer in accordance with head 3, there being letters of Yonge's 
showing that he did not treat with the Corporation. 

The case seems to have lingered on as Chancery suits will. 
There is a letter from Sir Walter, dated Colyton, 20 April, 
1666, in which he speaks of an offer from the Mayor, Bailiffs, 
&c., to let drop their suit against him, but this he and his 


attorney cannot be contented with. He mast have a decree 
to establish him in the possession of the parsonage. 

However, it would seem that the case was dropped, as we 
can find nothing further concerning it. At all events the 
parsonage passed out of the hands of the Puritan party of 
Dorchester, and remained in the gift of the Tonges for many 
years, probeibly until shortly before 1710, when Sir William 
Drake, of Ashe, Bart, presented William Eeate. 

The money received by the Dorchester Corporation was 
expended, as we have seen, in a new rectory-house for St 
Peter's, in augmenting the income of the Brew House, or 
perhaps in repaying money borrowed from it, and in the 
purchase of Fordington parsonage. The benefit of the two 
first-named was retained, but as for Fordington, it is recorded 
that '*it is lost, belonging to the Church of Sarum reinstituted 
since his Ma^^ restauration." The ancient documents close 
with this pathetic comment:— 

" Soe all is gone from the Ministers, and not one farthing benefitt 
accrews to them. They were very libeial of other men's estates, as 
appears by their sale." 

So ended the connection of the Dorchester Corporation with 
the parsonage of Seaton. 


BiooRAPHioAL Notes on Sbaton Incumbents, 1612-1664. 


Henrt Payntbr was bom about the year 1583, and in the registers 
of Exeter College, Oxford, he is entered as " pleb. of Devon." He 
was, perhaps, son or nephew of Henry Paynter, elected Fellow of 
Exeter College, 30 June, 1573. In 1577 the elder Henry is 
described as so poor that he was granted leaye of absence to teach 
boys. But in 1584 he was rich enough to present to the College 
several volumes — Lexicons, Plato, Plutarch, and Thucydides. 

Henry Paynter matriculated at Exeter College 5 June, 1603,^ 
and obtained his degree of b.a. 23 Feb., 1608-9, by which time, 
it is said, he had already taken orders. He received the degree of 
B.D. 15 Dec., 1618. 

He was instituted to Seaton 26 May, 1612, and on 12 Jan., 
1612-13, he obtained a licence to marry Mary Starre of Seaton.^ 
By her he had four children : Martha, born 1613-14 ;^ Elizabeth ; 
Samuel, born 1626 ; and John. The second daughter, Elizabeth, 
married 17 July, 1641, John Sherman, minister, son of Bezaleel 
and Priscilla Sherman, her step-brother, as will appear further on. 
His son John married 7 Sept., 1652, Lydia, daughter of George 
and Elizabeth Jourdaine of Exeter.^ Henry Paynter, it will be 
seen, was connected by marriage with prominent Puritan families, 
so we may assume that he was early imbued with the same 

After the death of his wife Mary, Paynter married Priscilla, 
daughter of Dr. John Burgess, s.t.p., whose first husband was 
Bezaleel Sherman, her second husband Thomas Fones, whose first 
wife was Anna Winthrop, sister of Governor John Winthrop. 
Henry Paynter was her third husband, and their marriage appears 
to have taken place between 31 January and 23 July, 1630. 

Her letter asking Governor Winthrop's advice as to her marriage, 
and referring to the Rev. John White, her aunt's husband, is given 
below. There is, therefore, little doubt that the Patriarch of 

* Boasb's Exeter College ReffisUr, 

* CoL. Vivian's Mar, Lie, Exon. 

* It has been saggested by Savage, in his edition of Winthrop's History 
of New England^ uiat the elder danghter, Martha Paynter, married John 
winthrop, the eldest son of Governor John Winthrop, one of the early 
settlers in Massachusetts Bay, basing his statement on a letter of Henry 
Palter to the younger Winthrop in which he refers to his "daughter 
Winthrop," but he means his step-daughter, for John Winthrop mioried 
Martha Fones, step-daughter of Priscilla. See Robert 0. Winthrop's Life 
of the Oovemor, ii. 75. 

' Register of Woodbury. 


Dorchester was interested in the marriage of his wife's niece, and 
jast at this period wap, through this connection, led to consider 
the advisahility of buying ap the living of which Paynter had 
recently been vicar and of which his own kinsman, Walton, was 
also incumbent. 

There is a letter among the Winthrop papers from Ursula 
Sherman, daughter of PriscUla Burgess by her first marriage, to 
the younger John Winthrop, dated Exeter, 18 June, 1631. She 
was engaged to the Governor's son. Forth, who died soon after. 
In this letter she refers to her '' sister " (Martha Fones), wife of 
John Winthrop the younger, and her "sister Elizabeth Winthrop," 
widow of his brother Henry, both daughters of Thomas Fones by 
his first wife. So it is apparent that the connections by marriages 
between Priscilla Burgess and Governor Winthrop were numeroua 

But to return to Henry Paynter. We have but two glimpses of 
his life at Seaton, both connected with lawsuits. From a letter, 
dated from the Inner Temple, 18 Oct., 1617, from H. Spurway to 
John Willoughby, we learn that " Mr. Paynter is ordered to pay 
Mr. Starr a hundred marks costs, the one half the next term, the 
other in Eaeter term."^ The other is a curious dispute about 
a pew in Seaton church in the same year. One William Kedwood 
had intruded himself into a pew occupied by Edward Walrond, 
gent., Robert Starr, and John Manston. Evidence was taken on 
commission concerning it in December, 1617, and, in spite of the 
Bishop's orders, he refused to move. " The said Redwood doth 
wilfully contemn the said admonition,'' signed, Henry Painter, 
Vicar of Seaton, and by two churchwardens. The vicar also 
stated that Redwood ** seemed by his speeches not to understand 
or unwilling to obey."* 

About the year 1626 Henry Paynter left Seaton and became 
minister of St. Petrock's, Exeter. Here is recorded the baptism 
of Henry, his son by Priscilla, on 6 Jan., 1632.^ The following 
year in her will Elizabeth Jourdain, widow of George, mother of 
the future wife of his son John, requested Henry Paynter to 
preach her funeral sermon, and she left him £40 and "JCIO more 
to the use of Henry his son, to be paid him by his said father 
when he shall accomplish the age of one and twenty years or 
marry." ^ By another will, that of Philip Hayne, widow, dated 
18 Jan., 1639-40, he and his wife received other benefactions. 
"To Henry Painter, clerk, minister of St. Petrocks in Exeter, 
fifty pounds. To Priscilla Paynter, the wife of the aforesaid 
Henry Paynter, my other diamond ring." He was appointed 
executor and was also to receive a mourning gown of good cloth : 

* Trevelyan Papers, 

' OleaDod from Cathedral Records by Rev. H. Reynolds. 
' Information kindly fomiahed hy Mrs. R. Dymond from her husband's 
' New Eng, Hist. Oeru Beg., xlix. p. 493. 


"to my dear sister Prouze and to PrisciUa Paynter, wife of the 
said Henry, to each of them a mourning gown of siJk, Tabey, or 
Calaminco." "To Mr. Painter my large bible with purple velvet 
covering and silver clasps." ^ 

Henry Paynter was appointed Bodleian Lecturer in Exeter, and 
from the Exeter Act Book we learn that on 23 June, 1642, "Mr. 
Bodley's Lecture is ordered to be removed from St. Lawrence 
Parish, where it hath long continued, and be removed to St Marie 
Arches during the pleasure of this house. Mr. Henry Painter, 
the present lecturer, to have notice of it." ^ Also " on 29 Nov., 
1643; Mr. Henry Painter, clerk, having neglected the lecture, is 
dismissed, and Mr. William Fuller appointed. This William 
Fuller, having left the city, was succeeded by Thomas Fuller, 
author of the Worthies. 

But by 12 June, 1643, Henry Paynter had been summoned to 
attend the famous Westminster Assembly of Divines, and it 
is stated that he was present at some of their meetings. His 
death occurred in 1644. The exact date has not been discovered, 
but it is said to have been before 2 Nov., 1644; and as he 
was appointed on a committee on the 1 2th April of that year, we 
may infer that he died between those dates. 

He is described by Grovemor John Winthrop "as a reverend 
man and a good preacher." Margaret Winthrop writes: "He 
preached with us the last Lords day and did very well. He 
seemeth to be a very godly wise man." 

From Life and Letters of John Winthrop^ by Robert C. 
Winthrop, p. 358, " Margaret Winthrop to her husbajid " : — 

" My deare Husband, — 

" I send up my daughter M. somewhat the soner by reson 
of Mr. P. cominge up. I pray make what hast you can for that 
the hart of your good servant is fallen so loe, that she sa^^^ if you 
doe not com home presently you will never lift it up agayne. 
But I think her desyre is that she may confir with you about 
Mr. P. whome I thinke she will scarce have power to deny. 
He preached with us the last Lords day and did very welL He 
seemeth to be a very godly wise man, but I am sure my 
sister will not make any promise till she hath confired with thy 
selfe and the rest of hir frends. Margaret Winthrope." 

" Priscilla Fones to John Winthrop." 

"To the right Worshipfull my very loving brother, John 
Winthrope, esquire, London. 

" My dere Brother, — Such is my love to you and my respect of 
you as I cannot but take kindly firom you this motion of which I 

* New Eng, Hist, Gen, Beg., 1. p. 898. 
» Bailby's Life of Fuller, p. 863. 


was desieroos neyer to have heard more of. And as well as 
I could indare to spake of such a busnes, I intrated your help to 
that end when I parted with you ; but see my answear toke not 
that efect which I ded desire, which hath bred me much grife & 
troubel of mind, myselfe being very fearfull to chang my con- 
dition. All my Mends perswade me it will be best for me to 
chang, but myselfe hath no hart to it. In the man I see that 
which I chefly ame at in a husband, which is grace & godlynes 
with gifts sutable to his calling; though in outward estate he 
coms short of any that hath bin yet moved to me. These things, 
with his importunity & paines in coming so fare, hath bred such 
destraction in my mind as truly I know not what to doe, but mine 
eis are towards the Lord for derection in this waity busnes. Good 
brother help with your prayers & best advise, for I have now cast 
myselfe uppon you & my father & Mr. White, to whom I 
pray make knowen this busnes & crave his councel in it. I have 
only given him this answer, that I will doe nothing without the 
advise of my friend& Good brother I know you love to be such 
towards me as I shall not nede to intreat your care in this, but 
now my request to you is that you would make all the hast home 
you cau, for we all long for you. Myselfe which could not so 
prise the benefit of your good company as I ought, have now 
lamed to prise it by the want of it. The Lord give me grace 
to make beter use of it when be shall be plased to restore it to me 
againe, and thus with remembrance of my best love and servis to 
yourselfe, my good brother and sister, and the rest of my fnnds, 
I comit you and all your affares to the Lord & so I rest 

" your ever loveing sister and Mthful servant 
"November 17 Pris. Fonee." 

It is not a little odd, adds the editor, that, on the very same 
day on which Priscilla was thus writing so interesting a letter 
to our Governor in regard to a proposed matrimonial arrangement 
of her own, his son Forth should also have been engaged in 
addressing him a similar epistle in regard to his afifection for 
his cousin Ursula, Priscilla's daughter. 

In the History of New England^ by John Winthrop (edited by 
James Savage, i. 364), is a letter from Margaret Winthrop to her 
husband, dated ''January the last,'' and supposed to have been 
written in 1629-30, from which I quote a passage : — 

"I send thee here enclosed letters from Mr. P. My good 
sister F. remembers her love to you, and, it seemetb, bath written 
so earnestly to Mr. P. not to come, that he doth forbear to come 
till he hear more. I think she would have you send him word 
to come as soon as he can, being desirous to speak with him before 
you go; but it must not come from herself, for she will write 
to him to stay stilL She saitb, that he shall not need to provide 
any thing but a house, for she Mrill furnish it herself." 


In an account dated 23 July, 1630, John Winthrop mentions 
" my eiater Painter," so it would appear that it was between these 
dates that the marriage took place. 

Henry Paynter==(l8t) Mary Starre ; (2nd) Priscilla Burgess,^ 

b. circa 1588. 
d. 1644. 

m. lie. 12 Jan., widow of Thomas 
1612-13. Fones.^ m. 1630. 

Martha Elizabeth*=John' Samuel. John=Lydia 

Paynter. Paynter. Sherman. b. 1626. Paynter. Jourdaine. 

m. 17 July, m. 7 Sept., 

1611. 1652. 

Adam Winthrop = 

I 1 

John Winthrop=Mary Forth. Anna Winthrop== Thomas Fones.* 

(had three wives). 

(Jovemor of 


1st wife. 

Elizabeth Fones'= Henry Winthrop.' SamueL Martha.* 

[ J ^ 

John =3 Martha Henry = Elizabeth Forth 

Winthrop.* Fones.* Winthrop.* Fones." Winthrop." 

b. 12 Feb., m. 8 Feb., m. 25 Apr., 1629. Enga^ to 

1605-6. 2nd 1631. Drowned 2 July, Ursula Sherman.' 

wife, dau. of d. 1632. 1630. 

Hugh Peters. 

Priscilla Burge8S^=(lst) Bezaleel Sherman.^ 

Dau. Dr. John Burgess, 8.T.P. 

d. 1618. 

Ursula Sherman.* John Sherman'= Elizabeth Paynter.' 

bp. 30 April, 1615. Engaged bp. 4 May, 1618. m. 17 July, 1641. 

to Forth Winthrop.* bur. 10 Sept, 1643. 

Priscilla Burgess^ = (2nd) Thomas Fones.'' 

Widow of Bezaleel Sherman.' 

d. 15 April, 1629. 

Mary Fones. 

Priscilla Burgess^ = (3rd) Henry Paynter.^ 
Widow of Thos. Fones.' I m. between 31 Jan. and 23 July, 1630. 

Henry Paynter. 
bp. 6 Jan., 1632. 


WiLUAM Walton, probably of Somerset, entered Emmanuel College, 
Cambridge, in 1617, took his degree of b.a. 1621, and m.a. 1625. 
He was at Seaton in 1627, when he signed the registers. As 
will be seen from the letter qaoted below he was a kinsman of the 
Eev. John White, of Dorchester. His wife's name was Elizabeth, 
and he was probably married to her not long before he went to 
Seaton. By her he had seven children, at least three of whom 
were baptized at Seaton. He emigrated with his family to 



America some time prior to 1635, as we find him mentaoned as at 
Hingham, MaMachoaetts, in that year. He settled at Marhkhead 
in 1 639, and was pastor there antU his death. Among some notes 
made hy the Bey. 8. Danforth, of Roxhnry, Masa, is fonnd the 
following entry: "9. 9. 68. (9 Nov., 1668), Mr. Waltam ye 
minister at Marblehead, who died of an Apoplexie, was bnried.'' 
His daughter, Elizabeth, married Lot, son of Roger Conant^ an 
early settler in Massacho^tetts, and sometimes styled the first 
€k>vemor; through her I claim descent from the Key. William 

From Calendar of State Papers (Domestic), yoL ccxii.. No. 28, 
1632, Aug. 8, Charb(orough), Sir Walter £r]e to John White, 
preacher of God's word at Dorchester. Mr. Walton, White's 
kinsman, being at Charborough, the writer asks him what became 
of the project of buying in the man that heretofore styled himself 
'' the King's conformable clerk," to succeed him at Seaton. Sir 
Walter was, as it should seem, the first man that brought it to 
Mr. Walton's knowledge. He says that the onset on the part of 
the " conformable clerk " is somewhat strong, and that if his own 
forwardness had been as much as the others the business had in 
effect been at an end. White will remember Sir Walter's state- 
ment of the mischief likely to come to those parts if it should take 
effect. Good men are shy of this man in places where he is most 
and best known. Begs White for his own credit as well as that of 
the place and county not to baye any hand in giying way to the 
restless spirit Mr. Walton will acquaint White of Sir Walter's 
desire concerning the notice of the Earl of Clare's arriyal. 


Hugh Gundry was bom about 1603, and admitted to St. Alban's 
Hall, Oxford, 9 Nov., 1621. He is described as of "Dorset, 
pleb." He obtained his degree of b.a. 16 Feb., 1624-5. He 
was related to George Turner, of Yeoyil, Somerset, and possibly 
belonged to the family of Gundrey of Trent, Somerset, or to the 
branch settled at Wimbom Minster, Dorset. He appears to haye 
been a yery active Puritan, and was frequently in trouble. 

The first notice I have found of him after he left Oxford was 
his appointment as second Chaplain Priest at Ottery St. Mary 
on 20 Jan., 1634. Roger Ware, chaplain, being incapacitated, 
requested the Govemors to elect Hugh Gundrie, Lecturer, as his 
substitute. Gundrie " declared his willingness to take the office 
until it should please God otherwise to dispose Mr. Ware, but 
intimated his opinion that he could not legally do so without a 
licence from the Bishop." The Goyemors strongly recommended 
him, and the licence was obtained, but instead of electing Gundry 
they immediately elected Thomas Forward, on 11 June, 1634. A 
dispute ensued, ending in their appointing Gundry to "one" 


Chaplain Prieet's place with the usual salary. On 13 Dee., 1635, 
he was granted a house in the College, and on 12 Jan., 1636, he 
was granted " £20 per annum for two years in full of his salary.'' 
This is explained by another entry of the same date, which 
directs that John (Thomas V) Forward, Vicar, having consented to 
officiate as Chaplain during the suspension of Gundry, "shall be 
paid for his trouble."^ It was the custom to have only one 
chaplain-prieat, but by this arrangement two were appointed. 

Apparently he went directly to Seaton, for he signs the register 
there in 1636, and we note that Wood, in his Athence, under 
'*Jerom Turner,'' states that not long after 1636 Turner "became 
schoolmaster of Beer (belonging to Seaton in Deyon) where he 
also preached as an assistant to his very good friend Hugh 
Gundrey, sometime of Sfc. Albania Hal], his father's kinsman, for 
the space of two years." ^ 

Gundry signs the Seaton registers until 1641, in which year 
his name appears as incumbent of South Maperton, Dorset, where 
he continued until ejected under the Bartholomew Act in 1662. 
Calamy says that after his ejectment he preached "at Newton 
chapel, a peculiar of Ailsbeere." ' This is now known as Newton 
Poppleford. In his account the Rev. Edward Parr Calamy also 
states that "after the Bartholomew ejection he lived at Ottery, 
where he and Mr. Gundery used to preach in Newton Chape), 
a peculiar belonging to Ailsbeer, the minister of which (Mr. 
Cortes, a sober, moderate, good man, and a lover of such persons 
as Mr. Parr) countenanced, or at least connived at it The Bishop 
often sent to him to forbid it ; but he in excuse used to say, " If 
the chapel doors were shut, the alehouse doors would be open ; 
and that nobody else would preach there, the pay was so small." 
So that they continued to exercise their ministry there all this 
time ; but his successor would not sufifer it." ^ But Gundry pre- 
deceased Courtis.^ 

Gundry was one of the twelve in Devon, according to Calamy, 
who took the oath required by the Five Mile Act in 1665. With- 
out giving any further date he adds, " He was taken ofif suddenly 
by a fit of apoplexy." However, his death must have occurred in 
the year 1676 or the close of the preceding year. In his will, 
dated 12 Nov., 1675, and proved in the Bishop's Principal 
Register, Exeter, 27 April, 1677, he mentions his sons, Jonathan,^ 
Daniel,^ James, Joseph, Benjamin, and Gideon, and two daughters, 

1 "Otteiy St. Mary," by F, C. Colbridgb, Esq., in Trans, Dioc ArdU. 
Soe,^ i. 44. 

* Wood's Ath. (Bliss ed.), 403. He alno says Gundry and Crabbe published 
works of Turaer and dedicated them to William, Lord Sydenham. 

• Non-eon, Mem,, ii. 139. 

* Ibid., ii. 68. 

• Non-con, Mem,, ii 139. 

' The will of Jonathan Gundry of Exeter appears in the same register in 
1697, and that of Daniel Gundry of Sidmonth in 1727. 



SoaumA, munarried^ and one married to Weare. Also his 
brother-in-law Nieholas Hooper, perhaps his wife's brother. He 
is described as of " Sidbnrj, clerk/ and refecB to a "fiumshippe ** 
recently bonght of Sir Peter BalL His property amounted to 
£907, of which books were valued at £20, chattels and lease 
at £40, and "debts sperate and desperate amonnting to £800." 
From this it woold appear that he was not wealthy at the time of 
his death. 


John No6EWObtht was bom at Manaton 15 Not. 1612, ''of 
religions parents.'' His father, James Noseworthy,^ had married 
a daughter of John Southmead of Wray, Moreton Hampstead. 
John Noeeworthy was educated at the Grammar School of Exeter, 
of which his relative, William Noeeworthy, was master. From 
here he was sent direct to Oxford at the expense of his grand- 
father Sonthmead, and is said to have remained there nine or ten 
years. He matricolated at Exeter College in 1633, and received 
his d^ree of B.A. in 1636. He married a daughter of Mr. Irish 
of Dartmouth, by whom he had sixteen children. 

He first preached in Northamptonshire, and when the Civil War 
broke out, "notwithstanding his learning and piety," he was 
exposed to no small share of suffering. He was imprisoned at 
Winchester and elsewhere, and suffered cruel usage. On his release 
he went to Seaton, where we find him in 1642. Until 1646 he 
signs the registers there, and as by 1648, as will be seen by the 
firat part of this paper, there was a vacancy there, it is quite 
probable that he left Seaton at that time, though Calamy ^ says he 
was there in 1655; he adds that he received the Rectory of 
Manaton in place of Mr. Hill, who was sequestered. At the 
Eestoration he was obliged to relinquish the living to Mr. Hill, 
who died the night after his return, so Mr. Noseworthy " took out 
the Broad Seal" for the Rectory 29 Sept, 1660; but the patron 
presented Mr. Eastchurch, to whom he was obliged to give up the 
living. He afterwards preached at North Bovey and Ipplepen, and 
was at the latter place when the Act of Uniformity came into opera- 
tion in 1662. He thereupon retired to Manaton, "and did what 
good he was able in private'' until the Five Mile Act of 1665 forced 
him to leave there. He removed to Ashburton, where he seems to 
have had a meeting-house. Here he had a great deal of trouble, 
caused by the opposition of Mr. Stawell of Bickington and William 
Bogan of Little Hempston, both justices of the peace, by whom he 
was convicted of holding a conventicle. '* Mr. Stawel upon taking 
a journey to London for the cure of a disorder in his mouth, 
threatened that at his return he would effectually hinder old 

7 There ie the will of James Noseworthy of Manaton in the Bp, Prin, Reg, 
Exon.^ 1650, perhaps John's father. 
• Calamt's Non-con, Mem,y ii. 43. 


Noseworthy from preacLisg." Bat he was taken ill and died 
before he conld return. After this Mr. Noseworthy lived in peace 
at Ashburton, where he died 19 Nov., 1677. "He was reputed 
a considerable scholar," says Calamy, who credits him with know- 
ledge of many dead languages and the ability to fit his sons for the 
University. ''The neighbouring ministers paid great deference to 
his judgment, and often made him moderator in their debates." 
(For further particulars of his life see Calamy's Nonconformists^ 
Memorial [Palmer], ii. 42, and Trans. Dev, Ass., xxviii. p. 229, 
et seq,) 


Edward Sbarlb was born about the year 1594, and entered 
Exeter College, Oxford, 22 May, 1612. He is described as 
"Devon pleb. f.," and probably belonged to the Awliscombe 
family of Searles. He received his degree of b.a. 26 Oct, 1615, 
and that of m.a. 10 June, 1618. 

His name appears in the Seaton registers in 1657, but he was 
present at the Exeter Assembly on 22 May, 1656, and is then 
described as minister of Seaton and Beare. It would appear that 
previous to that date he was one of the ministers intruded at 
Awliscombe on the sequestration of James Bumard. Walker 
states that the first intruder was " John Serle, a meer Blockhead ; 
A Second was John Matthews, a.b. ; A Third Edward Serle ; 
and the last John Hewsey,"^ who was admitted in 1657. 

Searle remained at Seaton until his death, which took place 
in 1663 or 1664. His widow, Sara Searle, gave a bond for the 
administration of his estate on 16 May, 1664, and an inventory 
showed that it was valued at £600, including chattels in Dunkes- 
well and Luppit, and two reversions in Woolson, in the parish 
of "Aliecombe."^ But she was prevented by illness and death 
from attending to these affairs, so another administration was 
granted to his daughters on 30 May, 1683. Their names were 
Patience Searle and Sarah Bradford, alias Searle.^ Possibly the 
latter was the widow of Humphrey Bradford, whose name is 
mentioned in connection with the first administration, and who 
was presumably the same as Humphrey Bradford, Rector of 
Offwell, 1652-1668. 

I would here acknowledge, with many thanks, the great 
assistance I have received from H. J. Moule, Esq., of Dorchester, 
who so kindly placed at my service his transcripts of the Dor- 
chester Borough Records, and also that so courteously rendered 
by the Rev. P. J. Richardson, Vicar of Seaton, in his careful 
scrutiny of the parish registers. 

• Walker*8 Sufferings of the Clergy, Ft ii. p. 198. 

^ Bp, Prin, Reg. Exon. Kindly copied by Mr. Reynell Upham. 

' Oliver's Sketch of Seaton, 


(RcAd aX Honiton, Aognst, 1898.) 

It must often have occurred to inquirers, and to Comishmen 
especially, why Plymouth was first selected to be a fortified 
naval port, at the entrance to the Channel, rather than 
Falmouth, which, to Cornishmen, would seem to be closer 
still to the opening of the Channel or Manche. It might 
appear to impartial observers that the difierence of distance 
as to getting to the open sea was rather small ; but still the 
question remains, Why, in point of fact, was Plymouth so 
chosen and Falmouth left in a comparatively subordinate 
position ? The whole question came to the front about the 
time of the Spanish Armada, and naturally those English 
commanders who had to bear the brunt of the preparations 
for, and the resistance to, that gigantic naval assault on 
England would have a good deal to say as to the selection of 
the southern port which they would make their rendezvous. 
The decision of the question would, therefore, rest very 
much in the hands of the chief sea rovers of the time — 
Drake and Hawkins, who had a personal interest in the 
place, and upon whom the Queen had devolved much of the 
necessary preparations for defence against the menaced 
attack. The preamble of the Water Act expressly describes 
Plymouth as an important port, and the State papers of 
the time, as now published, refer to Plymouth as "a 
place that ought to be fortified." But how were the 
necessary means for the purpose to be secured ? It was 
not, as it is now, in the power of the Parliament to vote 
the funds requisite. Queen Elizabeth kept a tight hand 
over any funds at her disposal, and, what seems strange to 
us, expected those of her subjects who had the means to 
give freely for public objects, or else she took care that they 
should no longer have the means to give to anything what- 
ever.^ The means for fortifying Plymouth were therefore 

^ The feudal system was in force till Charles II., who was bribed to do 
awaj with the Court of Wards and Llyeries. 


obtained in (as we should think) a rather singular way. 
There was to be a tax levied on the sea-harvest of pilchards 
— 80 much for the Queen's subjects to pay, considerably more 
for foreigners — also aided by subsidies from others, wealthy 
subjects of the Queen, who had to give of their abundance. 
In this way about £5000 were to be raised to make 
Plymouth a fortified naval port. Drake and Hawkins were 
sent to Cawsand to report, and bring the pilchard-curing to 
Plymouth instead of Cawsand. The importance of the step 
will be seen when we remember that pilchards were much in 
use for victualling the shipping; and we can well imagine 
how much superior sailors would think them to be to " the 
salt pork" which in after-times was to be the source of so 
much scurvy, whether with or without the use of the 
alleviating lime-juice. It has been reserved for our 
enlightened age to send out our Arctic explorers like 
Nansen, Andr^, etc., well-furnished with tinned meats. 
Pilchards, therefore, were likely to prove a source of large 
income^ from the use of the fish by all kinds of shipping, 
and at the time a certain sum (£5000) had to be raised for 
the fortification of Plymouth as a naval port. In the 
preamble of the Water Act Plymouth is referred to as an 
important port chiefly on account of its shipping. The 
State papers of the time also speak of it as a place that 
ought to be fortified, and the tax on pilchards had to find 
the means. Falmouth, though nearer the mouth of the 
Channel, had to give way to Plymouth, no doubt because 
Drake and Hawkins were closely connected with Plymouth 
as merchants there, and had much property in the neighbour- 
hood. The Tavistock Drakes also held property there, and 
many of his private friends, including Drake's own brother. 

If we take account of what appears in the State papers, 
we find the Privy Council must have been long occupied 
over Plymouth — the pilchard and leat questions, and last, 
not least, that of the fortifications. And all this would bear 
strongly on the question whether Drake brought or gave 
the water to Plymouth. The fact is, it was a national, 
not a merely Plymouth undertaking. The Act evidently 
declares it to be so. The "Plat" or map of Sprie was 
undoubtedly sent up to the Privy Council for inspection. 
It bears the writing of Cecil on the plan, the words being 
"Lypson Hyll." And, in addition to this fact, I need 
scarcely remind the members of this Association that I had 

^ Also, as now, pilchards were sent to the Mediterranean and Roman 
Catholic countries for fasting purposes. 


the copy of this "Plat" photographed at Hatfield, Lord Salis- 
bury's country house, the seat of the Cecils, where so many 
of die Privy Council's papers must have been kept Some- 
thing similar occurred at Widey Court, the seat of a former 
Mayor of Plymouth, the depository of an important 
document — the Receiver's Book. The writing of Secretary 
Cecil would obviously not have appeared on the ** Plat " or 
plan of the leat had the leat been a private and not a 
national gift. The Mayor and Corporation would be glad, 
also, to bear a band and lead the water in pipes through the 
town for the inhabitants. We must not omit to notice that 
*'conduit" means gutters or conducts for water. ''Conduit" 
comes from the French conduire to conduct When the 
channels were open they were gutters, and when ''clome," 
%,€,, earthenware pipes, they were conduits. Plymothians 
have been somewhat misled by the name of conduit being 
applied to Drake's square stone block in Old Town (is it not 
in Tavistock Road, near the Reservoir?) to which the front of 
the old block has been removed. But as regards the fortifi- 
cations of Plymouth, as already noticed, Elizabeth expected 
private persons to subscribe to public works, and said so. For 
such was the condition of their land tenure, and the homage 
so specified it It was her well-known habit to condemn 
openly and encourage the same thing secretly. It is easy 
to see how this would be. The Spanish Ambassador 
was always prying about, and he had spies in every 
quarter, and Roman Catholic Englishmen among them. 
Had the Queen openly encouraged the cutting of the 
leat And made a grant from her treasury, her object in 
supplying her fleets would have been patent to alL Drake, 
therefore, would have been led to undertake the heaviest 
part of the expense in providing water for the shipping 
— national or mercantile — as well as in helping forward the 
fortifications, to which he subscribed liberally, in addition 
to the proceeds of the tax on pilchards. From the subse- 
quent demands of the grist millers^ for some £6,000 
compensation, owing to the failure of one of the tinners 
to give a consent not asked for by mischance, it is now 
evident that Drake must have laid out large sums in 
compensations, and that the sum alleged to have passed 
between him and the Corporation of Plymouth of £300 was 
simply a blind by way of composition — perhaps to escape 
the keen eyes of Spanish spies. Drake's agreement with 
the town simply related to the pilchards. The document 

» "Griat Millers," Trans, Plynu Inst,, yiil 894. See Plymouth Leat 
MUU Removal BiU. 


which Hele's man copied could not have been the composi- 
tion which was between the Mayor and Corporation and 
Draka^ This composition, simply by the fiction of a sum of 
£300 being mentioned which was not paid,^ made over the 
property to the Mayor and Corporation, who thereupon 
became entitled to charge for the water. The supply of 
water through the leat would therefore not appear to Spanish 
spies to have any connection with the formation of a naval 
port. Such formation they would at once regard as a 
menace to Spain. But if the townsfolk wanted water and 
entered into a composition, this even Spain could not but 
consider to be a private affair. And, moreover, if the towns- 
men at their own expense fortified their town, and the local 
gentry gave their guns, it was still a local affair. But the 
very same thing, done by Elizabeth and Cecil, would be 
regarded as a quasi casus belli. 

We now give a few extracts from the several documents of 
the time, which serve to substantiate the foregoing statements. 

* The record of the copying out of articles of agreement between the 
town and Sir Francis Drake bj Hele*8 man in 1591 specifies that the 
sum of 6s. 8d. — a comparativelj small sum (legallj speaking) — was paid to 
the man and not to his master, Hele. If the composition and not the copy 
of agreement were the thing in question, the payment would have been 
to the Recorder, Hele; but being '* independent of Hele," the price of 
copying would be the perquisite of the clerk who copied it — Q.E.D. 

^ Ou the question of payment of the £300, we find in Trans, Plym, Inst., 
yii. 467, the assertion that to make up the agreed-on £300 the town had to 
"rate, beg, borrow, and go into debt," and ibid,, p. 480, "confidence 
is expressed that the Records can bear no other meaning." But we 
find, nevertheless, the proofs of non-payment actually of the fictitious 
"composition" for the £300 in certain entries in the Receiver's Book. 
Thus, fo. 90 b. (A.D. 1592), "Rec^ of Sir F. Drake for rent of Mills £30"; 
fo. 93 b., " Itm. paied to Sir Frauncis Drake, knt , towards the bringing in of 
the water which the Receiver allowed hym in the rent dewe for the Mills for 
one year at Michaelmns." From the double entry D' and C^ we see how 
the £30 was written off; fo. 94 b., 1593, "Rec<i of Sir Fras. Drake, kt., for 
rent of town Mills and two closes of land this year £34 3s. 4d." Fo. 96b, 
1593, <* Itm. paid to Sir F. D. in full payment of the £300 that the Mayor 
and Corporation were to paye hym for bringing in of the River and 
purchas of the land over which the same is brought, which he is allowed 
oute of the Mille rent— £22 16s. 8d.— which wss payable this yere." This 
again was paid bj writing off, only this time Drake paid the balance — £11 
6s. 8d. — so making up the £34 3s. 4d. as before. In contradistinction 
to these genuine entries in Receiver's Book, we must also remark that in 
the Black Book or ** Towne Ligger," on the blank spaces left, there were 
scribbled in some unauthorized entries (obviously so) — manv of the town 
archives having been burnt in 1548, or after (I) — in three different hand- 
writings and different inks, under the year 1589 (!!) "This yere the com- 
posytyon was made between the towne and Sir Frauncis Drake for the bringing 
in of the River of Meve to the towne, for wh** the towne have paied hym ii^li 
and more c" for wh^ he is to compound with the Id* of the land over wh^ it 

N.B. — Dates and payments wrong. I myself pointed out the difficulties 
when the Black Book was exhibits on the table of Plymouth Institution. 


And first, with regard to the pilchard tax and the means taken 
towards levying it, we find in the Domestic State Papers, voL 
ccxxxix., Elizabeth, under date 17 July, 1591 : "Thos. Cely, 
once Mayor, to the Lord Treasurer," a long letter. An 
order had been given for no more cellars to be erected at 
Cawsand Bay. Reference to the offer of Cely himself, who 
would give £300 a year for 21 years to Her Majesty for fish 
transported by sea. Pilchards yield £16 a ton in the 
Straits to the merchants.® Second, 1592, vol. xxiv., Elizabeth, 
No. 77: ** Considering the walling and fortifying of Plymouth, 
and cost about £5000, to be raised by impost on Pilchards, 
2s. 6d. exported by strangers, Is. by Englishmen [to be 
delivered to the Mayor of Plymouth, No. 78], also 6d. a cwt. on 
Hake "; endorsed in Cecil's writing, with names Sir F. Gilbert 
and Sir F. Drake, Carew (written "Care") of Antony, Chris- 
topher Harris, Piers Edgcumbe, Eic. Champernowne. Further, 
No. 78, 1592: In declaration of assent of Queen as to fortifying 
of Plymouth, she allows £100 a year out of increased customs 
of Plymouth, and hopes neighbouring gentry will subscribe, 
as indeed they were bound to do by feudal tenure. 1592, 
No. 79) : Draft like preceding, in same hand, but corrected 
by Cecil, Lord Burghley, recites : " Forasmuch as the town of 
Plymouth, being an ancient town of this realm, and a fl&ce 
of frequent resort, as well, for our Navy Royal, upon all 
occasions and resource of trade and merchandise to and from 
the Westwards, and is not so well fortified as is needful for 
defence against outward enemies in all dangerous tymes, &c." 
And so again for pilchard tax for foreigners and English.^ 
Again, No. 80, 15 February, 1591-2: ** Plymouth is a very 
fit place to be walled and fortified for the withstanding a 
foreign attempt to surprise the same and to force the 
Haven." No. 116, 5 April, 1592 : Plymouth— John Sparkes, 
Mayor of Plymouth, has taken Robert Adams* and Arthur 
Champernon's opinion on fortifying Plymouth, and asks a 

' Probably it was owing to tbis offer tbat Lord Burgbley wrote tbe Major 
for a copy of tbe agreement between tbe town and Sir Francis DraJce, and 
Hele's man engrossed tbe copy requested. 

^ In 1591 we bave : — *'Itm. paid to Mr. Hele's man for wrytinge owts of 
tbe articles of agreement between tbe towne and Sr ffrauuces Drake, 6s. 8d. '* 
If tbis related to tbe composition Mr. Hele was tbe proper person to be paid ; 
if to a document independent of Hele, tbe payment would bave been tbe 
man's perquisite. Mr. Wortb insisted tbat tbis agreement was a contract — 
in fact, tbe Yory composition in question ; but, seeing tbat tbe word '* com- 
position " was invariably used by Receiver, Mayor, and historian, in allusion, 
tbere was strong reason for believing tbat tbe novel word ** agreement *' 
applied to someuiing else, and it became him straightway to search among 
the documents, copied into the Book of Constitutions, for an agreement. He 
would not find tne fictitious composition, for Drake probably thrust bia 
credentids into the fire when done with. I found an agreement at fo. 18, 


loan in addition to the impost on pilchards (116). We 
next find Robert Adams to Council mentions having received 
from Sir F. Drake a plan of Plymouth. And in State 
Papers, Dom., Elizabeth, ccxlv., No. 20, there is reference to 
" Plan of Fortifications on the Hoe," ** The fort on the Hoe " 
(? photo, Map 2) from Hatfield, drawn by Robert Adams; 
another, 31 May, 1593, enclosing the chapel (S. Eatharine*s). 
On 1 December, 1588, there was an order in Council 
settling the controversy relative to the fishing of pilchards 
in Devon and CornwalL N.B. — Carew (Care) and other 
Cornishmen were placed on the committee in behalf of 
Cornish interests. There was a controversy at one time 
whether fish caught in Cornish waters should be sold else- 
where to others. If we now turn to an entry of 9 June, 

which Mr. Worth also foQDd eventnallj, and so disguised it that it is 
necessary to quote the original together with his version, viz. : — 

**ziij tie die Oetohris, Anno xxiij tio, Elizabethe Regne Anglis, etc. (1581). 
By the meere assents and agreements of Sr ffranncee Drake, Knighte, maid 
and the most parte of the xij. and xxiij ti in the Guildhalde assemhlede, it 
was agreede and conclndede upon that if anie person or persons inhabiting 
wthin this burghe, doe make or save anie quantitie of pilchards, wherebie 
suspition shall grows that he or they have either solde or promiside the same 
pilchards before they be savede or that have receivede any roonie beforehande 
of any person or persons not inhabitinge wthin the towne directlie or in- 
directlye to make the same pilcherds. Then he shalbe callede before the 
Maior for the time beinge, in open Courte, to be holden wthin the saide 
burghe, to answere the same, and if he refuse to answere it upon his Oathe, 
he snalbe for that vere barrede to make any pilcherdes, and that no woman, 
either weifife or widowe, or mans servaunte shall at any tyme hereafter sell 
or make price for or upon any pilcherds brought to this Towne upon peine, 
to incurre such a fyne or poninhmente as by the discretion of Mr. Maior and 
his brethren shalbe though te good." 

Sir Francis Drake was Mayor in 1581, and much as they respected him, it 
seems that the fair sex, being no party to the agreement, evaded it. There- 
fore one more stringent was made 80 July, 1584, with John Sparke, Mayor, 
by which the husbands were to answer for their wives' disobedience. It also 
began, "By the meere assents and axemen ts." So there did exist an 
"ain^ement" with Sir Francis Drake, distinct from the "composition.** 

Mr. Worth's version (Municipal Records, p. 52) : — 

** Order that any person suspected of selling or promising to deliver pilchards 
before they were saved or of having received money beforehand from any non> 
inhabitant to cure the same, should be called before the Ma^or and questioned 
thereon on oath, and if guilty, not allowed to make any mlchards that year. 
No woman, whether wife, widow, or servant, to set or make price for or upon 
any pilchards brought into the town, under penalty of ten shillings fine (to 
be paid by the husband or master, if no widow), and personal punishment at 
the Mayor'a discretion, 28 and 26 Eliz." 

Here Drake's and Sparke's agreements are intermixed, the word "agree- 
ment " is suppressed, and the name of Drake conspicuous by its absence. 
Pilchards played an important rdle in Plymouth history. Thus at fo. 17 of 
the Constitutions is a aecrte, a.d. 1566, concerning them. In 1588 Drake 
and Hawkins inspected certain caves for curing pUchards at Cawsand, and 
recommended the Council to transfer the curing ana exportation to Plymouth. 
In 1591 Mr. Carew, of Antony, was instructed by the Council to go to 
Plymouth on behalf of the Cornish fishermen "to settle with Sir Francis 
Drake and others about pilchards*' (Receivers' Act, fo. 85), when he also 


1593,® we find: John Gayer, Mayor of Plymouth, for self 
and brethren, to Lord Burghley, writes : Keceived Council's 
letter, and are glad the Queen has left the fortifications just 
begun to the town's government. The inhabitants will 
subscribe; the chief help will be the impost on pilchards, 
and they understand, " by our good friend Sir Francis Drake 
that exception is taken to the insignificance of the grant, 
and that it may be made greater, and surrender the old 
letters patent of 19 July, 1590." (ccxlix., August, 1594, 
No. 57.) The Queen refers the Earl of Bath to Sir Francis 
Drake, to whom she has declared her pleasure respecting 
fortifying Plymouth. The complaint of Drake as to in- 
sufficiency of the grant has some light thrown upon it from 
the entry in Seceiver's Book (old audit), not noticed in 
Municipal (printed) Records, under the year 1576, fo. 25: 
"Item, rec** of Ffrauncis Drake for the New Quay (then 
building), 40s., gevyn ffrely." This, taken in connection 

inspected the leat, not merely out of coriositj. As with the Water Act, the 
importance of Plymouth to the navy, and the urgent necessity for fortifyinf( 
the town, were strongly represented to the Queen and Council, who empowered 
the Mayor to levy an impost on pilchards to provide the means, which the 
neighbouring gentry were expected to supplement, and £100 a year was to 
be fulded from the anticipated increase of toe Customs. Numerous documents 
on the subject are among the National Records, as well as entries in the 
Receiver's accounts. John Gayer, the Mayor, wrote 19 June, 1593, thank- 
ing the Queen and Council for leaving the fortifications, just begun, to the 
town's government, and requested a further grant by advice of Drake. 

Returning to the agreement. 17 July, 1591, Thomas Ceoly (a leading 
roan in Plymouth —the name occurs amongst the Mayors) offered Lord 
Burghley, the Minister, £300 a year for 21 years for permission to farm an 
impost of lOs. a ton on pilchards, and probably his lordship, requiring full 
information on the subject, ordered the Mayor to forward a copy of " the 
articles of the agreement between the town and Sir Francis Drake," and 
Hele's man was employed to engross it. However, composition or agreement 
matters little. The main question is, Who paid for the leat? and the 
Receiver's accounts confirm the people's tradition. By the light of these 
accounts and the Public Records we learn that Water Act, mills, castle 
repairs, and fortifications were so many parts of Drake's grand scheme of 
making Plymouth a strong naval station towards the entrance of the Channel, 
and when the leat was in danger the Mayor pleaded the adaptation of 
Drake's mills to that purpose. As Bishop Lloyd said, the leat was Drake's 
" contrivance." His name was terrible to the Spaniaid, and so was that of 
Plymouth ''great among nations" by an association fraught with danger. 
Yet why should Drake and the town specially pay the costs of a national 
scheme ? Plymouth, we know, was specially benefited. Not so with Drake. 
Mr. Worth points to the six mills. A bagatelle ; one Spanbh prize was 
worth twenty mills. Estates in six counties were grantea to him by the 
Queen (Pat. 24, Eliz., p. 13), and he died seized, with a trifling exception, 
only of those in Devon which he had acquired for himself. — From ''Ter- 
centenary " Article in IF, M, News, 

To this account of Drake's property is added this farther statement by 
the same authority: "The Cecil family name was Sitselt. Their old 
property had fallen away ; Drake procured a grant of it for himself from 
the Queen, and restored it to the family." Hence we are called on to con- 
clude what he did for Plymouth. s s.P., Dom., Eliz., ccxlv. 


with Drake's complaint and the Queen's hint to neighbour- 
ing gentry, shows how the cost was made up.^ In the 
Eeceiver's Book, 1585, fo. 61b, we have "item pd to Sprie 
the Painter for plot carried to the Council (xs.) of town parish 
& therefore Leat." As the plan was carried to the Council, 
and, as we have seen, endorsed by Cecil with the words 
*• Lypson Hyll," the undertaking whereby the shipping were 
to be provided with the leat-water must have been not a 
simple town undertaking, but quite national, as providing 
for the Queen's Nav^e ! The leat, like the fortifications, was 
insufficiently provided for by town or royal grants, and 
therefore the real burden of the expenditure must have 
fallen on private shoulders. And had it not been so, the 
Queen made it clearly understood that if private munifi- 
cence was not sufficient, she would take good care that they 
should not have the wherewithal to give to anything. We 
further find, in the State Papers, Dom., Eliz., ccxix., Nos. 1 
and 2, that the Council thought it very reasonable to have 
regard to the trade of the town and port of Plymouth, being 
a principal haven town, no merchants dwelling in London or 
parts of Devon and Cornwall shall have cellars in Causan 
cliff.^ "Sir Jno. Gilbert, Peter Edgcumb, John Fitz, and 
Christopher Harris, Esq. [Drake's friends] are to look to it." 
No. 2. The Cornishmen pray for some modification of the 
committee, all the former being Devonshire men, and ask to 
have Sir Bicbard Granville and Mr. Bichard Carew, two J.P.'s 
and Deputy-Lieutenants of Cornwall, added. Tytler's Lift 
of Baleigh (p. 94) records an address from the Queen E. 

* Eliz., ccxviii., 10 Nov., 1588. Opinion of Sir F. Drake and Sir J. 
Hawkins about pilcbarda stored in *'Cawsan" Bay. 1. No reason why fish 
taken by Cornbnmen should be therefore saved by them, but that all other 
subjects should as well deal for the same. 2. Of their true knowledge the 
fish only of late salted and saved in Cawsan Bay, and those out places. 
They knew when there were no cellars there, but houses to keep nets in, 
and now it is a place for pirates and a place subject to be spoiled by the 
enemy and to receive them. 4. The fish can be saved at all times of the 
year, as well in town as there. Also : 1. For the haven serve th both Devon 
and Cornwall/ especially Devon. 2. What the law alloweth to the fisher- 
men we know not, but there is no place for forestalling. 5. Seldom or never 
too great quantities taken for saving in town. 6. The same wind that will 
suffer boats to come round the point to Cawsan Bay will suffer them to come 
to the town (Plymouth). 7. There were as many mariners belonging to 
Millbrook before the erection of the cellars as there are now, and it is not 
meant that any town as, namely, Saltash, Millbrook, or Stonehouse be for- 
bidden to receive pilchards. 8. Long conclusion, but sav it would be 
better no more cellars be built for saving pilchards in the cliffs within the 
haven of Plymouth. — Signed by Sir F. Drake and Sir J. Hawkins. N.B. — 
Here evidence that Sutton Pool is not the Haven of Plymouth, as has been 

' N.B. — Cawsan cliffs within the Haven of Plymouth. Therefore the 
Haven was evidently not Sutton Pool. 


per her Minister: "Wherefore, Mr. Speaker, Her Majesty's 
l)leasure is, that if you perceive any idle heads, which will 
not stick to hazard their own estates," etc. The mills which 
Drake biiilt were not required by the population of Ply- 
mouth, who had their own mills already, but Drake was 
expected "to hazard his own estate," and the Mayor and 
Corporation to subscribe. These entries, supplemented by 
the more important State Papers, show how Plymouth 
became the naval port^ rather than Falmouth, which re- 
quired no breakwater to be built Thus Drake and Hawkins 
made Plymouth, owing to local associations with Plymouth 
and Tavistock. And as to the great charges to which the 
Corporation were put along with Drake, in providing for the 
town and shipping, this is at once further accounted for by 
the town having, in addition to bringing in the water, to lay 
down lead pipes to convey the water to the inhabitants 
within the town. In this way the water cost the Corporation 
and Drake a great sum of money, as the Mayor said in bis 
letter. The new measures were, therefore, for the supply of 
food as well as water for the shipping, ie,, Drake's new com 
mills for the flour, and pilchards from the Sound for their 
food in foreign seas. The Act was not only for "Haven 
Preservation," but for water close at hand and for driving 
power for the new mills. The silting alone would be great, 
for even recently it is computed, on Clementine authority 
(Captain Clements'), that 1000 tons of silt mud a week go 
down the Laira from Lee Moor! Of course with many 
more tons of water to carry them. The tinners, moreover, 
as the chartered representatives of the Crown, had absolute 
right over land wherever lying which might contain "the 
Koyal Metal," the King being the assumed owner of all 
land in the country in the first instance, and all others 
holding under him. Bichard Drake, Sir F. Drake's cousin, 
was a tinner. So also was Crymes a tinner, who was able 
afterwards to foil the Corporation through the oversight of a 
tinner in Buckland Monachorum not having been asked for 
his consent. Hence special arrangements with places near the 
leat, like Warleigh, had consequently to be made, which have 
been in some cases subsequently modified. Mr. Micklewood 
pooh-poohs the asserted difiSculty of liners being navigated 
into Cattewater owing to the fishing fleet ! What about the 
Thames and its shipping ? 

And now as to the rise of Plymouth as a naval port in 
the reign of Elizabeth this is the sum. Comishmen may 
now and formerly suggest that Falmouth, judged on its own 


merits, would seem to have been more in the way of 
commerce and protection of the Channel ports. But even 
judged on its own merits Falmouth could not offer the same 
advantages as Plymouth. True, there would be the reaches 
of the lovely Fal in which a whole navy might lurk, and 
there would be no need to build a breakwater, as the sea 
entrance would be through a narrow channel, and the 
harbour itself up to Truro with its different inlets was 
almost as landlocked as Sydney or the Cove of Cork, now 
Queenstown. But against these advantages for the time 
being must be set the fact that most of the West country 
sea-dogs, and nearly all their leaders, would hail from Devon. 
The leaders of the Queen's navy (such as Drake and 
Hawkins, not to mention Frobisber, a Yorkshire man, I 
think) were closely connected with Plymouth (and 
Tavistock), and Sir F. Drake's great circumnavigation 
voyage started from Plymouth. It is also evident that the 
Spaniards in the Armada considered Plymouth to be the 
great naval port, for, ail-but avoiding FfiJmouth, their first 
endeavour was to shut Drake and his ships in the Ply- 
mouth haven, ie,, between Penlee and Bovisand points, 
though foiled in this attempt by Drake's remarkable seaman- 
ship. And this is all the more to be noted, because all ships 
that came in would have to shelter up by Sutton and 
Cattewater on the one side, and up the Hamoaze by Saltash 
on the other. And it was doubtless because of the many 
wrecks which strewed the rocks below the Hoe, before the 
Breakwater was built, that a private shipping-yard (Escott's), 
continuing up to 1780, was for many generations established, 
first at Saltash; and afterwards a regular naval Dock was 
built, on the land side opposite Cremyll, and that the founda- 
tion of Plymouth Dock was laid in the reign of William III., 
the predecessor of our modern Devonport and Keyham, 
where even now such huge additional docks are being built 
as a national necessity.' Nor can we omit to notice that 

• In Qiieen Elizabeth's time the only real Dockyards were far east — at 
Chatham, Woolwich, and Deptford. Properly speaking, there were only 
places of naval rendezvous^ either by Sutton and Cattewater on the one side, 
or up the Hamoaze by Saltash on the other. The private shipping-yards 
would, of course, in cases of necessity, be resorted to on either side, east or 
west, in the Plymouth Haven. Hawkins, it is true, desired ** places of 
accommodation ' westwards, which would not make necessary recourse to the 
"River" {i.e., the Thames) or "the Downs." (Hasted's Kent, p. 281.) 
Besides this, Drake took his prizes, including the San Filipe, up the Tamar 
by Saltash, perhaps near the mouth of the Tavy, to be near Buckland 
Abbey. But Frobisher was defeated in a similar attempt by the intervention 
of the civil authority. There was, however, no naval station at Saltash. 
And no more was there at Cattewater, though Hawkins fired at the Spaniards 
there for not saluting the English flag. 


on the other side of the haven there is a project, only to a 
certain extent successful, being pushed forward for obtaining 
at Cattewater a still greater depth of water, sufficient to float 
our huge ships of modern tonnage alongside of our Plymouth 
warehouses. Well then, we look back to Elizabeth as the 
founder of our Colonial Empire, and to Drake, Hawkins, and 
the rest as the agents in the inauguration of that mighty 
scheme. We have seen how the Privy Council acknow- 
ledged the claims of Plymouth as an important haven, to 
which so much merchant shipping and the vessels of Her 
Majesty's navy did continually resort All seafaring men 
are conscious of the necessity of water and provisions for 
their shipping. And doubtless it was in Drake's own 
voyages — in some of which he had to provision some 3000 
men — that these necessities forcibly impressed themselves 
upon him. Before the leat was laid— as the Plymouth 
Haven and Water Act declared — men had to go some mile 
inland for water (perhaps to '* Lypson Hyll "), and when so 
doing had often lost a fair wind, and had to wait for the 
next. Drake and Hawkins, therefore, were as much 
interested in the question of water for Her Majesty's ships 
as they could be for the supply of the town, and hence we 
cannot doubt that they freely gave of their prize-money 
to enable them to start with a prompt and speedy supply 
of water. They did this for their own benefit^ and not 
merely because the Queen expected them ''to hazard their 
estates." And then there was the food supply for shipping 
to be thought of, and that they had in the hogsheads of 
salted pilchards they took to sea. Aud it was by the tax on 
pilchards that another project of Elizabeth and her Council 
was promoted. If the shipping in harbour had to be 
provisioned, there was every need for fortifications to be 
raised for the protection of the ships which might be lying 
there. Plymouth as an important port was to be fortified, 
but in such a way as not to attract the attention of the 
hostile prying Spaniard. The burgesses of a seaside town 
could not be blamed for providing out of the means they 
could raise for their own protection, while any national 
attempt to effect the same object might look like a menace 
to Spain. These fortifications would cost £5000, and the 
money had to be raised and was raised. I have finally to 
remark that it is in the State Domestic Papers of Elizabeth 
that these points, as we have seen, were more fully brought 
out than in the black and white books of the Plymouth 
Corporation (constitutions). The Plymouth town supply of 


water from their own wells was sufficient for the working of 
the town miUs. As to the town wells, just remember the 
names of Finewell Street, Ladywell Terrace, Gilwell Street, 
Buckwell Street, Westwell Street, and Well Street. The 
last street, though very modern, testifies by its name to 
the existence of a well on the Elliot estate. Drake's mills, 
therefore, were really tidal miUs, worked by the back flow 
from Sourpool,' which he afterwards left to the town, and 
were built for the supply of the shipping. The town wells, 
too, we must remember, became unfit for use as the town grew 
and increased. To Plymouth, therefore, and to Plymouth 
heroes, we owe the origin of our colonial empire under 
Elizabeth, and we cannot err in coming to the conclusion that 
the rise of Plymouth as a naval port laid the foundations of 
Britain's empire of the seas. All over the world, wherever a 
British ship floats there is a piece of British ground, and that 
dominion first took its beginniugs in the rise of Plymouth as 
a naval port in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Esto perpetwa! 
should be the cry of every Briton, whether in the lesser or 
the greater Britain. And even in the great Bepublic which, 
notwithstanding the admixture of foreign but assimilating 
elements, owns Great Britain for its mother, there are not a 
few traces left that " blood is thicker than water " (as many 
of my name can testify in Texas and elsewhere), and that 
wherever the Anglo-Saxon aud his related races go there is 
the dominion of the future, even if shared in an inferior 
degree by the efforts* after empire of the Slav ! 

' This clearly appears from Hatfield map No. 2, which I exhibited in 
public. Mr. Julian Corbett, in his recent work on Drake and the Tudor 
Naxy (vol. iL 871, note), says: '* Recently there has been a difference of 
opinion amongst local antiquaries, some considerio^ that Drake, so far from 
being a benefactor to the town, was guilty of a job by which he greatly 
benefited. . . . The charge, however, has not been established clearly 
enough to overcome the contrary evidence and the local tradition. The 
whole work seems to have been part of Drake's pet project for making 
Plymouth a powerful naval station. For this good water and properly- 
conducted mills were essential. His persoDal interest was, no doubt, a desire 
to regain the favour of the Queen in the way that was always most effective 
with her, that is, by undertaking, mainly at his own expense, Imperial work 
which she ouffht to have done herself." 

* Cf. remark of Russian Count de Lacy to me some years after the Crimean 
war : "Ah, monsieur, si nous pouvons agr^r, nous pourrons diviser tout le 
monde entre nous ! '' II avait bien raisoo. Arguments on the propriety of 
this seem now, after recent doings in China, etc, rather ill-timed and 
inconsequent. In an article on **The Englishmen, &c., who made Russia," 
Ice., in a recent monthly, there is mention made of one Lacy, a Limerick 
man, having accompanied the Czar Peter to Russia among the 300, in all, 
English, Scotch, and Irish, who helped Peter to build up his empire. How 
far has this aid been recognised! Was there not a Russian admiral, Greig, of 
Scotch descent, at Sebastopol in the Crimean War? 

VOL. XXX. 2 A 






(Rfsad at Honitoo, Aognst, 1896.) 

TflERS is a strikiiig contradiction between the results of 
the physicists and the geologists with regard to geological 

The former, with much good reason perhaps, would curtail 
very considerably the length of time demanded by the latter 
as an explanation of phenomena presented both from the 
physical and vital sides of the past history of our world. 

In the study of a geological formation, which often seems 
one long unbroken sequence of events, the geologist is not 
unfrequently startled to find on further research that the 
seeming unbroken sequence is but a mere fiction of his own 
creating. Further observation may disclose to him the fact 
of a break in the continuity of events which makes an 
immense call on *' the bank of time/' that ho was altogether 
unprepared for. 

Instances of this kind occur throughout the scale of the 
geological formations, and further investigations only tend to 
increase their number. 

An example of this kind forms a portion of the subject of 
the present paper: a subject which has certainly not received 
the attention from local observers that it merits. 

The Culm or Carboniferous formation, as it is developed 
in Devonshire, is provisionally divisible into a lower and 
upper group. 

The lower group consists of a series of slates, cherts, and 
limestones. The upper, as developed in the northern portion 


of the county, of sandstones, carbonaceous shales, and beds 
of anthracitic coals, such as occur near Bideford. 

A portion of this upper group seems to be absent from the 
South Devon area ; or at least the beds of anthracite coals 
which occur in the north are not represented. 

There is, however, developed very locally in South Devon 
a series of grits and conglomerates, which are apparently 
still higher in the system than the upper groups of North 
Devon, to which reference will immediately be made. 

The lower group has of late received close attention from 
Messrs. Hinde and Fox^ in a valuable memoir dealing 
specially with the radiolarian chert beds associated there- 

These radiolarian cherts and the beds immediately con- 
nected therewith have been shown to have been the result of 
deposition which must have taken place in a very deep sea, 
far removed from the ordinary sediments derived from the 
waste of the land; in fact, they are the product of a still 
deep sea of profound depth. 

In the South Devon area, in the neighbourhood of Newton 
Abbot, Kingsteignton, and Chudleigh, there occur a series of 
sandstones, grits, fine and coarse conglomerates, which indicate 
conditions the very reverse of the above; conditions which 
clearly indicate not only shallow seas, but even areas that 
had been raised above the level of the water. 

In the conglomerates referred to are indubitable fragments 
of the radiolarian cherts derived from the waste of these beds. 
These fragments are plentifully distributed throughout the 
conglomerates in all the localities where they occur. 

The inference from these facts is at once obvious. It 
plainly means that these Lower Culm beds have been con- 
solidated; slowly elevated from the bottom of a sea of 
great depth, and subsequently wasted and worn down into 
fragments to enter into the composition of the said con- 

It has been suggested that the fragments of the cherts 
found in the conglomerates might be explained on the 
grounds of volcanic activity ; the fragments of chert having 
been blown from beneath by explosions which took place 
under submarine conditions. 

There are, however, no good grounds for this supposition, 
as the fragments of chert are most frequently well rounded 
and water-worn, as are also most of the other constituents 

* Quar, Joum, Oeol, Soc., Nor., 1895, voL li. p. 609. 

2 A 2 


which make up the conglomerates. Neither is there any 
appearance of any true tuff-like matter in their contents 
which would lead one to support this view of their origin. 

The only intelligible solution of the difficulty, then, is the 
granting of sufficient time to account for the great physical 
changes implied by the phenomena as stated. 

That such-like changes were also taking place over other 
areas at no great distance during the same period, it is most 
interesting to note : for instance, in the Pennant sandstone 
group of South Wales there are beds of conglomerate con- 
taining pebbles of coal sometimes of four inches in diameter. 
Another instance is from the Bristol coalfield, where, in cer- 
tain beds of grit of the same age, pebbles of anthracite 
belonging to the lower coal-measure group have also been 

These two instances clearly prove that these conditions 
were by no means confined to the limited area of South 
Devon alone. 

The occurrence of the fragments of chert in the South 
Devon conglomerates was distinctly noted by Grodwin- 
Austen and De la Beche. Both of these observers also 
drew attention to the unconformable position of the con- 
glomerates to the underlying Devonian beds, a point of 
much importance, as will be seen in the sequel of this 

The conglomerate group is naturally divisible into a triple 
series, consisting of sandstones, grits, and conglomerates. 
There are fine and coarse grits, and also conglomerates 
ranging through grades of fine, medium, and coarse. 

These rocks may be studied at many different localities, 
all within a short distance of each other, as at Bradley 
Woods, near Combe Farm, Hestow Farm, Whiteway Farm, 
Ugbrook Park, etc. 

The most important questions now arise. What is the 
true age of the conglomerate series? and what are the 
relations they hold to the rest of the Culm series ? 

Messrs. Hinde and Fox, in their paper already referred to, 
incidentally and briefly note the former question, and remark 
that "it is hardly possible that the Radiolarian beds are 
directly succeeded by beds of coarse clastic materials," t.e., 
the Ugbrook Park and other conglomerates. This is one 
of the points that really requii'e further elucidation from 
observation in the field. 

* Woodward's QeoL of Eng. and Wales, p. 196. 


The most of the sectioDS, however, exposed in the localities 
where the Lower Culm, with its chert beds, comes into close 
juxtaposition with the conglomerate series, are, unfortunately, 
rather obscure in the order of their sequence. Both are 
found close together at Bradley Woods, Roydon, west of 
Abbotskerswell, fioydon, north of Kingsteignton, and at 
Ugbrook Park ; but in none of these localities are the 
relations of the superimposed conglomerates clear to the 
underlying chert series. Sometimes the conglomerates, as 
at Ugbrook Park, seem to rest directly on the Devonian 

My inference from this, and from other appearances in 
the field, is that there is an unconformability, or an overlap, 
in the succession between the Lower Culm and the con- 
glomerate series. 

This opinion is strengthened by the fact that in all the 
localities mentioned the conglomerate series rests at a 
comparatively low angle. On the other hand the chert 
series is frequently very highly inclined, and the beds 
much contorted and affected by cleavage. Indeed the 
Lower Culm series seems to have been powerfully affected 
by earth-crust movements, which had ceased before the 
deposition of the conglomerates. 

In strict connection with this point we know from clear 
evidence that contemporaneous volcanic action exhibited 
itself in the area of South Devon during the formation 
of the Lower Culm, of which there is no trace in the 
upper or conglomerate series. 

Grodwin- Austen and De la Beche, as already pointed out, 
distinctly noted the unconformability between the Culm and 
Devonian systems of South Devon. It^ however, seems clear 
to me that the conglomerate series is really the unconform- 
able member, resting so on the Lower Culm, which latter, 
however, is quite conformable to the Devonian in South 
Devon, as it is also known to be so in the north of the 

If I am correct on this point, the break, overlap, or un- 
conformability is then between the lower members of the 
Culm and this upper conglomerate series, and, of course, 
an equal unconformability will also occur wherever the 
latter rests on the Devonian in South Devon. 

Proofs as to the exact age of the conglomerate series are 
not altogether as clear as could be desired, consequently 
much is left to inference. 

There can be no doubt, however, from the reasons urged, 


that they are high ia the series of the Culm deposits, 
and that they are certainly separated from the chert beds 
by an enormous interval of time. It seems to me that 
it is only a fair and just inference to regard this con- 
glomerate series of South Devon as the true equivalents 
of the Pennant grit series of the Bristol and South Wales 
coalfields, which present similar phenomena already referred 

Neither is it quite clear as to whether or not these South 
Devon conglomerates are really represented even by equiva- 
lents of the same age, if less coarse in texture, in the north 
of the county, as near Bideford. 

The development of the conglomerate series in the south* 
may have been of a local nature only, so much so that they 
may not have spread very much beyond the various areas 
referred to. At all events, in the numerous sections of the 
Culm formation exposed further north in the direction of 
the Teign valley, and also by way of Exeter, as far as I am 
aware of, they are not again met with in any of the 
numerous sections there exposed. 



(R«ad At Honiton, August, 1898.) 

In the short paper just read I have placed before you 
conclusive evidences in proof of a period of inter-denuda- 
tion which occurred in the Culm or Carboniferous system of 
South Devon. 

During that period there had been considerable waste and 
removal of the rocks forming that extensive formation, 
especially of that portion of it lying between the radiolarian 
cherts near its base, and the conglomerates just described, 
forming its upper or higher beds. 

The present very brief paper is confined to a long subse- 
quent period of denudation, which took place on a far larger 
scale during one or more geological periods of time ; but 
notably to that interval which preceded the deposition of the 
Permian breccias and sandstones, which cover a large area in 
South Devon. 

It is singular that the late Mr. Pengelly, in his paper on 
" The Denudation of Rocks in Devonshire," ^ and in other 
papers, had so little to say on the proofs of the enormous 
removal of the Culm rocks from the South Devon area, as it 
presents perhaps the most striking instance of denudation to 
be found in our county. 

In dealing with this subject I will not dwell on, but 
merely mention in passing, the great mass and thickness of 
the Culm beds, which must have been removed from over the 
area of the Dartmoor granite, but pass on to deal with its 
more extensive denudation from the whole southern surface 
of South Devon. 

* Trans. Dev. Assoc., 1864, p. 42. 


This area is embraced in an east and west line cutting 
through the centre of the Dartmoor granite and extending 
therefrom southwards to the coast. 

Whether the whole combined thickness of the Lower 
and Upper Culm system was once spread over this ex- 
tensive area may not be altogether certain, as the con- 
glomerate series was essentially a shallow water deposit, and 
might have been local in its formation. It is, however, 
certain that the lower members, ¥dth which the radiolarian 
cherts are associated, covered the whole area referred to. 

These members of the system were laid down in a deep, 
abysmal sea, for the most part far removed from inshore 
conditions and the immediate waste of the land. 

That sea, in the deep waters of which were formed the 
cherts and other associated rocks, must have covered an area 
very much greater than the very circumscribed one referred 
to. Indeed, there are evidences which would connect these, 
our lower members of the Culm, with those of the Continent, 
of Belgium and North Germany, where the same radiolarian 
deep-sea beds occur. 

Altogether apart from this line of argument, however, are 
the clear and decisive proofs furnished by the physical 
features of the Culm beds as they now exist in our county. 

On reference to the Geological Survey maps of North and 
South Devon, you will observe that the beds of the Culm are 
so disposed in their arrangement as to form a line of strike 
from west to east with a persistent dip to the north. This 
northern dip is steadily maintained so as to form the 
edge or rim of a great basin or synclinal trough, until the 
opposite edge or rim of the basin is gradually brought up 
along the long line of strike extending from Bideford Bay 
inland by way of Bampton. 

The southern lip of this great basin presents its truncated 
ends to the south, which ends are simply their denuded or 
wasted edges; or the remaining portions of another great fold 
of the strata, which once passed southwards, but now almost 
completely removed by denudation. 

Similar proofs of the extensive removal of different 
members of the Culm system are afforded by a study of 
the area of the east side of Dartmoor. 

In this district the Culm is continued far southward of the 
line of strike of the beds on the west side of the moor, 
reaching near the margin of the granite, possibly as far south 
as Ivybridge (?) or at least beyond Skeriton. This fact is 
sufficient of itself to show that at one time on the west side 


of Dartmoor the Calm beds were prolonged far southwards 
to the termination of their present line of strike; a fact 
which will be immediately referred to and proved. 

The more or less isolated masses of the sandstone, grit, 
and conglomerate series of this same eastern area are also 
proof positive of their former much wider distribution As 
mentioned in the preceding paper, these members of the 
Upper Culm system occupy a number of detached and semi- 
detached areas. 

The combined thickness of these is very considerable, and 
the whole point to the fact that they are the mere scraps of 
more extensive beds, which have escaped entire removaL 

The proofs of this enormous denudation of Culm rocks 
from the area of South Devon do not stop here, but can 
even be applied to the area of South Cornwall, or even to the 
whole of the county. 

Bearing directly on this point, my friend Mr. Howard 
Fox, F.G.S., of Falmouth, has lately called attention to a 
remarkable outlier of Culm chert at Pillaton, five miles 
N.N.W. of Saltash.- These radiolarian cherts form a whole 
hill quite isolated from the rest of the main body of the 
Culm rocks on the north. The isolated position of this 
outlier forms an indisputable, monumental proof of its 
separation from the main mass by denudation, while the 
outlier itself as clearly points to the still further extension 
of these same beds far to the south. 

The geological period of time at which most of this vast 
removal of the Culm, and even of the underlying Devonian 
rocks, took place seems, as already stated, to have been post- 
Culm and pre-Permian. 

This interval between these two formations doubtless marks 
a period of very considerable duration. During this pro- 
longed interval of waste the southern portion of our county 
had not only stripped from its surface a great thickness of 
Culm strata, but also much of the underlying Devonian 
rocks, before the lowest of the Permian breccias and sand- 
stones had begun to be deposited. That such was the case 
is perfectly clear from the fact of these Permian rocks 
resting directly on the upturned and eroded edges, or on 
denuded surfaces of the Middle and Lower Devonian, as 
may be observed at Goodrington, and other localities near 

At later periods of geological time further denudation of 

^ Trans. Dev, Assoc ^ 1896, toI. zzTiii. p. 786. 


the Culm rocks has also taken place. In post-Permian and 
Triassic times both of these formations were in certain areas 
in part removed down to their very basement beds, and even 
below, down to the Culm beneath. There are also traces of 
this denudation as late as the drifts of the Bovey basin 
periods, in which are found numerous fragments of Culm 
rocks removed from the adjoining areas. 

The combined effect of all these periods of denudation 
has been to sweep from the area of South Devon nearly the 
whole extent and thickness of a formation which at one time 
assuredly covered its entire surface. 



(Read at Honiton, Angust, 1808.) 

Ik the Transactions of the Devonshire Association for 1896, 
vol. xxviii will be found a paper which I read at the 
meeting at Ashburton, on the Bepresentatives for the 
borough in olden times. I had wished to add a few remarks 
on the franchise prevailing there, termed in the law books 
''burgage tenure," but time was wanting to examine it 
properly ; and since then I have thought it best to enlarge 
my design, and to-day I offer an account of the entire 
representation of the county, including the city of Exeter, 
as it existed prior to the Beform Act of 1832. Our wood, 
as I may term it, was then rather severely cut, but it has 
renewed itself as well as could be expected, and the voice 
of the county is now very well heard at Westminster. 

Devon was represented, from the Bestoration in 1660 to 
1832, by, first, two county members; secondly, by two 
members for the city and county of Exeter, the city having 
been declared a county of itself by grant from Henry YIII. 
in 1537, confirmed by statute in 1550; and, thirdly, by 
eleven boroughs, close or open ; and their circumstances and 
franchises will appear in the course of my paper. They 
returned in all twenty-two members, so that the entire area 
of Devon had as many as twenty-six, or about one-twentieth 
of the entire representation of England and Wales. The 
entire land tax, as assessed in 1692, was about £2,000,000, 
at 4s. in the pound on the annual value of all kinds of 
property at that time; while that for Devon, including 
Exeter, was fixed at £82,583, or, as near as may be, one 
twenty-fourth part of the whole tax; so it may be said 
that 200 years ago taxation and representation were not 


much out of proportion, as far as Devonshire was concerned, 
a point of some importance, if we consider how sharply the 
Commons in those bygone times insisted on their sole right 
to fix the taxes payable to the Crown. At the same time 
the midland and home counties, which paid very heavily, 
were not nearly so well represented. 

I reserve for the conclusion of my paper an account of 
the representation of the city of Exeter and the county at 
large, and will now take in alphabetical order the eleven 
other boroughs — for none of them were cities proper — and 
explain how their members were elected prior to 1832. 
There had never been any definite legislation on the subject^ 
though the right had sometimes enured by custom, some- 
times been defined by royal charter, and in more cases than 
one determined by resolution of the House of Commons on 
the report of an Election Committee. I may add that 
Ashburton, Honiton, and Okehampton had only returned 
members since November, 1641, when their privilege was 
revived by order of the House. 

Ashburton. By a resolution of the House of Commons, 
February 26, 1707-8, founded on the indentures of election 
sent up since 1660, the right of voting was declared to be 
vested in this borough "in freeholders having lands and 
tenements holden of the said borough only." An amend- 
ment to omit the word only was rejected on a ballot; and 
it is interesting to see from the proceedings, as recorded 
in the journals of the House, that at that time the House 
voted by secret ballot, not as now, by an open record of 

Burgage tenure, thus confirmed by a formal decision, is 
a very ancient tenure in England, of which the Parlia- 
mentary franchise is, of course, only an incident. Whether 
it is still recognized in conveyances of property I cannot 
say, but it is described by Blackstone as implying that the 
tenements were held of the king or the lord of the manor 
at a fixed rent ; and in some cases I think the borough as 
a whole answered for the entire rent to the lord; it is 
expressly said to be one of the cases in which the lex loci 
prevailed, the customs varying extremely in different places. 
The franchise of burgage tenure existed at Beer Alston, in 
this county, and in several of the ancient boroughs which 
were reduced or extinguished by the first Reform Act of 
1832 ; and a few of my readers may be interested if I sub- 
join their names : — Saltash, Cornwall ; Cockermouth, Cumber- 
land; Castle Rising, Norfolk; Bletchingley and Eeigate» 


Surrey; East Grinstead, Horsham, and Midhurst, Sussex; 
Appleby, Westmorelaud ; Downtou, Heytesbury, and Old 
Sarum, Wiltshire; Droitwich, Worcestershire; Borough 
Bridge, Northallerton, Bichmond, Bipon, and Thirsk, York- 
shire. Burgage tenure was reckoned to be a free or freehold 
tenure, not a base or servile tenure like that of the copy- 
holders in the home counties, who before 1832 had no vote 
in Parliamentary elections. 

I have had some conversation with a friend of much 
experience in law, whom I need not name, as to the way 
in which the joint lords of the manor, who evidently were 
proprietors of the borough at Ashburton, employed their 
*' screw" to secure the election of their nominees. They 
certainly had no right of eviction, and it was his opinion 
that it could only have been their moral influence which 
determined the votes in their favour, unless, indeed, they 
had acquired the ownership of the tenements in some in* 
direct way which would not be generally known or public. 
When Colonel Torrens captured the borough in 1831, the 
independent electors supported him, and thus ousted Sir L. 
Palk, the owner of one moiety of the manor; Mr. Poyntz, 
who represented Lord Clinton's share, easily retaining his 
seat, as he was in favour of the Beform Bill. In a news- 
paper of the time it is said that the votes on the third day 
were 79, 47, and 41 : so long it took to poll so few ; and 
Ashburtonians may like to know that the impartiality of 
Mr. Henry Gervis, who filled the office of Portreeve, was 
much commended. 

Barnstaple seems always to have been an open con* 
stituency, the freemen, as at Exeter, being very numerous. 
Freedom was acquired by servitude of seven years, and also 
by inheritance, ail sons succeeding, and not only the eldest 
son, as usual in many boroughs. The capital burgesses, or 
common council, had also votes. In 1832 the constituency 
in all numbered about 260. 

Beer Alston, or Albeston, is a small town, now of about 
1000 inhabitants, in the parish of Beer Ferrers, near Ply- 
mouth. The borough itself was small, extending over only 
about 30 acres, with a population of 400 and about thirty 
electors in 1831. The franchise was burgage tenure, the 
same as at Ashburton, but the seats were never contested. 
The town is said by Bisdon to have taken its name from one 
Alenson, to whom it was given by William the Conqueror ; 
but I cannot identify the place in the Devonshire Domesday, 
The lord of the borough, whatever that might mean, was the 


Earl of Beveriey, and the memben connected with the 
Northumberland Ceunily. 

At Dartmouth, or properly speaking, Clifton Dartmouth 
Hardness, denoting different parts of the town which Was 
incorporated by Edward II L, Uie election of members rested 
with the Corporation, which consisted of a mayor, twelve 
masters, as at Totnes, and an indefinite number of burgesses, 
actually seventy-one at the time of the Keform Bill, of 
whom fifty-three are said to have been resident, though only 
twenty-two appeared in the new Register of 1832. It seems 
to have been a very close affair ; the only contests in recent 
years had been in 1791 and 1830, and the place was much 
under the influence of a family named Houldsworth, whose 
name I do not now see in the Directory. Alternately with 
Poole, in Dorsetshire, the Corporation had the curious 
privilege of nominating the collector of customs in New- 
foundland, which they are said to have sold on one occasion 
for £300. I am afraid their standard of conduct in public 
life was not much above that of Chaucer's shipman : 

" For ongbt I wot, he was of Dert^month, 
And certainly he was a good fellow. 
Full many a draught of wine he had draw 
From Burdeaox ward, while that the chapman sleep. 
Of nice conscience took he no keep, 
Bat of his craft to reckon well his tides. 
His streams and his strondes him besides. 
There was none such from Hull unto Cartage." 

The original borough of Honiton consisted only of the 
town, about 100 acres in extent, with 3,509 inhabitants in 
1831. The electors were, scot and lot, those who paid their 
scot and bore their lot, i.e., served the parish offices in their 
turn ; or Potwallers or Potwallopers, as they are sometimes 
called, most likely meaning any person who could boil a pot 
against a walL The value they set on their votes comes out 
very clearly in what I have said in my paper on Ashburton, 
of Sir Wm. Yonge ; and in the many small boroughs where 
this form of franchise existed, I fear they were very often 
accessible to undue influences. Mustard, for example, I 
have seen mentioned as the local name for the value of 
a vote at Uchester, a small town not far distant ; and yet 
it was added that on an enquiry by the House, it was im- 
possible to extract any explanation of the term from any 
inhabitant of the place, man, woman, or child, so safely 
were they educated. The right of franchise in the city of 
Westminster was of this character, and it may be imagined 

DBV0K8HIKS IN PARUAMEMT, 1660-1832. 375 

who the electors would have been in the eighteenth century. 
In Westminster no doubt they were entirely free, and, 
generally speaking, inaccessible to bribery ; and most of us 
know the story of the blacksmith: of the shoemaker who 
asked leave *'to light his pipe at her ladyship's eyes,'' and 
the chairmaker who, most likely in 1741, declined to sup- 
port the candidate favoured by the Prince's friends, ^ even 
if His Boyal Highness should give him an order for a 
throne " ; but their influence in an election was entirely out 
of proportion to their interest in the Government, and the 
ten-pound householders were a very good substitute. They 
died hard. Their rights were reserved for life, as long as 
they occupied the same tenement as in 1832; and about 
1881 half a dozen perhaps survived at the head of the list 
of voters for the parish of St. Margaret's, Westminster — one 
of them a gentleman residing in the pleasant locality of 
Queen Anne's Gate ; and in another constituency of about 
1,500 electors in 1830, the last name of the old set, I was 
told, disappeared in 1890. 

Much light is thrown on the situation of the borough of 
Okehampton by the report of the Commissioners who 
enquired into the Municipal Corporations of England and 
Wales in 1835. The governing charter was one granted by 
Charles II. in 1684, and under it all places in the borough 
were at the disposal of the patron, Albany Savile, Esq., who 
had purchased his rights from Lord Clive ; he in his time 
having secured the different shares into which the lordship 
or manor itself had become split. There were a mayor, 
recorder, sixteen capital burgesses, and a number of free- 
men, who with the freeholders of the parish, in all about 
230, elected the members of Parliament; but everything 
seems practically to have been in the hands of Mr. Savile, 
who had been himself recorder. Mr. Savile and the 
Corporation had outstanding accounts against each other of 
a considerable amount, but they were not forthcoming at 
the enquiry, and there seemed no prospect whatever of a 
settlement; in fact, the whole affair, after the place lost its 
representatives in 1832, had lapsed into a moribund phase of 
existence, from which it has recently revived under the 
influence of a new charter granted in 1886. I am not aware 
that the seats had been contested for a long time. 

Plymouth, the next town in my list, is too important a 
place for any thorough consideration in this paper. It was 
originally a place in the parish of Sutton, now represented 
only by the name of Sutton Pool, one of the creeks in which 


trading Teasels can load or diachaige. It was 
by cbaiter and statute in 18 Henry YL (1439), and no 
doubt increased rapidly ; its first membeis were returned in 
1441. They were elected by the mayor and commonalty 
or freemen, who seem to have forced for themselves a con- 
siderable amount of corporate authority, beyond what they 
were entitled to by their charter, in 1812 ; and in 1830 they 
admitted as many as 200 new members, who each paid an 
admission fine of £20 towards the erection of a new town 
hall. Their legal powers may have been somewhat 
precarious, but they exemplify the saying that the spirit 
of a nation is stronger than a hundred statutes; and no 
party in the state would have wished to afiront the men who 
were always willing to brave the battle or the breeze. After 
the Keform Act of 1832, 115 only were qualified to vote as 
freemen, so that many of the 200 new men must have lived 
at some distance. 

Plympton Earle was a borough of 540 acres, with 183 
houses and 1,251 inhabitants, presumably the modem town 
of Plympton ; it had fifty-four electors, who in ooe way or 
another formed a practically close constituency. They were 
a mayor, nine aldermen, and forty-three free buigesses, the 
latter being chosen by the mayor and aldermen. Very few 
were resident, and they were mostly gentlemen of Devon 
or ComwalL Individually they may have been not ill- 
qualified to elect the members, but that they represented 
the town of Plympton does not appear. 

At Tavistock the electors, thirty-seven in number in 1832, 
were the freeholders resident within the borough, which 
otherwise had no kind of corporate existence. The influence 
of the Russell family before and after the Act of 1832 seems 
to have been predominant 

Tiverton is not well spoken of by the Municipal Com- 
mission, but the patronage of the borough belonged to the 
Earl of Harrowby, and the high character which the Byder 
family have always enjoyed forbids my supposing they used 
it improperly, though their views of political duty may not 
have been my own. Though they have long parted with 
their interest in the place, they have left in the Town Hall 
two small portraits of George I. and George II., which it 
is not easy to find away from London. The electors wei^ 
a mayor, twelve capital burgesses, and twelve assistants : in 
all twenty-one were present and voted at the election of 
May, 1831, and in a report of the time they are called 
corporators. I have no reason to suppose that they voted 


otherwise than in accordance with the wishes of their noble 
patron, but what powers of control he may have had at 
a critical time I cannot undertake to say. 

At Totnes the right of election rested with the mayor, 
fourteen masters and counsellors, and an indefinite number 
of free burgesses, actually ninety-four in all in 1831. The 
financial affairs of the unreformed corporation of this town 
were in a very unsatisfactory state, but this may not have 
affected the politics of the place. Anyhow, the influence 
of a few families seems to have governed the elections 
to Parliament, and this may very well have been exercised 
in a fair and legitimate way. 

Altogether we see that of the smaller boroughs in Devon, 
one had the scot and lot franchise, two had burgage tenure, 
and in the eight others the members were chosen by the 
Corporation or freemen in various ways. 

I conclude with a few remarks on the elections for the city 
of Exeter and the county of Devon, which will be seen to have 
stood on a footing rather different from that of the various 
small towns which I have hitherto been describing. In 
Exeter itself the election of members of Parliament rested 
with the freemen and freeholders, in all about 1,500 in 1831. 
They were evidently too large a constituency to be under 
any control or tutelage, and I have no doubt that they would 
have rejected a man as soon as they would have seated him. 
They were often poor men, and, we may assume, were no 
better and no worse than the Nottingham '* lambs/' or some 
other constituencies that might be named; but they were 
too numerous, and the city itself was too strong a cor- 
poration, to be nursed or coerced, and we may take it for 
granted that they did their duty to their country to the 
best of their knowledge. 

In the county at large there were about 11,000 freeholders, 
at least so it was stated on the hustings in 1831, and the 
number agrees fairly well with that of the ownership votes 
in a return of 1837. But at the election of August, 1830, 
when Mr. Bastard lost his seat, whose family had represented 
the county since 1780, not nearly so many put in an appear* 
ance, he having only polled 2,100 against 2,900 and 2,700 
in favour of his opponents. I suspect there were many 
trimmers among those qualified to vote, and the expense 
of coming to Exeter from distant parts of the county would 
have been something, local polling -places being a novelty 
of the Act of 1832. 

VOL. XXX. 2 B 


(Read at Honiton, Aognit, 1896.) 



Fabhion appears to rule in geological as well as in other 
matters, the text -books being the authorities. With no 
sufficient reason, as it appears to the author, a very general 
opinion has arisen that the last glacial period was limited 
in action, and bounded as regards area by a line drawn east- 
ward from the head of the Bristol Channel. No attempt, or 
at least no serious attempt, has ever been made to assign a 
reason for this southern limit of glaciation, and on inquiry it 
would appear that the matter is one of theory, formed in the 
absence of sufficient data. Of the reasons which may be 
assigned for the supposed absence of glacial action in Devon* 
shire, two only, if seriously advanced, might be considered to 
be adequate. It must either be argued that the land of Devon- 
shire was at the time of the last glacial period submerged, 
and hence freed from the action of the ice planes, or else 
that the climate obtaining in Devonshire during the glacial 
period differed so ¥ddely from that obtaining on the opposite 
coast of Wales, that glaciers, while possible in the one case, 
were rendered by climatic influence impossible in the other. 
So far as the author is aware neither of these arguments has 
been seriously put forward, but it is necessary none the less 
to deal shortly with them. 

In the first place, had the county of Devonshire as a whole 
been submerged during the glacial period there must have 
been remaining evidence of drift ice having passed over the 
sea which covered it. Such evidence is practically non- 
existent, and where it could be found is restricted solely to 
the lower levels of the land. It will be seen, too, in the 


course of this paper that there is evidence, and very full 
evidence, that the land constituting the present county of 
Devonshire oscillated in level contemporaneously and 
coincidently with the land now known as Wales, the 
physical conditions in hoth localities being identica]. As 
to the question of climate, it is difiScult or almost impossible 
to imagine that this argument could be seriously upheld. 
The actual distance between the land in Wales, which by 
common consent has been subject to glacial action, and the 
land in Devonshire is so slight as to afford no scope for a 
great change in temperature. Besides that, the relative 
elevations of the lower portions of Wales and of the surface 
of land in Devonshire are materially coincident, so that the 
question of temperature as dependent on elevation cannot 
be argued. If then there appear no sufficient reason for a 
difference of conditions on either side of the imaginary line 
before referred to, it might seem that the truest attempt to 
arrive at accurate conclusions would lie in the investigation 
of the present physical characteristics of Devonshire and its 
comparison with the conditions known to obtain in Wales. 

For many years past the author has had exceptional 
advantages in studying the form assumed by the rock 
valleys in the south of Devonshire, and has not only obtained 
a fairly full knowledge of the present sub-aerial valleys, but 
has been enabled to accumulate a large amount of informa- 
tion as to the submerged valleys which form the estuaries 
of the southern rivers of Devonshire. In considering the 
facts from time to time brought before his notice, he has 
been driven to the conclusion that ice action has had great if 
not preponderating influence on the formation of Devonshire 

It will be necessary to enter somewhat fully into the 
consideration of the physical differences between water 
erosion and ice erosion. Water in the course of its flow over 
the earth's surface undoubtedly exerts an erosive action, but 
this action directly depends, not on the primary force derived 
from the actual motion of the particles of water, but on the 
secondary motion of solid matters transported by the water 
flow. Thus it will be observed that at any place where even 
a considerable flow of water passes over a comparatively soft 
rock surface, the actual channel worn by the water itself is but 
slight, unless on its course the stream is fed with a sufficient 
amount of rock material in the form of sand, pebbles, 
and shingle. The power of a stream as an agent in 
excavation depends, first, on the volume of water ; secondly, 

2 B 2 


on the gradient of the bed of the stream and the conse^ 
qnent velocity of flow ; thirdly, on the quantity of detrital 
matter finding its way into the bed of the stream, and the 
lelative hardness of this matter ; so that the actual erosive 
power of water is compounded of its velocity and quantity, 
and consequent power of transporting solid particles, and the 
supply of solid particles for such transport. Another feature 
of water action is that however large the watershed, the 
actual flow of the stream is always confined to a relatively 
small section occupying the base of the valley only, beyoud 
which, it is at the bottom of even this small section that the 
greatest cutting action is exerted, since solid matters trans-^ 
ported by water occupy of necessity and in consequence of their 
gravity the lowest portion of the bed of the stream. Another 
feature of water action is that however great the initial 
erosive capacity of any stream, that power lessens from time 
to time, and continuously, as the stream itself, deepening its 
valley, reduces its own gradient, and consequently its velocity 
and its power of transporting solid matter. 

In comparison with the motion of water the efiect of 
glacier ice is very difierent In the first place, ice in itself 
as a hard mineral substance is quite capable of wearing 
some rock surfaces by direct friction. In the second place, 
ice is to a great extent independent of velocity in its 
erosive action, inasmuch as however slowly it moves, it still 
transports rocks, boulders, and gravel with equally absolute 
certainty. Then again, ice, by reason of its weight, drags 
not only its own material, but transported detrital matter 
with greater pressure over the surface on which it moves. In 
the third place, there must be noted an even more important 
difierence between the action of water and the action of ice. 
From a given watershed a glacier transporting a given quantity 
of water in the solid form will necessarily occupy a greater 
section in its valley than will a stream transporting an equal 
quantity of water in liquid form. Assuming, for instance — 
and the assumption is as well-founded as can be any general 
statement of varying figures — assuming that the average 
motion of a glacier is at the rate of one foot per day, and the 
average motion of a stream is at the rate of one foot per 
second, allowance being made in this latter case for retarda* 
tion at points where the stream passes through pools, we 
obtain the fact that a stream which would require to occupy 
one foot in sectional area of a valley would in the solid form 
require to occupy 86,400 square feet of sectional area in the 
same valley. This in itself necessitates that the erosion, 


instead of being confined to a narrow channel in the valley's 
base, must be distributed over a considerable width of base 
and a considerable height of the valley's sides. A slight 
correction of these figures is necessary in consequence of the 
fact that each glacier carries with it certain streams conse* 
quent on the melting of the ice ; but against this correction 
we have to set by way of compensation the fact that whereas 
the stream conveys away the greater part of the rainfall each 
year in sudden and abnormal floods of short continuation, the 
glacier, fed by snow, distributes the flow from the catchment 
area almost equally over the whole period of any year. 

There remains another feature of contrast to be considered, 
and that is that while the solid matter conveyed by a stream 
finds its way at once to the bottom of the channel, the 
boulders and gravel conveyed by a glacier are almost equally 
distributed over the whole surface of contact between the 
glacier and its valley. 

The result of these considerations, as a whole, leads us 
to the belief that we should always find a valley, the 
existence of which is due to water erosion, would have 
a section comparable to the letter Y. The sides of such 
valley would in many cases be perpendicular, were it not 
that sub-aerial denudation breaks and frets away the rock- 
surfaces left by water erosion. But this action of sub-aerial 
denudation has its limits, since in the course of its continu- 
ance the rock ultimately arrives at its angle of rest, after 
which the denudation is mainly confined to action on the 
summit of the hill, and when once the surface is covered 
by soil, such denudation practically ceases; beyond which, 
in all cases in which the rock forming the valley is of 
fairly hard nature, the actual flow of the river erodes and 
creates new vertical surfaces more rapidly than sub-aerial 
denudation can break down and modify them. In the case 
of a valley eroded by a glacier the physical conditions are 
such that the cross-section of such valley tends to take the 
form of the letter U. More strictly speaking, such form is 
approximately parabolic. The base of a valley due to glacial 
action should be of considerable width, and should not present 
any definite channel cut beneath the general surface curve. 

Without entering into debatable ground of the molecular 
action of ice in a glacier, the following facts may be taken as 
universally conceded. In the first place, that ice under 
pressure behaves as a plastic mass, as evidenced by the 
manner in which branch glaciers joining the main stream are 
frequently contracted to only a small proportion of their. 


original width. In the second place, that a glacier as a 
whole conforms in its flow to the laws of semi-fluid motion, 
as evidenced by the fact that the greatest velocity of flow 
along a straight portion of a glacier occurs at its centre and 
along a curved portion at a point nearer the concave side of 
its valley. A glacier exerts considerable active pressure on 
the sides of its valley in addition to the pressure of its 
weight on the base. Evidence of this may be found in the 
laminated structure of glacier ice. The whole of the con- 
ditions, therefore, of glacial erosion are in favour of action 
over a considerable depth of the valley; of active erosion 
exerted on its sides, and of the general contour formed of 
easy curves, without approach except in especial instances 
to the vertical Ice being to some extent independent 
of gradient, will at places erode its valley in pits, followed 
by subsequent ridges or high places on the valley bed. It 
will also, where the rock is relatively soft, widen out and 
excavate a broad and shallow valley, followed at a point where 
the rock is relatively hard by a contraction of the glacier and 
the excavation of a narrow and deep channel. These theo- 
retical considerations have the absolute assent of observed 
facts. Generally speaking, our sub-aerial valleys in Devon- 
shire present no marked features of water erosion; broad 
swelling hills and broad undulating depressions are common. 
Four sections here figured have been purposely selected at 
narrow and steep portions of the valley of the Erme, Yealm, 
Plym, and Tavy. (Plate 1.) The vertical scale is slightly over 
twice the horizontal, as otherwise the slopes would appear 
too insignificant Even after thus doubling the inclination of 
the sides of the valleys, the sections yet appear to have fairly 
easy curves and graceful sweeps. It is not attempted to 
say that water erosion has not exercised a slight influence on 
the formation of these valleys, but the eflect it has accom- 
plished since their original excavation still leaves the slopes 
with the undulating form characteristic of ice action. Such 
sections might be indefinitely multiplied, and in nearly all 
cases with similar results. The exceptions which exist 
add weight to the evidence. Undoubted cases of water 
erosion occur in Devonshire, as for example at Lydford 
Gorga Here the contrast is striking. The portion of the 
valley eroded by water shows absolutely precipitous sides, 
and at the bottom a channel, which just serves to accom- 
modate the normal flow of the river. Here and there, in 
passing through the gorge, there may be observed points 
at which sub-aerial denudation, aided by the jointing of the 

2 . 
h u 


! JU 


• < 



< I 

«i It • 

z m I- 

, ^ 



slate rock, has modified the original form left by the stream ; 
but the extent to which this has occurred is by its compara- 
tive insignificance good evidence in itself of the necessity of 
looking to another cause than water erosion for the excavation 
of our Devonshire valleys. 

It is an interesting point in connection with the channel 
of the Lyd that vertically above the portion exhibiting 
undoubted water action may be seen a broad and shallow 
valley eroded by ice. Here then, we have a case in which 
the ice, having left a valley of considerable gradient, the 
subsequent flow of the stream has been enabled by its 
velocity and by the supply of granitic materials to so 
modify the original form as to create a practically uniform 
gradient from the moors to the point at which the glacial 
valley widens out near Lydford Waterfall. The whole con- 
comitant action of sub-aerial denudation has entirely failed 
to materially modify the forms created by water erosion. 

Now, were the greater number of our valleys to owe their 
formation to the erosive power of water, such examples as 
Lydford Gorge must be extremely common, whereas no 
similarly important case can be quoted, at least in the south 
of Devonshire. Although the beds of many streams, such 
as the Plym in Bickleigh Vale, give evidence of genuine 
water erosion, this is absolutely insignificant as compared 
with the depth of the whole valley. It is a fair statement 
that since the time when the ice planes melted and receded 
the whole flow of our streams has but sufficed to slightly 
modify the mere base of the valleys formed by glacial action. 
Moreover, in many instances the rivers having failed to fill 
the channels left by the ice action, and finding the gradient 
too slight to enable them to exercise erosive action, have 
actually deposited material in the beds of the ancient valleys, 
filling and reconstructing in place of removing and destroy- 
ing. If it be said that the present streams are degenerates 
from their predecessors, it must also be said that whatever 
the flow which passed down our valleys at and after the 
close of the last glacial period, it has never been sufficient to 
materially modify the characteristic forms due to glacial 
action. Thus from the sources whence, in consequence of 
subsequent disturbance, least direct evidence might be 
expected, proof in itself of great strength may be obtained 
of the general statement that ice has been the principal 
factor in shaping our hills and valleys. This fact (if fact it 
be), involves as a corollary that during the last glacial period 
the land surface must have been above sea level, and the 


absence of erratic boulders, which would otherwise have beea 
deposited by floating ice, supports this theory. 

So far as to the evidence at present before the eya The 
conduct however of various engineering works has placed at 
our disposal a mass of information, the great value of which is 
that it has reference to valleys now and long since submarine, 
and from their depth uninfluenced by subsequent erosion. 

The depth of the valleys constituting our harbours and 
estuaries is hidden by the deposit of silt, which has filled the 
most of them to within comparatively a few feet of low 
water mark. At Plymouth, however, fairly full information 
as to the actual form and depth of the rock beds of the 
estuaries is available. The new railway bridge at Laira is 
founded on iron cylinders, each and all of which were sunk 
until they reached the limestone rock. The distance between 
the piers is uniformly 106 feet, and the first pier, at the west 
or Plymouth end, is founded upon rock at a height of three 
feet above low water spring tides. The next or second pier 
reaches a depth of 30 feet below low water, giving a fall at 
the rate of 1 in 3^. The third pier reaches a depth of 80 feet 
below low water, giving a gradient of practically 1 in 2. 
The fourth pier reaches 87 feet 6 inches, and the fifth 86 feet 
6 inches below low water spring tides, thus showing that for 
a breadth of 212 feet at the centre the channel of the rock is 
practically level at 87 feet below low water. Between the i 

fifth and sixth piers there is a rise of 50 feet at the rate of 
1 in 2, and the slope to the bottom from this point to the 
masonry abutment on the east bank is about 1 in 3^, again 
corresponding with the other side. (Plate II.) This deep trough 
is not really the full extent of the matter we have to consider, 
for we must add the height of the adjoining clifls in order to 
obtain the full excavation which has here been executed. 
From present appearances these clifls must have risen to a 
height of at least 60 feet above low water spring tides, 
fiecent borings in the silt of Cattewater Harbour confirm the 
result obtained at Laira Bridge. The depths reached are as 
great or greater, and the channel immediately below the 
bridge is very much wider than at the bridge itself, contract- 
ing again at Tumchapel Bock, and again expanding in the 
lower ]*eaches of the harbour. The whole of this channel 
from Deadman's Bay to Laira Bridge is excavated in the 
Devonian limestone, and at no place is there traceable any 
distinctive depression which might have been occupied by 
water, or might be due to water action ; further than which 
the gradients are such that the water would only have a 


tendency to deposit material, and could have no tendency to 

Oif the west pier at Sutton Pool, on the outside, a depth 
of 60 feet below low water failed to find rock, and this 
within 120 feet of the shore ; while within the piers a depth 
of about 65 feet from low water to rock surface has been 
recorded. At the Great Western Docks there is a depth of 
60 feet of silt on the line of the quay, forming the dam 
between the floating and the outer basin. In Firestone Bay, 
off Eastern King, soundings of 150 feet at low water are 

j obtained. The bottom is rocky, and probably represents the 
actual rock bed of the harbour. Similarly, between Barn- 

I pool and Devil's Point, there is a pit of 132 feet of water. 
To the westward of the Hubble Bank there is yet another 
deep sounding of 102 feet. Through the kindness of the late 
Mr. Margary, the author was enabled to obtain fiill informa* 
tion as to the sections of all creeks crossed by the Cornwall 
Bailway in the neighbourhood of Plymouth. Diagrams of 
these sections are attached to this paper. It is hardly 
necessary to deal at great length with these figures. It will 
be noticed that, as at Laira Bridge, so in these cases no 
definite channel for the normal flow of the stream has been 
found. The sections present at their centres, or at least at 
the centres of flow of the presumed glaciers, a considerable 
width, which in each case is practically level The slopes 
leading to this central portion are in each case of compara- 
tively easy gradient, and of fair curves. A few of the greatest 
depths obtained may possibly be quoted. Thus, at Weston 
Mill Lake (Plate II.), a section of which is singularly regular, 
the depth below low water is 66 feet; at Saltasb Bridge 
(Plate II.) the depth is 75 feet ; at Coombe Lake (Plate III.), 
near Saltash, the depth is 36 feet ; at Ford Lake (Plate III.) 
67 feet; at Wivelscombe Lake (Plate III.) 46 feet; the 
Notter Eiver (Plate III.) occupies a channel the rocky 
bottom of which is 44 feet below low water, and the Lynher 
(Plate III.) occupies a similar channel lying 41 feet below 
low water. As regards a section taken at the new railway 
bridge of the London and South- Western Junction Railway 
at Tamerton, the deepest point reached was 15 feet 6 inches 
below low water, but this did not coincide with the deepest 
point of the channel. At the Tavy (Plate IL) the new 
viaduct on the same railway is founded on cylinders, and 
the information both as regards depth of rock surface and 
material overlying it is accordingly absolute. Starting at 
the Plymouth end, there are first seven spans of masonry 


covering a length of 390 feet. In this length the rock 
surface falls from 5 feet to 24 feet below high water in a 
gradual incline. Then follow eight iron spans of 120 feet 
each. Where the masonry ends the depth of the rock below 
low water springs is 9 feet In the first span of 120 feet 
this increases to 33 feet, or at the rate of 1 in 5 ; in the next 
to 43 feet, at the rate of 1 in 12 ; then to 52 feet^ at the rate 
of 1 in 13 J ; then 62 feet, or 1 in 12 ; at the fiah pier 67 
feet, at the rate of 1 in 24 ; at the sixth pier 68 feet ; at the 
seventh pier 67 feet The valley for a width of 240 feet is 
therefore practically level at a depth of 67 feet, which is 
below low water. Then follows a rapid rise to 3 feet, at the 
rate of 1 to 1^. Two more spans of masonry complete the 
bridge, which obtains a total length of 1,440 feet At the 
abutment on the north end the rock reaches the high water 
mark. It is interesting to note that the greatest depth of 
this valley and its steepest side are alike obtained near its 
concave shore, which in itself coincides absolutely with the 
known fact of glacial flow — that the highest velocity should 
also be obtained at this point in the same section. 

Turning now to the longitudinal gradient of the Tamar 
estuary with a view of estimating whether it be possible that 
water action could have been responsible for the erosion of 
this valley, we find from the figures previously given that in 
the Hamoaze the depth of the centre rock bed below low 
water varies from at least 150 feet in Firestone Bay to 132 
feet and over at Devil's Point, and 102 feet and over off the 
Rubble Bank. Between this last point and Saltash Bridge 
it is reduced to 75 feet, and at the Tavy Viaduct 68 feet 
is found. Absolute information is not available as to the 
depth midway between Tavy Viaduct and Saltash Bridge, 
but it is extremely probable that at this point the rock bed 
is deeper than either at Saltash or the Tavy. At any rate, on 
the known figures, the channel in the rock above Saltash is 
almost level for over two miles, the gradient being 1 in 
1,508, and this at once disposes of the idea that any 
water action can have assisted in its erosion, and for three 
miles below Saltash the incline is only 1 in 515 — evidence 
again that no stream of considerable velocity can have 
flowed over this portion of the valley since it assumed its 
present form. From the Bubble Bank to Firestone Bay 
it continues at the rate of 1 in 150. Coincident with this 
level portion before referred to as existing between Tavy and 
Saltash, is a great widening of the estuary into a lacustrine 
expanse, which is at its widest part five times the width of 


the channel at Saltash Bridge. The contraction at Saltash 
may be readily explained by the presence of a number of 
dykes of intrusive igneous rock lying in a direction at right 
angles to the course of the valley. This feature of alternate 
contraction and expansion, which is so prominent in our 
estuaries, may also be trsu^ed in the sub-aerial valleys of 
Devonshire, and there are at present, notwithstanding the 
erosion due to water, which must be allowed to have had a 
restricted local influence, existing expanses of the valleys of 
Dartmoor having a greater width relative to their lower 
entrance than the Hamoaze has relative to Saltash, and of 
which the rocky beds are at the lower level at their widest 
points, the higher at the constrictions, which occur further 
down the courses of the streams. The fact that these valleys 
have been filled in by detrital matter from the rivers has 
hidden the undoubted existence of ancient lakes or tarns. 

Although the author has restricted himself to the estuaries 
in the immediate neighbourhood of Plymouth, it may be 
stated that precisely similar conditions occur elsewhere in 
Devonshire and in Cornwall; notably the Dart, which coincides 
in all details, both of longitudinal gradient, of cross-section, 
and of alternate expansion and contraction, with the facts as 
set forth above. At one point a depth of 110 feet below low 
water has been recorded. I am enabled, by the kindness of 
Mr. T. Codrington, F.G.S., to give sections of Waterhead Creek 
and the Dart at Kingswear. (Plate III.) Mr. Codrington also 
kindly supplied me with a section of the Tamar at Saltash. 

Summing up the evidence in favour of glacial action as 
derived from the present physical forms of our valleys, we 
have, in the first place, the absence of a defined channel of 
narrow area as compared with the whole depression, such as 
is invariably formed by water. In its place we find broad 
valleys, the lowest portion of which is the flattest, as com* 
pared with the narrow valleys, the lowest portion of which is 
the steepest. We have, too, the alternative expansion and 
contraction of these valleys coincident with the expansion 
and contraction of the level portion forming the lowest point 
thereof. The longitudinal gradients are such that the velocity 
obtained by even most considerable streams would not suffice 
for erosive action in such materials as our local rocks. 
Further than this, the streams, indeed, have only been 
enabled in many cases to fill in the beds of the valleys 
rather than conduct the excavations yet further. And again, 
as regards these longitudinal sections, at places, points 
further removed from the sea are more deeply excavated 


than points nearer to the sea. All these considerations, in 
the author's opinion, are absolute evidence in favour of 
glacial action, and it is interesting to note that precisely 
the same features occur in the harbours and estuaries of 
Wales, where by universal consent glacial action has been 
the material cause of the present form of the land. 


Such evidence in itself as has been previously given may 
be thought to leave room for argument When, however, 
correlate with the undoubted existence of glacial deposits, 
it assumes an importance which might not otherwise be 
attributed to it. Assuming that our valleys have been 
occupied by glaciers, some evidence of their existence in 
the form of transported material should be available, and 
remnants of this transported material may yet be found. 
For instance, at the mouth of our estuaries granitic pebbles 
are of constant occurrence, and in the case of the Yealm we 
have a river incapable of bringing down any granite boulders 
or pebbles to its estuary; yet on the beaches outside the 
estuary a notable proportion of granitic matter is found — a 
remnant, as the author suggests, of great quantities of 
material originally transported by the glacier which occupied 
the Yealm valley. And here it may be well to introduce 
a caution — that in the consideration of the submarine 
geology of the English Channel the possibility of boulders 
of considerable size having been transmitted direct from the 
high lands of Dartmoor, has in the past been largely over- 
looked. Erratic boulders should be common, although for 
the most part the glacier detritus is probably covered by 
subsequent marine deposits. Hence the presence of granitic 
or felsitic boulders on the Channel bed is not necessary 
evidence of an outlier of granitic rock. Any such boulders 
bearing a family likeness to our Dartmoor granites may 
very possibly have had their origin on Dartmoor itsel£ 
The case for glaciation, however, is not dependent on stray 
dredging or trawling in the Channel for evidence of genuine 
glacial detritus. At the Tavy Viaduct the rock surface was 
found covered to a depth of from 2 feet 6 inches to 4 feet 
by a bed of hard yellow clay associated with granite boulders. 
The deposits above this contained no granite boulders, nor 
even, so far as could be ascertained, granite pebbles. Evi* 
dently, therefore, the clay was deposited under conditions 
differing from those governing the subsequent infilling of 
the valley. This deposit had every characteristic of genuine 


boulder clay. Similar deposits exist over a large area of 
the bed of the Cattewater, and are similarly covered by 
silt containing neither granitic pebbles nor boulders. 
And similar deposits are aJso reported by Mr. Codrington 
as existing at Coombe Lake and also on the Dart Much 
more prominent, but hitherto entirely ignored, are the 
sub-aerial glacial deposits of the Tamar valley. At Bum- 
leigh, on the Tamar, a bed of clay occurs resting on the 
rocky bed of the valley and containing a height of over 
twenty feet above present high water mark. The materials 
are unstratified, many are dissimilar to those now derivable 
from the river bed, considerable boulders of Gunnislake 
granite occur, and some at least of these give evidence by 
their. form that they have not been water-borne. The* 
characteristics are those of genuine glacial deposit, and the 
similarity between this clay and the boulder clays of the 
Mersey and of Wales are, the author is informed, very 

A very similar deposit occurs at the Weir Head on the 
Tamar. As conjoint evidence, it may be mentioned that 
the estuaries of the Welsh rivers exhibit similar patches 
and remnants of deposits of boulder clay. 

Adding this evidence to the considerations previously 
advanced, the author is of opinion that a strong case in 
favour of glacial action in Devonshire must be admitted. 
Further considerations pointing to the same conclusion 
might be adduced, and such may possibly form the subject 
of another communication. 

This paper would be incomplete without a reference to the 
terrestrial movements which have assisted in the causation 
of the present relations of land and sea. Passing over the 
period at which the land surfaces were sufiSciently varied 
to enable the coral reefs to rise and grow in the shallow 
Devonian sea, and the period also at which the great mass 
of Dartmoor granite was elevated and intruded between 
the masses of earlier rock, we come to a much later time. 
There is evidence that the land level was once such that 
fluviatile deposits were formed on the crests of what are 
now the Hoe and Gattedown. In order that any stream 
might flow over these isolated headlands, we must assume 
that the surface of the land differed widely from its present 
contour. Between this stage and the next there exists a long 
interval, the details of wbich may not yet be filled in, 
although future discoveries may render this possible. And 
here the author would disclaim any intention of exactitude 


in figures as to the extent of elevation attributed to the land 
surfaces. The heights and depths of such elevation as men- 
tioned herein are merely minimum values which may have 
been exceeded, but must have been attained. 

From the period of the raised beach on the Hoe the 
record is probably continuous. The Hoe raised beach is 
40 feet above the present beach level Hence the land 
lay 40 feet lower when it was formed. It largely consists 
of deposits derived by littoral drift from the shores of 
Cawsand Bay, or from rock surfaces now removed, but which 
then occupied the area of Cawsand Bay. In order that these 
materials might pass northward to the Hoe, it must neces- 
sarily be conceded that there existed a continuous shore-line, 
or, at least, that there was but an inconsiderable break. At 
present a chasm of about 170 feet in depth presents an 
impassable obstacle across which not even light pebbles, 
much less boulders weighing several hundredweight, could 
pass. This chasm cannot have existed when the raised 
beach of the Hoe was forming. Next follows a period of 
elevation during which the glaciers are engaged in eroding 
and sculpturing the land surfaces on the lines of the present 
estuaries. During this period the land rose to a height of at 
least 180 feet above its present levels. Before the close of 
the glacial period the land had again fallen to a level of 
30 feet below the present, and the glacial clays, of which 
patches are still to be found in our valleys, were then 
deposited in the channels of our present estuaries. A series 
of beaches were formed round the coasts which constitute 
the majority of the present raised beaches. The glacial 
conditions slowly passed, and the land ultimately resumed 
an upward movement. Meantime, the deposits in the 
bone caves were probably formed. This upward movement 
extended to at least 80 feet above the present levels. 
Probably it was even more considerable. The deposits of 
boulder clay were slowly removed by water action, but the 
streams did not reach the level of the rock beds of the 
lower valleys. To this period of elevation we may attribute 
the forests which are now submerged. Following this came 
another period of depression, and the surface attained its 
present level. There is evidence that for a considerable time 
it has now been comparatively stable. The valleys from 
which the boulder clay had been almost entirely removed 
are now full of alluvial deposits. Periods of rest occurred 
during this last subsidence, as evidenced by successive layers 
of sand and oyster beds in the channel of the Laira. 




(RMd At HonltoD, Augnat, 1898.) 

The Hundred of Witheridge^ is before all other Hundreds 
the Hundred of small thanes. It contains not a single 
ancient Crown lordship, not a single borough. The 
Hundreds of Blacktorington, Shebbear, Braunton, and 
Plymton contain each of them many thanes' lands, but the 
Hundred of Witheridge seems almost exclusively made up 
of them. With the exception of Bishop's Nymton and 
King's Nymton, Chulmleigh and Cruwys Morchard, there 
is hardly an estate which can have held the position of 
what is now termed a manor. Nearly all are the cotlifs or 
quillets of small thanes ranging from 50 to 150 acres, and 
where several thanes held them together the several thanes 
are not manorially subordinated, but held in peerage. Two 
thanes' lands are enumerated as added to the royal estate of 
Witheridge, one to that of King's Nymton, one to Thel- 
bridge, one to Creacombe. Madescame had been added to 
Horescombe, Milton to Asworthy, Thorn Farm to Bradford 
Tracy. One estate at Worlington (No. 760) was made up of 
the land of two thanes; another. West Worlington, with 
Aston (No. 1137), the AflTetone of episcopal registers, had 
formerly been the land of twelve thanes; yet another 

1 The Hundred itself was held by Robert Fitz-Paine in 27 Hen. III., i,e„ 
A.D. 1242, and in 80 £d. IIL, a.d. 1356, by Roger Marohant under Sir 
Robert Fitz-Payne. In 15 Ric. II., A.D. 1391, it was held by William Lord 
Botreaoz jointly with his wife Elizabeth, and descended in his family. (Pole, 


Worlington (No. 787) represented the land of three thanes. 
To Washford Pyoe (No. 837) a thane's land had been added. 
Three of the estates in little Washford, the oatlier of 
Wltheridge, consisted of the land of six thanes. Cheldon 
(No. 1104) was the land of two thanes. East Cheldon (No. 
560) of yet another. Worthy, Little Backenford or Side* 
down, Nedcot, Edison, Bulworthy, and Backatone in the 
present parish of Backenford, Grindon, Rowdon, Ashbear, 
Bradford Tracy, Queen Dart, Hill Farm, Westcot, Hele, 
Stewarton, Woodingtoo, and Upcot in Witheridt;e pariah and 
its ontlier; Middlewick and Woodford in Thelbridge, what are 
they but small thanes' lands ? It looks as though the greet 
Down Wood (Donewold), which formerly stretched away 
from Exmoor south-westwards as far as Dartmoor, like a 
wedge dividing the county into two portions, was at do very 
distant date before Domesday an almost wholly uninhabited 
waste, partly moor, partly wood, with only here and there a 
small settler's clearance, and that the four great Intakes of 
King's Nymton, Bishop's Nymton, Chulmleigh, and Crawys 
Morchard were of comparatively recent origin. The legend, 
therefore, which tells of Chulmleigh as having once been 
King Aedelstan's park is no doubt substantially correct, if 
only it is understood as conveying that King Aedelstan was 
wont to bunt over Chulmleigh or ever it was "towned," 
when it was as yet part of the forest unenclosed. 

There seem good reasons for believing that the present 
Hundred of Witheridge has been augmented at the expense 
of Bampton Hundred. I propose, therefore, in dealing with 
it to proceed from the known to the unknown, first giving 
the materials which are extant to illustrate the bouadaries of 
the Hundred in more recent times, and then reconstructing 
the Dimiesday Hundred upon the supposition that it is 
identical with it. If this reconstructioa leads to unsatis- 
factory results, it will be time to consider what inferences 
may be thence drawn as to its former extent 

I. The Poat" Dometday " Hundred of Witheridge. 
1. Hooker's list of contributories to tenths and fifleentha 
1 Queen Elizabeth's time may first be called into requisi- 
lon. It will be found on p. 131 of his MS,, No. 5827, in 
lie British Museum. The ^rst column contains a number 
)r convenience of reference; the second gives the place- 
ame. The next three columns state the amounte due, the 
eductions allowed, and the amounte payable. The two 


remaining columns contain references to the corresponding 
DoTTusday holdings and to Burton's list Under each place 
Hooker gives the names of the principal gentry residing 
there in Queen Elizabeth's time. 

Amoant Dednc* Araonnt Dom^day Barton'i list 

[Hookbr] Dae. tions. payable. Reference. BeferoDce. 

[668] Morchard Crayee 16/- ... 4/- ... 12/- ... D. 740, 741, ... B. 867,862, 

(Crawys Morchard) 761, 1195 920 

In this parish dwelleth Crewes. 

[669] RadKenford . 22/- ... 4/- ... 18/- ... D. 568, 561, ... B. 865,897, 

562,746,845, 898 


[670] Byshope Nymet 45/4 ... 8/- ... 37/4 ... D. 124 ... B. 888-894 

In this parish dwelleth Pollard. 

[671] Witheridge . 56/4 ...12/- ... 44/4 ... D. 48,49,559, ... B. 856,872, 

746,789,836- 899, 909, 

839,1066-1068, 910, 914- 

1136, 1136, 919 

1196, 1197 

In this parish dweleth MoUhuyshe 

[672] Moushmoagh . 10/6 ... 3/4 ... 7/2 ... D. 553 ... B. 887 

(lieshaw) In this parish dwelleth Clatworthie. 

[673] Puddington . 14/- ... 3/4 ... 10/8 ... D. 744 ... B. 858 

In this parish dwelleth Hayes. 

[674] Marleagh . 18/- ... nil ... 18/- ... D. 1209 


[675] Okeforde . 27/4 ... nil ... 27/4 ... D. 217, 568, ... B. 900-904, 

564,742,743, 924(?) 

816, 908 

[676] Stoodleigh • 26/4 ... nU ... 26/4 ... D. 221, 988, ... B. 905-908 

1069, 1070, 

1171, 1255 

In this parish dwelleth Carewe, Oroke, and Branghton. 

[677] Washford [Pyne] 10/- ... 3/- ... 7/- ... D. 837, 838 ... B. 864 

[678] Wolfursworth . 33/4 ... 10/- ... 23/4 ... D. 843, 762, ... B. 859 

(Woolfardisworthy) 788 

[679] Kinges Nymet. 24/- ... 5/- ... 19/- ... D. 74, 75 

[680] Westworlington 20/- ... nil ... 20if- ... D. 1137-1139 ... R 869, 870 

In this parish dwelleth Stnckley of Afton. 

[681] Eastworlington 4/8 ... nil ... 4/8 ... D. 226, 241, ... B. 860,861, 

760, 785-787 868 

[682] Thelbridge . 15/- ... 8/- ... 12/- ... D. 224,225, ... B. 866,867, 

990 871 

[683] Astranfe. . 26/- ... 4/- ... 22/- ... D. 554, 655 ... B. 896, 896 

(Ash-Ralph Ash Ranf in After-death Inquest of Hogh de Conrteney, 

1 Ric II., No. 12, p. 2.) 

Alias Rostriche (Roseash) 

[684] Chediton . 8/6 ... nil ... 8/6 ... D. 560,1037, ... B. 873,875, 

(Cheldon) 1104, 1105 883 

[686] Roraansleigh . 14/- ... nil ... 14/- ... D. 270 ... B. 884-886 

[686] Ohinnesleigh . 41/- ... 7/8 ... 33/4 ... D. 552 .. B. 874,876- 

(Chulmleigh) 882, 928 

In this parish dwelleth Berrye of Collyton, Moleford, and Pollard. 

In this parishe was Hubba the dean slayne. 

[21.12.4] [3.7.4] [18.5.0] 
[687] Creecombe . — ... — ... — ... D. 556, 557 
[688] Ashevase • — ... — ... — ... — ... — 

VOL. XXX. 2 C 


Amonnt Dedoe* Amount Domesday Barton's liit 

due. tions. payable. Reference. Refervsee. 

[689] Templeton . ^ ... — ... — ... D. 218, 219, ... B.911,912, 

220, 222 922 

[690] Haghleigh . — ... — ... — ... D. 989 

(H^htleighSt Mary) 

[691] Mewshatte • — ... — ... — ... — ... — 

Sum 22 2 4 

Deduction 47 4 

Bemaineth 18 15 

[These sums do not afn^e with the totals of the above columns. It seems 

probable that in No. 679, King's Nymet, the figures should be 34/-, 5/-, mod 

29/- respectiyely, as in Bisdon's list, which will make the first and tliird 

columns work out ri^ht ; and that xlyii. shillings in the sum of dednctiona m 

an error for Ixyii. shillings. *] 

It will be observed that here as in other cases Hooker 
appears to have had two lists before him, and failed to see 
the identity between Astraufe [No. 683] and Ashevase* [No. 
688], or between Moushmough [No. 672] and Mewshatte [Na 
691]. Why nothing is set down against Creecombe [No. 687] 
I cannot say. 

2. The Nomina VUlarum, which dates from Edward IL'a 
reign,^ enumerates ten townships in the Hundred of 
Witheridge, viz. : — 

Hundr. de Wythr* i ^^^* fitz-Pj^n, by reason of the 

Ti«^n«w>»«J^ i««n«n { minonty of Roger, son and heir 

Borough there IS none | of Robert le MSchant, lord. 

1) The township of Morcestre Cruwes and Po^yngton ; Alexander de Cruwea, 

2) The township of Witheridge with Wolferdisworthe and Wayahford; 
Wm. PoUeyn, lord. 

3) The township of Cuhlmeleghe with Bomondisleghe ; Alianore de 
Corteney, lady. 

4) The township of Meughagthe with Chedeldon, Bakemford, and Kortha- 
cot ; Herbert de Msreys, lord. 

5) The township of Ayshe Baudewyn with Badeford Tracy and Boleworthe; 
Balph de Esse, lord. 

6) The township of Okford with Westspreweye, Bykcumb, and Wodebonie ; 
Balph de Montehermeri, lord. 

7) The township of Stodlegh with Warbrightesleg)i, Westodlegh, and 
Derta ; John fitz-Pagan, lord. 

8) The township of Westwolryngton with Stordeton, Hulle Dacastre, and 
Baggeston ; Math, de Bukyngton, lord. 

9) The township of Nymetone Episa with Marynelegh, Worthy, and Little 
Waysheford ; Walter Epiis. Ezon. 

(10) The township of Nymetone Begis ; Galfrid de Comub., lord. 

' Bisdon's list assesses Stoodleigh at 26/8 instead of 26/4, i.e., 4d. mote, 
and Bishop's Nymet at £2.5/- instead of £2.5.4, i.e., 4(i. less. It also gives 
the assessment of East Worlington at 8/4 instead of 4/8, i.e., 3/8 more, and 
the assessments of Witheridge at 20/- less, that of Chulmlei^h at 20/- less, 
and that of Meshaw at 6d. less. It omits Backenford altogeuer, but names 
Crecombe assessed at 8/8 instead. 

' The long 8 and /are often indistinguishable. No doubt this was '< raft^ 
in the MS. which Hooker imperfectly copied. 

* In Sir F. Palgeave's Parliamentary Writs, vol. ii, div. 3, p. 388. 


3. The Hundred Rolls of 3 Edward I. (a.d. 1274, No. 45, 
p. 87) contain the following : — 

"Verdict of Witheridge Hundred by the oath of Richard le 
Dispenser [of Woolfardisworthy, Drayford and Hill], Thomas de 
Horton [of Woodington, Stretchtown, Westcot, and Upcot], Robert 
de HimeJegh, Nicolas de Acastre [of Combe Templer and Wars- 
brightly], Thomas de Tyderesdon, Kichard le Copener [of Romans- 
leigh], Henry de Hyurde [of Yaird in Roseash — Testa^ No. 407, 
writes him Yerde], Andrew de Thomdon [middle-lord of Poltimore 
and Hill], Ellas de la Byare, John of the same, Roger de Middeldon 
[of Milton in Okefoid], Reginald de Wadeton and John de 
Grinedon [of Grindon in Witheridge, tenant under the prior of 
Barnstaple], who present as follows : — 

[Article L] "Kingsnymton was formerly an ancient crown- 
lordship of King John. King John gave the manor to a certain 
Joel de Mayne, a Norman, and afterwards Joel was driven out of 
England together with the rest, and the aforesaid manor again fell 
into the King's hands as an escheat After a time the King gave it 
to Roger de la Zusch [to hold] for homage and service. Roger held 
it for a long time of the King in chief, and then gave it to his son 
William la Suche to hold to himself and his heirs. William [la 
Zusch] held it all the days of his life, and after his death [another] 
Roger de la Zusch, son and heir of Alan de la Zusch, entered upon 
it and now [a.d. 1274] holds it, and claims to hold it of the King 
in chief, by what warrant they know not and for how many fees 
they know not; and the manor is worth £10 per annum. Of 
whom the said manor is now held they are ignorant. 

[Article 3.] " The bishop of Exeter holds his manor of [Bishop's] 
Nymeton of the King in chief as he holds the other manors of his 
barony ; by what warrant they know not, for how many fees they 
know not ; who alienated it [from the Crown] and when, they are 
also Ignorant of. 

*' Combe used aforetime to be a tithing and to come to the 
sheriffs toum, and twice a year at Wytherigge to the King's peace 
and to share in all matters with the Hundred, and then it was in 
the hands of Nicolas de Acastre and Regin® de Reigni. Then the 
Templars brought a writ super[seding] them, and by their [viz., 
Nicolas and Regin^'s] default obtained the benefit of the land of 
Combe, and ever afterwards withdrew the aforesaid services, by 
what warrant they know not ; since when, they say since the time 
of the late King Henry [HI.]; and they have appropriated to 
themselves the said services, by what warrant they cannot say. 

"Kylmesworth [Ken worthy (I) in Rackenford] used (xxv. yeara) 
to come to the tourn, and to the King's peace, (to the King's loss 
of ij pence,) like other tithings^; and a certain Richard Stretcha 

^ As is usual in such records, the finding or amercement of the court is 
written above the presentment (See Trans, xxh, 246.) 

2 c 2 


[spelt Streiiha in Hundred RoUb of 4 Ed. I.] sold it to a certain 
Thomas le Palmer, and Thomas sold it to the Hoiipitallers in the 
late Ring Henry [lliys time, who have ever since withheld from 
thA King the aforesaid services, by what warrant they know not 

[Article 8.] '* Hugh de Cnrtenay at Cholmeleg, the bishop at 
[Bidhop's] Nymeton, Robert son of Pagan at Wyrugg (t.«.. Wither- 
idge), Robert de P>es (sc. CrD[w]e8) at Morchester {i.e., Morchard 
Cruwys), Anselm Basset at Hatford [probably Hakeford, Le,^ 
Okeford], Roger la Zosche at King's Nymton, have gallows and 
assize of bread and beer, by what warrant they know not The 
aforesaid Hugh [de Curtenay] has assize of br^id and beer and a 
market (nundtnas), and a warren at Chulmeleg; and Ralph de 
Esse at Esse [i,e,, Roseash] has gallows and assize of bread and 
beer ; Robert son of Pagan has likewise at Wymgg a market, hot 
not a warren ; also Philip de Sideham has a market at Rakeneford, 
by what warrant they know not." 

It will be seen from this account that Templeton formerly 
bore the name of Combe Dacastre and Reygni, and it becomes 
clear why neither Templeton nor Kylmesworth appear in the 
list of fees. After the dissolution of the Templars in 1311 
Templeton was granted to the Master of the Hospitallers of 
St. John. (Pole, 441.) 

Witheridge is one of the six Hundreds of which Testa de 
NevU gives a full list as well of knight's fees as of yeoman 
fees and serjeanties. By the kindness of Mr. Whale I am 
also able to give extracts from Kirby's Quest, which is 
specially valuable because it gives the names of all the 
middle lords. If, as is usually stated, Testa de NeviTs list 
dates from 27 Hen. III., t.c, a.d. 1243 ; Kirby's Quest, as the 
After-death Inquest of Robert de Dynan proves, dates be- 
fore 5 Edward I., i.e., a.d. 1276 ; and Burton's list, as it states 
itself, dates from 31 Edward I., i.e., a.d. 1302 ; these ought 
to be most useful in determining the descent of the pro- 
perties to which they refer. It should, however, be borne 
in mind that since the documents before us are copies and 
not originals, the names of the persons liable to services 
may have been changed in the records kept in the public 
offices as heir succeeded ancestor. Otherwise how explain 
why in one place in Testa de Nevil (No. 831, p. 183 a) Ivo 
de Servinton is stated to hold Spreweye, and in another 
place (No. 1133, p. 189 b) the heirs of Ivo de Servinton are 
said to hold Spreweye? Why, in two places (No. 1344, 
p. 194 a, and No. 1445, p. 196 b), Philip de Furnellis is 
said to hold Fenottery, and in another (No. 1210, p. 191 b) 
John de Furneus to hold the same ? Moreover, such mistakes 


as are found in Kirby's Quest — Tewe for itewe (No. 71), 
Conebe for Couele ( = Cowley, No. 72), Zeclaund for 5oc- 
laund (No. 99), iarun for ^arun (No. 28), iStermoun for 
O^termoun (No. 148), Orchanton (No. 151), Hothamton 
(No. 334), and Chamton (No. 541) for Okhamton, Ny;?ereyse 
for Ni/Aereyse (No. 196), Jf'luteworth for Clotworth (No. 
293), ^amhard Wyke for PankhaTdes now Pancras Week 
(No. 323), Polecombe for (7oIecombe (No. 354), Combedam 
for Combe David (No. 521), and ^istone for Zistone— are not 
only evidence of a copyist, but of a copyist who was wholly 
ignorant of the geography of the county. 

The names of the sworn men who are responsible for 
Testa's list are given on p. 189 a as the following : Bobert de 
Sideham [lord of Backenford], Bobert de Campellis [alias 
Champeaux, lord of Stoodleigh], Bobert le Coroner [perhaps 
of Woodford, Thelbridge], William Vassal [of Westyeo, 
Witheridge], Balph de Derth [of Dert Balph, Witheridge], 
GeofiFrey de Fayreby [of Turkeridge, Bishop's Nymton], 
Lucy de la Bere [Bar in East Worlington], Boger Fromond 
[of Shitilisbeare, Chulmleigh], Thomas de Tidderedun, John 
le Despenser [of Woolfardisworthy], Peter de Pillefenne 
[Pilliwin], and Bobert le Marchant [of East Stoodleigh]. 

Burton's list is as follows : — 

[Burton]. The sworn men say upon oath : — 

[856J WiTHERiGGB 14 held by Bobert fitz-Payne for ^ fee, of the 
honour of Pljmton. 

[Testa (No. 670, p. 181 », and No. 1096, p. 189 a): The heir of 
Roger JUz- Payne holds in Wyring \ + \\y/« of the heirs of William 
Briwerre and they of the Earl of Devon of the honour of Plymton.} 

[Kirby's Quest (No. 608) : Bobert fitz-Payne holds the manor of 
Wycherigge for i + -j\f fee of Isabella Countess of Albamara and the 
same Countess of the King.] 

[857] MoRCBARD, held by Bobert de Cm was; 1 fee, of the 

honour of Braneys. 

[Testa (No. 821, p. 183 a, and No. 1097, p. 189 a) : The heirs of 
Alexander de Crues hold in Morcoth {JHorceth, No. 821) 1 fee of the 
lordship and honour of Braneys.] 

[Kirby (No. 601) : Robert de Crues holds the manor of Mortest Crues 
for one fee of the Earl of CormDaZl and the same Earl of the King.] 

[858] PoTiNGTOK (Puddington), held by the King of the heirs of 
Bobert Wallerond ; ^ fee, of the honour of Braneys. 

[Testa (No. 822 and No. 1098) : Balph de Satehvil holds ^ fee in 
PtUtingthon {Putitan^ No. 822) qjfthe same lordship and lionour.] 

[Testa (No. 954, p. 184 b) : Bobert de Satehvil holds i fee in 
Scotteswyk of Ralph de Satehvil^ but of wliat h&iiour is not knoum.] 

[Kirby (No«. 602, 603) : Matilda Walraund holds Petintun in 
dower for | and J fee together with Cumb of the Earl of Cornwall 
a'nd the same Earl of the King.] 


[859] WoLPKRUwoKTHi (WooUudu- . 

[860] F£2'----- <pi«i«K hLif,/t?t':f^th': 

£ut Woriington), j^^ ^j Plymton. 

[861] Blakoroti (BlaekgimTe, Eart ' 

I fee of the Earl of Dexoit of lilt honour of Flumlon. ] 

[Eirby (So. 60»-ll): Jtuhnrd U Dtaprnctr holds fFolforda- 
*BOTthe and PidiUltglf and Blaitgrme \ fa of ItabeOa CminUn 

[862] Comb and n 

[863] Hodebton, in tbe fanndnd I I ^«. l>«'d «* **"> *"»"«" ^^ 
Of Eoddal^h (YarflMton, ( Bianeys. 
Tiverton), / 

[Tola {^0. 119, p. 183 b u>d No. 1100) : Hmry de Faldalaiu 
holds 111 CtimA (No. 779, Bmry and Tho)aaa hold), U>_Klher tcith Ike 
land of Thoinas de Fo/datanf, i fee of the lordthip and honour of 
Braneyt. Id. (No*. 820 ud 1198) u to ViltbnUna.] 
[la thb the Cambof Eirby's Quest held with FuddingtoD t] 
[864] Wafford (Washford^ 

Pyne) and ( held by Robert Pin ; 1 fee, of 

[865] SiDHAii {Sidedown, ( *^^ *">"«"' »' Glouceeter. 
KackeDfbid), ^ 

[Tola (Noa. S25, 226, p. 177 b, nd No. 1101) ; Berbert de Piun 
hoCdi in Woiaiford (No. B25, Waffmd) and in ijideham i fte of (At 
Earl and honovr of Glaueeaier,} 

[Kirby (No. 648) ; Herbert de Fyn holds Watford for 1 /« V 
Thomtu de Merton and the lame Thomas of the King.'\ 

[866] TmLBRiGOE and j held by John de Chartemy ; 1 

[8671 CHATHABae (Chapmoor ^ *■«*•*»' ^^ ^'>^°^' «f B*™- 
Fann, Tbelbridge), ' "*"P'«- 

[Tfita (Nos. 66, 57, p. 175 b, Aud No. 1102, p. 139 a): Simimdt 
ChanHer^ holdt in Thelbrig and in the prior of Sarmtaple's 
Clialmrrt 1 fa of Henry Tracy of the ftoiiotir of BaTTutapie.'\ 

[Kirby (No. 633): John CharUray holds Thtlebridge for 1 fee of 
Oalfrid Oamvill and the same Oaifrid of the £injr.] 

8] Est Wolrington (East Woriington), beld by Robert de 
Cranthom ; } fee, of the honour of Bimetaple. 

ITcsIa (No. 68. p. 175 b, tnd No. 1103): Biduird FitzBtmard 
holds in ifolurington ^ fee ijf lAe same Jienry and hoamiT,] 

[Kirby (No. 634): Boberi de Crowthom holds Bsimiilriggton for 
4 a Knight's fee of John de Tracy and John of Oalfrid de Camvilt 
and the same Oalfrid of the King.] 


held by William de Wolring- 
ton; 1^ fees, of the honour 
of Toriton. 

[869] West Wolrinoton (West 
Worlington), and 

[870] WovKSDKSDON, (Aston, 
West Worlington), 

[Testa (Nos. 95, 96, p. 176 a, and No. 1104): WiUiam de 
Wolurington holds in fVolurington and Weveston (No. 96, Webez- 
ston), H/ees of the heirs and honour of ToriUm,} 

[Kirby (No. 647) : McUkew de WolrigUm holds Wevedstonfor one 
Knight* s fee of Walter de Sully and the same Walter of the King,] 

[871] B [1 D]ratpord (Drayford, Thelbridge), held by Eobert de 
Cranthom ; ^ fee, of the honour of Gloucester. (Accord- 
ing to the Exchequer Bolls, f of ^.) 

[Testa (No. 227, p. 177b, and No. 1106) : John le Despencer holds 
in Drayford % of \ fee of William de Clavil of the humour of 

[Kirhy (Nos. 612, 613) : The same Richard (le Despencer, Nos. 609- 
611) holds Drayford together with Hille next Upeot (Ip*chote) for i 
Knight*s fee of John de Clatill And the same John of the Karl of 
Oloucester and the Karl of the King,] 

[872] Fremaniboot (Westyeo, Witheridge), held by Willitm 
Polleyn ; \ fee, of the honour of Gloucester. 

[Testa (No. 228 and No. 1105) r William Vassal holds Fremannes- 
cote (No. 228 Fremanescoth) for ifee of the same William de Clavil 
and honour of Oloucester.] 

[Kirhy (No. 614) : William Wassel holds Westaya f or i fee of 
John de Clavil. And the same John of the Karl of Oloucester And 
the Karl of the King.] 

[873] Chbdeldon (Gheldon) and^ 
Indriscot [in North Taw- 
ton Hundred] (Iddlecot, 

held by John de Keleway; 
^ fee, of the honour of 

[Testa (Nos. 229, 230, and No. 1107) : William Calleweye (No. 229, 
Dalleweye) holds in Chedeldon in the aforesaid Hundred and in 
Yedescoth i fee of the honour of Gloucester through mesne lords.] 

[Kirby (No. 606) : John de Bacckevnll holds Chedeledon for J 
Knights fee of the Karl of Oloucester And the Karl of the King.] 

[874] Hanteford (Elson next Ford, 1 Chulmleigh, called Korth- 
amptesford in After-death Inquests of Hugo de Courteney, 
1 Eic. II., No. 12, p. 2), held by John de Eashleghe ; 
^ fee, of the honour of Oloucester. [This must be an 
error for Okhamton.] 

[Testa (Nos. 396, 397, p. 179b, and No. 1109, p. 189a) : William, 
de Hospitali (No. 1109, del Ospital) holds in le Ospital and in Roger 
Cole's Hamtenfsford J fee within the manor of Chaumelegh of John 
de Curtenay of the honour of Okhamton.] 


[875] Est Chkldon (East Cbeldoo, Cheldon with Isenworthi 
(WiDgswood*]), according to After Death Inquests of 
Hugo de Courteney, 1 Ric. II., No. 12, p. 2), held by 
John de Eeloway ; ^\^ fee, of the honour of Okhamton. 

[Testa (No. 896 and No. 1108) : Richard de Chedeldm (No. 395, 
Chedetdune) holds in Est-ChedeUion iV /<f« of William CalUweye and 
he of John de Curtenay of the honour of Okhamton.} 

[Kirby (No. 631): WaUer de Cheledon holds Est Chedeledon for 
iV Knighisfee of John de Caleway And the same John of Hugo 
de Curtenay And Hugo of the King,} 

[876] BoNViLESTON (Buntston, Chulmleigh), held by John de 
Bonvilston ; ^ fee, of the honour of Okhamton. 

[Testa (No. 399 and No. 1111) : Oaliena de Bonevileston holds in 
B<mevileston ifeebf the same (i.e., John de Curtenay of the honour 
of Okhamton).] 

[877] Shitisbt (Shittisbeer,^ 

[878] Worth (Worthy, 
Kakenford), and 

held by William Fromond ; | fee, 
of the honour of Okhamton. 
(According to the Exchequer 
Rolls, I of ^ fea) 

[879] Matford, in Hun- 
dred of Exmynstre, 
whereof Matford is 

IS iee, 

[Testa (Nos. 401, 402, and No. 1113) : Soger Frommd and Robert 
de Wenelegh hold in Swytelesbere {Shitelesbere, No. 401) and in 
Worthy f of ifee of the same through a middle-lord,'] 

[880] Blaeeworth (Bailick worthy, Chulmleigh), held by Walter 
de Blokworth ; \ fee, of the honour of Okhamton. 

[Testa (No. 403 and No. 1114): Hugo de Baylekeworth holds \fee 
in Baylekeworih of Robert del Estane of the sam^ manor and honour,} 

[881] Stone (Stone, Chulmleigh), held by William de la Stone; 
1^ fee, of the honour of Okhamton. 

[Testa (No. 404) : RobeH de la Estane holds in Stayne \fee of the 
hmour of Okhamton,} 

[882] Hauntipford, held by Roger Cole [of ChawJey Wick]; 
^j^ fee, of the honour of Okhamton (Ford, Chulmleigh, 
called Hantesford ; parva j\^ fee in Aftei' Death Inquests 
of Hugo Courteney, 1 Ric. II., No. 12, p. 2). 

[Testa (No. 405 and No. 1115): Roger Cole holds in Hamptenerford 
t\j/c« through a middle-lord {probably John de RashUigh) of the same 
manor and honour.} 

[Testa (No. 1 116) : John de Curtenay holds the rest of the o^bresaid 
manor [of Chulmleigh} in lordship pertaining to his barony of 

[Kirby (Nos. 623-628) : Hugh de Curtenay holds Chulmleigh with 
members to wit La Stone, Coletone, Benelegh, Chettitbeare^ Worthy but 
it is not staled in tlie aforesaid Returns by what service,} 


[883] DoGKSWORTH (Dockworthy, Cheldoo), held by Adam and 

Joanna de B[t D]oke worth ; ^ fee, of the honour of 


[Testa (No. 674, p. 181 a, and No. 1117, p. 189 a): Soger dt 
Dockevrorth arid Martin Faher hold in Dockeworth together with the 
land of Robert del Estane i fee of Richard le Breth, and he through 
a middle lord of the Earl of Devon and the honour of Flymton.] 

[884] EoMANDBSLEGH (Romanaleigh), held by Thomas de Cham- 
peaux ; ^ fee, of the honour of Tavistock. 

[Testa (No. 304, p. 178 b, and No. 1118): Richard le Copener 
holds in Romundeslegh (No. 804, Romundeylegh) j fee of the Abbot 
of Tavistock through a middle-lord. ] 

[Kirby (No. 662) : Richard le Copener holds in Rominndeslegh 
ifee of the Abbot of Tavistock And the same Abbot of the King ] 

[885] WoDBNHAM ( Wodham, \ j^ , ^ ^ j^ ^ Wodenham ; 

Eomansleigb) and v i r « «u u i 

p««^-i ^, \J r i '«®> ^* ^"® honour of 

[886] NiTHKRooT (Kitcot, I Tavistock. 

Komanaleigh), J 

[Testa (No. 805 and No. 1119) : Oalfrid de Northeeote holds ifee 
in Wauddon (No. 305, Wodham) of the same Abbot through middU- 

[887] Meushah (Meshaw), held by Simon Fitz-Bogo ; ^ fee, of 
the honour of Okhamton. 

[Testa (No. 406, p. 179 b, and No. 1120) : Nicolas Avenell holds 
in Mansard I fee of John de Curtenay through middle-lords of the 
humour of Okhamton.] 

[Kirby (No. 621) : The aforesaid Simon Fitz-Rego holds Mausard 
for 1 KnighCsfee ; and he holds one moiety of Richard de Flanmosh 
and the same Richard of Bugh de Curtenay and Hugh of the King, 
And the other moiety he holds of Maihew de Fumeus and the same 
Mathew of Hugh de Curtenay, Hugh holds the fee of the King in 

[888] Bkaudbport (Port, Bishop's ' 
Nymton) and 

[889] Upcot (Overcot, Bishop's 


[Testa (No. 1121, p. 1891)) : William le Brun and Gilbert BvJte- 
porth hold in Uppeeoth and in Buteporth, -ft fee of WcUter de Nymeth 
through a middle-lord^ and he of the bishop of .^ceter.] 

[890] Chapbl (Whitechapel, \ 

Bishop's Nymton), and f held by William Basset; 1 fee, 

Heghen (£[ayne, Bishop's i of the Bishop. 

Nymton), ) 

[Testa (No. 1122): Alan Basseth holds in La Chapele together 
with the land of Robert de Horthon, 1 fee of Hugh Peverel of Sanford 
and he of the bishop of Exeter of his manor of Nymton {Nunethon).] 

[Kirby (Nos. 640, 641) : The aforesaid Thomas [de Horton] holds 
La Heghin for ^ fee of Laurence Basset And the same Laurence 
holds \ fee at Whitechapel (apud Albam (Dapellam) of Hugh Peverel 
and Hugh of Peter bishop of Exeter And the same bishop of the 

held by Reginald de Balegh ; 
^ fee, of the Bishop. 


[891] Thorkbrioob (Veraby and Kerscot, Bishop's NymtoD), held 
by William Fayrby ; ^ fee, of the Bishop. 

[Testa (No. 1123) : Oalfrid Fayreby holds in Turkertg i fee of the 
same bishop and manor.] 

[Kirby (Nos. 644, 645) : William de la Fayrebie holds la FayrebU 
together with Kirsthotefor ^ Knight^ s fee of the aforesaid bisfiop, and 
the bishop of the King J] 

[892] GiRLESTOK (Griston and Sheepwash, Bishop's Nymton), held 
by Henry de Girleston ; \ fee, of the Bishop. 

{Testa (No. 1124): Simxm de Oerardeston holds in Gerardeston 
through a middle-lord ^fee of the name bishop and manor,] 

[Kirby (Nos. 642, 643) : WUliam de Gerelleston holds Oerelleston 
together with Sheepwash for ^ fee of William de Botriaus And the 
same WUliam of the aforesaid bishop.] 

[893] Baubntton (Rawston, Bishop's Nymton), held by Joanna 
de Doddescumb ; ^s ^^^> ^^ ^^® ^ shop. 
[Testa (No. 1125): Ralph de Doddescumb holds in Haweston ^ 
fee of the same^ through middle-lords.] 

[894] EiPPiNsooTB (Kipecot, Bishop's Nymton), held by Kobert 
de Horb[? t]on ; ^ fee, of the Bishop. 

[Testa (No. 1126): Walter de Nymeth holds in Kuppingescoth | 
fee of the same bishop and wianor.] 

[Kirby (No. 639) : Thomas de HorUm holds } Knights fee in 
Kippinischote of Mathew de Wolrinton And the same Malhew of 
the heirs of Patrick de Chaworth And the same heirs of the afore- 
said bishop And the bisJwp of the King.] 

[Testa (No. 1127) : The bishop holds the rest of the manor of 
liymton (Nun[? Nira]ethon) in lordship pertaining to his bishopric.] 

[Kirby (No. 638) : PeUr (Quivil) bishop of Exeter (A.D. 1280- 
1291) holds the manor of Nuneton of the King in chief together with 
his other manors belonging to his barony.] 

[895] La Yurdb (Yard, Roseash), held by heiis of Richard de la 
Yurde; ^ fee, of the Bishop. [Clearly an error for 

[Testa (No. 407, p. 179 b, and No. 1128) : Henry de Terde holds 
in Verde ifee of John de Curtenay of the honour of OkhanUon.] 

[896] Esse (Roseash), held by heirs of Alan de Esse ; ^ fee, of the 
honour of Okhamton. 

[Testa (No. 408 and No. 1129) : JRalph de Esse holds i fee of the 
same John (de Curtenay) and honour.] 

[Kirby (No. 629) : Ealph de Esse Knight holds the manor of Esse 
for ^fee of Hugh de Curtenay And Hugh of the King.] 

[897] Rakbnbford, held by Stephen of London; \ fee, of the 
honour of Okhamton. 

[Testa (No. 409 and No. 1130): RobeH de Sideham holds in 
Bakeneford 1 fee of the aforesaid John and honour whereof one 
moiety he holds through a middle-lord.] 

[Kirby (No. 622) : Philip de Sydeham holds Eakemeford, to wit, 
one moiety of a KnighCs fee of Henry Tyrel^ and the same Henry of 
Hugh de Curtenay And the other moiety of the same Hugh (directly) 
And Hugh of the King.] 


[898] Baogbton (Backston, Rakenford), held by Peter de Bag- 
geston ; ^ fee, of the honour of Plymtoo. 

[Testa (No. 576, p. 181 a, No. 1131, p. 189 b) : The heirs of 
Oshert de Baggestane hold in Baggestane | fee of Nicolas le Bastardy 
and Nicolas of the honour of Plyinton. ] 

[Kirhy (No. 616) : Peter de Baggeston holds Baggeston for J 
Knight's fee of Baldwin le Bastard And the same Baldwin of 
lady Isabella Countess of Albemara And the same Countess of the 
King in chief] 

[899] Bradford (Bradford Tracy, Witberidge), held by Alice de 
Mutegr[o8] ; ^ fee, of the honour of Okhamton [error for 

[Testa (No. 780, p. 182 b, and No. 1182) : William de Tracy holds 
in Bradeford through middle-lords \fee of the honour of Braneys,] 

[Kirhy (No. 604) : John fitz-Oaxifrid holds Northecote for \fee of 
Sarra de Afutcgros And the same Sarra of John Tracy And the 
same John of Thomas de Rakelegh And the saine Thomas of John 
de Legh And the same John of the Earl of Cornwall Aiid the 
Earl of the King.] 

[Kirhy (No. 605) : Sarra de Mutegros holds Bradeford for \ fu in 
free marriage of John de Tracy And the sam^ John of Thomas de 
Ralegh And the same Thomas of John de Legh And the sam^ John 
of the Earl of Cornwall And the Earl of the King.] 

[900] Sprewey (West Spurway, Okeford), h«ld by W[illiam] de 
Servington ; ^ fee, of the honour of Marshwood. (Accord- 
ing to the Exchequer Kolls | fee.) 

[Testa (No. 831, p. 183 a, and No. 1133) : Ivo de Servinion (No. 
1133, The heirs of Ivo de Servinton) hold in Spretoeye J fee of 
Galfrid de MandevUl.] 

[Kirhy (No. 630) : William de Serinnton holds Westesp^ujey for 
J fee of John de Maundevill of Coker And the same John of Hugh 
de Curtenay And Hugh of the King in chief] 

[901] Sprewey (East Spurway alias Okeford), held by Eobert 
Gredeten; \ fee, of the honour of Braneys [error for 

[Testa (No. 59, p. 175 b, and No. 1134) : The heir qf BobeH 
Chrede holds in Spreweye J fee of William de Tracy and William 
of Henry de Tracy of his honour of Bamestapol.] 

[Kirhy (Nos. 635-637) : Richard de Estspaty holds Estspetcy 
with members to wit Challevnlle and Falwarigge for J Knighfs 
fee of John de Tracy And the same John de Tracy of Thomas de 
Ralegh And the same Thomas of Oalfrid de Camvill And Oalfrid 
of the King.] 

[902] WooDBORN and ) held by heirs of Holcomb ; 1 fee, of the 
903] West Apse j honour of Okhamton. 

(West Tappp, Okeford, written West Appese in After- 
death Inquests of Hugo de Courteney, 1 Ric. II., No. 12, p. 2.) 

[Testa (Nos. 410, 411, p. 179 b, and No. 1135, p. 189 b): Jordan 
fitZ'Rogo holds in Wodehurne and Westapse I fee of John de Curtenay 
of his honoicr of OJchamtcn.] 

[Kirhy (Nos. 619, 620): Simon fitz-Rego (filins Regenis) holds 
Apse arid Wodehumfor 1 Knight^ s fee And the same Simon (holds) 
of Hugh de Curtenay And the same Hugo of the King in chief] 


[904] MiDKLDON (Milton, Okeford), held by Roger de Mideld^m; 
^ fee, of the honour of Braneys. 

[Testa (No. 781, p. 182 b, and No. 1136): Boffer de MieidelUm 
(No. 781, MiddeldoD) holds in MidddUm IfuofOu heirs of WiUiam, 
Briwerre of the honour of Braneys,] 

[Kirby (No. 658) : Boger de MiddiUon holds MiddiUcnfor i fee of 
McUhevD fitz-John of the Earl of Cornwall And the Earl <^ ike 

[905] Westleoh (West Stoodleigh), held by Robert fitz-Payne 
(Jiliua Pagani) ; \ fee, of the honour of Biry. 

[Testa (No. 780, p. 182 a, aod No. 1138): BobeH de CampeUis 
junior, holds in Westodlegh \ fee of Bobert de CampelliSf aid ke 
through a middle-lord of the honour of Berry.] 

[Kirby (No. 646) : Boger fitz- Payne Iwlds the manor of West" 
sordelegh for i Knights fee of Bobert Champiaus And the same 
Bobert of Balph Champiaus And the same Balph of John de 
Punchardun And the same John of Henry de la Fomeray And 
the same Henry of the King,] 

[906] Reston (Rifton, Stoodleigh), held by John de Doddeecomb ; 
4 fee, of the honour of Toriton. (According to the 
Exchequer Rolls | fee.) 

[Testa (No. 97, p. 176 a, and No. 1139, p. 190 a): Balph de 
Doddescumb holds in Befthon (No. 97, Befton) ^ fee of BobeH de 
Edingthon, and he of the heirs and honour of Torington.] 

[907] EsTOODLEQH (East Stoodleigh), held by Robert le Marchant; 
1 fee, of the honour of Barnstaple. 

[Testa (No. 61, p. 175 b, and No. 1187, p. 189 b) : Bobert de 
Campellis holds in Estodlegh 1 fee of Henry de Tracy of the 
honour of Barnstaple.] 

Kirby (No. 632) : Balph Champiaus holds Estcodleghfor 1 Knighfs 
fee of Galfrid de Camvill And Oalfrid of the King according to the 
law of England.] 

[908] Warbrighteslegh (Wars- \ 

brightly, Stoodleigh), 
BLA.K WORTH (Blatch Worthy, 

WiTEKNOLL (Whitenhole, 


[Testa (Nos. 576-8, p. 181 a, and No. 1140, p. 190 a): Boger 
Dacastre holds in Warebrigthelegh, Blakesworth, and in WhytetnoUe 
(No. 576, Warebrigtelegh, Blakworth, and in Whyteinolle) i fee of 
Oalfrid de Mandevill And he of Balph de Doddescumb of the honour 
of Plymton.] 

[Kirby (No. 615) : Thomas de Acastre holds Warbitisleghfor \fee 
of John de Mandevill And the same John of the King.] 

[909] Dert (Dart Tracy, Witheridge), held by Alexander Carlon; 
^ fee, of the honour of Toriton. 

[Testa (No. 98, p. 176 a, and No. 1141): Henry de Dune holdt 
^fee of the heirs and honour of Toriton,] 

[Kirby (No. 660) : Thomas de Merton holds Derte Tracy for ifee 
of the barony of Toriton of the King in chief] 

Thomas de Alabaster ; \ fee, 
of the honour of Plymton. 


[910] Debt Ralph (Dart Ralph), ; | f ee, of 

the honour of Plymton^ 

[Testa (No. 581, p. 181 a, and No. 1142) : Ealph de Dertk holds 
i fee of Joel de FalUtorta and Joel of the honour of Plymton,] 


Wmiam I fee 
le fitz- + 
Jeffrey ; yV ^^ 

of the honour 
of Barn- 

held by Prior of Barnstaple 
and Robert Horton ; 2 fees, 
of the honour of Toriton). 

912] CoLSTONB (Coolson, Temple- 
too), and 

[913] Bradleghe (West Bradleigb, 

[Testa (No. 63-75, p. 175 b, and No. 1143, p. 190 a) : RobeH de 
Edingthone holds in Norihcoth and in Kolteston (No. 64, Goltescotb) 
and in 1 ferlina of land in Bradeleghe which is in the Hundred of 
Twyverton J + -^fee of Henry de Tracy through several middle-lords 
of the honour of BamestapoL] 

[914] Stordbton (Stewarton, Little Washford, an outlier of 

Witheridge), held by the heirs of Ralph de Holbrok; 

i fee, of the honour of Toriton. 

[Testa (No. 99, p. 176a, and No. 1144) : Balph de HoUbrok holds 
in Stordeton i fee of Richard Hereward and he through a middle- 
lord of the heirs and honour of Toriton,] 

[915] Washford (Upcot in Little^ 

Washford, an outlier of 

Strech (Stretchtown, Thel- 

[916] Wbstcot (Westcot, in Little 

Washford, an outlier of 

[917] Debt, J 

[Testa (Noa. 100-102, and No. 1145): The Prior of Barnstaple 
and Robert de Horton hold in Wasford (No. 100, Walford) ; and 
Westccoth and in Derth 2 fees of the same heirs and honour (i.e., of 
the honour of Toriton).] 

[Kirby (Nos. 649-651) : Thomas de Horton holds Stretehe, Derte, 
UppecotCf and Westcote for \\ Knight* s fee of the Prior of Barn- 
staple And the saine Prior of Humuu de Merton And the same 
Thomas of the King,] 

[Kirby (Nos. 652-654) : The Prior of Barnstaple holds {Ash) 
Beare, Rowedon, Orencdon^ for i Knights fee of Thomas de Merton 
And Thomas of the King,] 

[918] Oddetok (Woodington, in Little Washford, an outlier of 
Witheridge), held by John Tracy and his fellows ; ^ fee, 
of the honour of Plymton. 

[Testa (No. 579, p. 181a, and No. 1148): Walter Herewy (No. 
579, Hereby), Roger and Hugh de Odethon hold in Odeton (No. 579, 
Hodethon) i fee of Robert de Horthon And Robert through a 
middle-lord of the honour of Plymton,] 

[Kirby (Nos. 617, 618) : Thomas de Horton holds Odeton and 
Hegsteford [Henceford in Chawleigh] /w J Knight* s fee of the heirs 
of John de Moun And the same heirs of the Countess of Albemara 
And the said Countess qf the King.] 


[919] Hill (ffill, Witheridge) 

[920] Thorncomb (Rackham, 
Crawys Moichard) 

[921 £Mt] Bradlegh, in 

Tiyerton Hundred 

held hj Bobert de Kn^htcm ; } 
fee, of the honour of Toriton. 

[Tata (Nos. 108, 104, p. 176 a, and No. 1150) : John U Dapeuttr 
holds in Hille and Throucombf uriih one ferling of land in BradtUgh 
(No. 104, Estbredelegh), uhich ia in Uu Hundred of TivtrUm^ I fee 
of Roger Dacastre And Eager through several middle-lords of the 
heirs and honour of Toriton.] 

Under Wonford Hundred we find also 

[24] Poltemore with 

[25] Hyll in Witheridge 


held by William de Pantindon; 1 
fee [apparently of the honour 
of PJymton]. 

[For Kirhy (No. 23 under Wonford Hundred ) sayi: Ridiafd de 
PoUimor holds the tovmship (rillem) of PoUiinor for \ fee of ihe 
heirs of William de Thornton And the same heirs of the aforesaid 
Countess [of Albemara] And the same Countess of the King.] 

[Kirbp (No. 655 nnder Witheridge Hundred) says: Robert ds 
Pyrrichwarth holds Hille with menwers for J fee of Richard de 
Pultune [can this be Paltime ?] And the same Richard of Isabella 
Countess of Albemara And the Countess of the King.] 

There is also another entry which may have some beariog on 
this under Tiverton Hundred. 

[1153] Est Bradlegh, held by Richard de Bradleeh; :^ fee, of 
the honour of Plymton. In another Jiandwriting is 
written -j^ fee. 

[Kirby (No. 133) : Richard de EsOrradele holds \ fee there of the 
heirs of Hille And (he same heirs of Richard de Poltingmore And 
the same Richard of Isabella Countess of Albemara And the same 
Countess of the King,] 

[922] Combe Moncbaux, held by Alericus le Marchant ; \ fee, of 
the honour of Braneys [an evident error for Barnstaple]. 

[Ttsla (No. 67, p. 175b, and No. 1151): WiUiam de Moncellis 
(No. 67, Montellia) holds in Cumhe (No. 67, Cumb Munceria) I fee of 
Henry de Tracy of his honour of Barnstaple.] 

[Kirby (No. 656) : William de Afonteaus holds Cumbe Monteaus 
for J knight's fte of OcUfrid de Camvill And the same Oalfrid of 
the King!] 

[923] Cadbiry Copiner (Cadbury, Chulmleigh), held by H. 
Copiner ; \ fee, of the honour of Okhamton. (According 
to the Exchequer Rolls \ fee.) 

[Testa (No. 898, p. 179 b, and No. 1110, p. 189 a): lU^H de 
Sioddune holds in Kadebyre of Uie same manor (Chulmleigh, which it 
follows) i fee of Ivo de Servinthon And he of the same John 
(de Ourtenay) and honour.] 


[924] WooDBUBN, held by Thomas de Woodbom ; ^ fee [of the 
honour of Plymton]. 

[Testa (No. 681, p. 181a, and No. 1149, p. 190 a): Peter fitz- 
Baldwin holds in Woddum i fee of Robert de Legh of the same 
honour (of Plimton. It follows Odeton).] 

[Kirhy (No. 661) : Peter de Wodebum holds Wodehum for J 
KnighCs fu of Thomas de Legh And the same Thomas of the 
heirs of John de Mohun And the sam/e heirs of Isabella Countess 
of Albemara And the same Countess of the King.] 

In testimony whereof, ko. 

5. Burton's list may be supplemented by the following from 
Testa de NevU : — 


[Qoreland] ((Garland, King's Nymton) (No. 400, p. 160 b, and 
No. 1112, p. 189 a) : Henry de Goreland holds in Qoreland \ 
fee, of William Fauvell and William of the same [t.e., of the 
manor of Chulmleigh of John de Curtenay of the honour of 

[CuMB Daoastre] (No. 66, p. 175 b, and No. 1146, p. 190 a): 
Eoger Dacastre holds in Cumb ^ fee, of Galfrid de Mandevill 
and Galfrid of Henry de Tracy of the honour of Barnstaple. 

[CuMBE Eetont] (Templeton) (No. 1147) : John de Reygni holds 
in the same township {villa) ^ fee, of the same Galfrid and the 
same honour. 

[Dbnewoldbsham] (Densham, Woolfardis worthy) (No. 1152, 
p. 190 a): Boger de Praulle holds Denewoldesham in socage 
of the heirs of Tikeenbraz in Cornwall for lib. of cummin 
per annum, rendering no scutage. 

[Munbtheneland] (Minikinland, Woolfardisworthy) (No. 1153): 
Eoger de Munetbeneland holds Munetheneland of the Prioress of 
Polsloe (PoUesle) for 10s. per annum in socage in pure alms 
of old time. 

[Bradeford] (Bradford, Cruwys Morchard) (No. 1154) : The same 
Prioress holds Bradeford in lordship also in alms. 

[Wyk] (Chawley Wick) (No. 1155) : Roger Cole holds Wyk in 
the manor of Chawley (Chademelegh) of the Prior of Christ 
Church for 60/- per annum and the Prior holds it in alms of 
Ito Martel and it is [held] of the honour of Okhamton and 
was aforetime ^ fee. 


[Colbton] (Coleton, Gbnlmleigh) (No. 1156) : Roger Cole holds 
Coleton in socage of John de Cartenay for 208. per annum and 
it is [held] of the aforesaid honour [Okhamton]. 

[See Kirby (No. 625) quoted above.] 

[Nimbton] (King's Nymton) (No. 1157): William la Zuch holds 
NuD[1im]eton of Alan la Zuch in lordship rendering no service 
and Alan of our lord the King in chief. 

[Kirby (No. 659) : Hobert de Morton holds King*s Nimel of Roger 
de la Sothe ( = Soche) And Roger of our lord the King in chief,} 

[Marineleoh] (Mariansleigh) (No. 1 1 58) : William de Mohan holds 
the manor of Marinelegh of Begin [aid] de Mohan rendering no 
scatage and it is [held] of the honour of Plymton. 

[Little Rakenbpord] (Itackenford Farm) (No. 1159) : Rohert de 
Sideham holds Little Rakeneford of the Hospital of Bothemes- 
cumh for 2s. per annum in socage and it is [held] of the honour 
of Gloucester. 

[Hakkpord] (Ash worthy, Okeford) (No. 1160): Herbert fitz- 

Mathew holds the manor of Hakeford of Reginald de Mohun for 

£7 per annum in socage and it is [held] of the honour of 


[Kirby (No. 667): Mathew fUz-John holds iror[?k>/orrf of the 
heirs of John de Mount of the honour of Dunstore, ] 

[Sbtntbmarilboh] (Highleigh St. Mary) (No. 1161) : The Prior of 
Pilton holds Seyntemarilegh in pure alms by gift of the pre- 
decessors of Henry de la Pomeray of the honour of Berry. 

[Littlb Wassefbld] (No. 1162) : Robert de Bikelegh holds Little 
Wassefeld of the heirs of William Briwerre in socage for one 
ebony bow and two arrows per annum and it is [held] of the 
honour of Plymton. 

{Rinostanesdunb] (Rowsedon, aliaa Russen, East Worlington) No. 
1 163, p. 190 b) : Robert de Ringstanesdune holds Ringstanesdone 
of John fitz-Richard in socage for 5s. per annum of the honour 
of Gunnardeston in Cornwall. 

[Oddbworth] (Woodford, Thelbridge) (No. 1164): The same 
Robert holds Oddeworth through a mesne lord of Robert Peytevin 
in socage paying to Richard Prueth who is the middle-lord 2d. 
per annum in discharge of all services and it is [held] of the 
honour of Berry. 

Burton's list may be further supplemented from entries 
under Haytor and Ermyngton Hundreds. 




held by Egidioa de Fish- 
acre for 1 fee, of the 
Bishop of Exeter. 

held by John Damarel ; 
2 fees, of the honour 
of Plymtoiu 

Under Haytor Hundred. 

[142] Dunnineton, in South Molton' 

Hundred, and 
[143] Raulbston (Rowlston, Mor- 

chard Bishop), in Wither- 

idge Hundred, together with 

Alebum (Yalberton, Paign- 
ton), and Wadeton (Wotton, 

Stoke Gabriel),^ [in Haytor 

Hundred], and Morvayl^ in 


[Testa (No. 1268, p. 192b): MaHin de Fiaaere holds 1 fu in 
Alebum, Wadeton (in Haytor Hundred) and in Dyntnthon which is 
in the Hundred of MauJOwn (South Molton) and in Jiauleston which 
is in the Hundred of Wyring and in Morewale in Cornwall which 
is ifee, of the same bishop (of Exeter).] 

Under Ermyngton Hundred. 

[292] Fluit Damarell 
(Fleet, in Hol- 
[293] BioooMBE I 

(Bickham,Stood-i in the Hundred 
leigh), and [ of Witheridge, 
[294] in Wardlbgh, ) 

[Testa (No. 1319, p. 198 b) : John de Albamara holds in Flethe, 
and in Bikecumb and in Wardeslegh, which are (quae sunt) in the 
Hundred of Wyring ^ \ fee of Halph de Albamara of the honour of 
Flymton, and aforetiTne they were 2 fees,} 

There is also another entry in Kirby's Quest which is not 
mentioned in Testa or Burton. 


[BoLBwoRTHi] (Bulworthy, Rackenford) (No. 607): Kalph de 
Calwodelegh holds Boleworthi for ^ Knight's fee of the Earl of 
Gloucester And the Earl of the King. 

I cannot part from these lists without observing : — 

(a) That in the case of Washford Pyne (Burton, No. 
864) Kirby's Quest suggests the wrong honour, and Burton 
does the same in the case of Hanteford (No. 874), La Yurde 
(No. 895), Bradford Tracy (No. 899), and East Spurway 
(No. 901). 

(6) That in some cases there appears to be a difficulty in 
harmonizing the lists. Thus, under No. 899, to judge by 

' Mr. Studdy, as Prebendary Hingeston-Raudolph informs me, now spells 
it Waddetone, improved from Watton. 
VOL. XXX. 2 D 


the middle and superior lords, Northcote must have been 
carved out of Bradford. Under No. 919 the various state- 
ments seem to show two distinct Hilles — one held with 
Poltimore of the honour of Plymton; the other with 
Throucomb and East Bradleigh of the honour of Toriton. 
But since the 3 ferlings of the assessment of Bouecome, 
Hille and Cumbe in Domesdayy are necessary to bring up 
the lordship and villagers' assessment of Pultimore — which 
by themselves are only 3 hides 3^ ferlings — to the total 
assessment of 3 hides, 1 virgate, 3 ferlings, one can hardly 
escape the conclusion that the two must be one and the same, 
and that Hille, Backham and East Bradleigh must have been 
held by the honour of Toriton of the honour of Plymton. In 
another case the Red Book of the Exchequer, in a summary of 
fees held by "Knights of the County of Devon," has this entry 
(p. 558, No. 202) : " John de Torintone 29 fees, whereof 7 are 
held of the honour of Gloucester," showing that fees were 
sometimes held by one honour of another. In Teignbridge 
Hundred {Trans, xxix. 239) Hennock is stated to have been 
held of the honour of Berry, but the honour of Berry held 
it nevertheless of the honour of Okhamton. 

(c) Not one of the lists is exhaustive of places existing 
in the Hundred. This may be accounted for in severstl 
ways. (1) New names appear by the creation of n^w fees, 
or by subdividing old ones, of which Chulmleigh and 
Bishop's Nymton afiford many instances. Perhaps Burton 
No. 917 is an example of the former, No. 899 of the latter. 
(2) Old names disappear by the concentration of estates 
through the marriage of heiresses. (3) Names are changed. 
Burton No. 872 is a clear instance. (4) The fee lists do not 
mention serjeanties. Thus Burton's list of fees in Witheridge 
Hundred follows Testa de Nevil almost without variation 
from Nos. 1096 to 1151 inclusive in giving the list of 
knights* fees; but it has no mention of Nos. 1152 to 1164, 
all of which were held in socage or free alms. Similarly 
in Wonford Hundred Kirby's Quest and the Hundred Rolls 
follow the same order and have exactly the same contents 
for the first 61 townships, t.e., as far as Dunsford. The six 
places named afterwards in the Hundred Rolls do not appear 
in Kirby, although some of them were fees. (5) Serjeanties 
were sometimes changed into military holdings. Ttsia de 
Nevil, Nos. 1536-1539, names four cases, but apparently 
fees substituted for serjeanties do not always appear in the 
fee lists afterwards. (6) Estates which fell into the King's 
custody by way of escheat or wardship appear to have 


passed out of the jurisdiction of the outland Hundred and 
to have been dealt with as part of the inland Hundred or 
royal manor. The return of the inland Hundred of Budleigh 
in Kirby's Quest contains ten names, but of these one only — 
Stockleigh Pomeroy — belonged to the outland Hundred, and 
this is entered with the words (No. 259) "because of the 
custody of King Henry/* i,e., during the minority of the 
owner. (See Testa, Nos. 1436-1466, for examples.) 

II. The Domesday Representatives of tlie post-Domesday 


Having marshalled the materials which show the extent 
of the postrDomesday Hundred of Witheridge, we pass on 
to see how they are represented in Domesday, assuming, 
Until we have evidence to the contrary, that the Domesday 
Hundred is identical with the post-Domesday. 

1. In giving the Dom^esday constituents which correspond 
with the fost-Domesday Hundred, it has seemed to me 
preferable to give them in the order in which they follow 
one another in the Exeter Book, and I have accordingly 
given Mr. Whale's numbers (marked W.) as well as the 
Exchequer, and followed the Exeter sequence, because the 
sequence is of great importance for purposes of identifica- 
tion, and this is better illustrated in the Exeter than in the 
Exchequer Book. The pages, as before, refer to the Associa- 
tion's reprint Crown lands which were extra hundredal, 
although not ancient Crown lordships, and exempt lordships, 
are printed in larger capitals. Assessments. 

Whole. Lordships. Villagers*. 

I. The Kino's holdiogs : — ^ ▼• '• i»- ▼• »• *»• v. t Acres. VaL 

(Githa's land) No. 48 ( W. 64), p. 45 : , [Honour of PlymtoD] 

WIRIGE (Witheridge)^ . . 1 U 2i 358 £6 

^ The value of Wirige, 358 acres, would under ordinary circum-stances be 
from 15/- to 25/-. The additional amoimt must have been derived from the 
contributions paid by the various thanes to the King's farm and court fees. Its 
amount is evidence of the large number of contributories. From the Kalendar 
of Papal JiegisUrSy i p. 309, it appears that Alexander IV. in 1255 gave a 
dispensation to Robert de Terry, rector of Wirigge, to hold an additional 
benefice. QuiviVs Registers show (Hingeston-Randolph, p. 360) that the 
bishop gave Witheridge Church on 4 Nov., 1282, in charge to Thomas de 
Gorges, clerk, presented thereto by Robert titz- Payne ; also he granted 
letters dismissory for his immediate ordination. A writ of Privy Seal was 
issued 25 Aug., 11 Ed. I. (a.d. 1283), to send to the Sheriff of Devon letters 
of protection for the said Thomas. {Stapeldon, p. 270.) On 30 April, 1317, 
Sir William de Wingrave, presbyter, was admitted in eommendam on the 
presentation of Sir Robert fitz-Payne, Knt. {Ibid, p, 270.) In 1288 {Ibid, 
p. 462) the rectory was valued at £20. In 1396 William Vexford, rector, 
resigned to exchange and John Luffewyk was instituted, the Prioress and 
Convent of Cannington, Dio. Bath and Wells, being patrons. {Stafford^ p. 220.) 

2 D 2 


(Githa's Und) No. 49 (W. 65), p. 45 : 

(2 Uuuies' UdcI added) Yeatberidge 

and Burridge two outlien next 

Tbelbridge and Worlington .008 — — 200 5/- 

(Harmld's land) No. 74 (W. 88), p. 69: 

NIMETONE" (King's Nymton) .300 100 200 5128 £18 
(Harald'sland) No. 75 (W. 84), p. 69 : 

(1 thane's land added) (Garland, 

King's Nymton) .... 2 — — 160 7/- 

11. The Bishop of Exeter's holding :— 

Himself No. 124 (W. 121). p. 119 : [Bishop's Barony] 

NIMETONE (Bishop's Nymton)* 800 100 200 5690 £16 

' In the Red Book of the Exchequer, p. 559, among a list (ad. 1212) of 
*' Lands of Normans and of others whose services are not known," appears: — 
No. 248: *'Galfrid de Luscy [holds Kings] Nymton (Nnnetone) ana the land 
of Isabella de Mayne (Meduana)." Tesia (No. 1362, p. 194 b) says : ^ King 
Henry I. gave to the ancestors of Joel de Mayne BlaKetoriton and [King's] 
Nimet with appurtenances in exchange for Gorham and Ambr^res it is said, 
but Galfrid de Luscy now holds those lands by order of King John." (See 
Pipe Rolls, No. 878.) From the Hundred Rolls of 8 Edward I., No. 46, 
quoted above, it appears that on the separation of Normandy from England 
King John seized King's Nympton ana gave it to Roger de la Zusch. In 
Edward III.'s time, according to Pole 435, Sir Jeffrey de Cornwall held it, 
and after his death, in 1 Ed. 11. {AfUr-death Inquests, p. 229, No. 59) 
Matilda, wife of Hugo de Mortimer, held the advowson. 

Sir Simon de Ashleigh (Ashele) is named as rector 24 May, 1309 {Brones- 
eombe Meg., p. 419), ana the rectory was returned in the Taxation of Pope 
Nicohis in 1288 as worth £6. {Ibid, p. 462.) On 3 Dec., 1809, a commission 
was directed to John Wele, archdeacon of Barnstaple, and Roser de Otery to 
enquire into the presentation ri^ht of [Sir] Geoffrey de Comubia, Knight, and 
empowering them to institute, if found in order, John de Genegrave, clerk. 
He occurs as rector 4 Oct., 1312. The same patron. Sir Geoffrey ae Comubia, 
on the next vacancy presented Sir Geoffrey de Meristone Meysi, who was 
instituted 10 Dec., 1315 {Stapeldon^ p. 226.) In the 15th century John 
Haget was presented, who resigned 24 April, 1407, followed by Thomas 
Barton, chaplain, who resigned 21 Feb., 1408 (both being canons of Exeter) ; 
then John Hagct again, who 30 Nov., 1408, exchanged with William 
Southam. Southam died 1412, and on 5 Dec., 1412, Philip Staunton was 
instituted. In all these cases Richard Comewayle " domicellus ' and Alice 
his wife exercised the patronage. {Stafford, p. 181.) 

* It is, perhaps, permissible to surmise that the charter quoted by the late 
Mr. King in Trans, viii. 355, if not a forgery, must refer to Bishop's 
Nymton. For, apart from the fact that there is no instance in Devon 
of a small estate of 160 acres being assessed at 3 hides, it is remarkable that 
the estate at Nimet, the lordship of which was conveyed to Crediton 
minster in 974, should have the exact assessment — 3 hides — of Bishop's 
Nymton. Supposing it to represent the Coplestone estate (which, by tne 
way, was held under the bishop), I cannot identify a single landmark. 
I can identify the road at Eisandune with the road at Ash Mill, and the road 
at Red Flood ^ith the road at Radlev, supposing it to be Bishop's Nymton, 
and it may have been less extensive than the present parish. 

It appears from BronueovMs Registers^ p. 114, that on 6th June, 1264, 
**the Friday next after Pentecost, the lord bishop on the presentation of 
Sir Walter fitz-Peter, Treasurer of Exeter [Cathedral] admitted Michael 
de Lodeforde, chaplain, to the vicarage of Nemetone void, and, as it is 
said, settled {taxatam) by authority of the lord archbishop of Canterbury, 
reserving to himself the settlement of the vicarage if it should turn out that 


11. The Bishop op CJoutances* holdings : — 

Drogo, under Him, No. tn ( fT. tOS), 

p. 199: SPRHWE^^ {East Spur- [Honour of Barnstaple] 

foay, alias Oke/ord) . .010 002 002 SSS 101- 

Drogo, under Him, No, 218 ( W. 204), 

p, 199: COME, North and Suuth 

{Combe Templeton) . . .020 010 010 329 lOh 
Drogo, under Him, No, 219 { W. 206), 


{Colson, Templetm) . . .033 020 013 721 IS/- 
Drogo, under Him, No, 220 { W, 206)^ 

p, 201 : COME (Combe MiU, Tem- 
pleton) Oil — — 200 

Drogo, under Him, No. 221 { W, 206), 

p, 201: STOLLEn^ {East Stood- 

leigh, alias Stoodleigh Court) . 10 1 3 3 1058 40',- 
Drogo, under Him, No. 222 { W. 207), 

p, 203 : COME {Combe Moneeaux, 

alias Templecomhe Templeton) .010 — — 105 5/- 

the said settlement was not forthcoming, and he had letters [to that 
effect]." *• Subsequently, the settlement made by the archbishop of Canter- 
bury's authority being forthcoming, the lord bishop for ever released the 
vicar who had been temporarily placed in charge, from the payment of 20/- 
[by way of cathedraticum to himself] mentioneid in the saia settlement*' 
In 12S8 the rectory of Bishop's Nymton, which constituted the endowment 
of the Treasurer, was valued at £20. {Ibid, 465.) One Sir William was 
vicar on 1st March, 1809 {Ibid p. 412), followed by Sir David, on whose death 
Sir Laurence de Nymetone, priest, was instituted 13th Dec., 1819, on 
the presentation of Sir Thomas de Hentone, Treasurer of the Cathedral 
{Stapeldon, p. 190.) 

^<^ In the Taxation of Pope Nicolas, a.d. 1288, the value of the Church of 
Okeford, there called Olgenaford, is returned as £6. {Bronescombe, 462.) 
Manasser fitz-Mathew was put in charge of the rectory 2l8t March, 1259, 
to Michaelmas, 1260, and presented ** Robert de Plymtone, priest, to the 
vicarage hereafter to be settled," Robert being instituted 28ra April, 1261. 
The same rector afterwards presented Robert de la Sturte, priest, who was 
instituted 29th July, 1261, the bishop assigning to the vicar "all the 
obventions from the altar, all the gleoe and the rent of demised lands 
{assisum redditum), a certain house ^nth a garden, 1 acre of land, 1 acre of 
meadow, and 40/- to be paid him by the rector in equal portions on the 
4 law days, the vicar discharging the due and accustomed burdens of the 
church and saving to the uses of the rector the tithe of hay and com and 
the parsonage house.*' {Bronescombe, p. 160.) William de Wilebi appears 
as rector 81st Jan., 1310. {Bylton, p. 421; Stapeldon, p. 239.) Matilda 
countess of Salisbury presented on 19th Dec., 1409, Nicolas Hertecombe, 
but on his death in 1412, and again in 1416, commissions of inquiry were 
found necessary to determine with whom the patronage lay. {Stafford, p. 191.) 

'^ Roger de Campellis or de Chanceaux held both East ana West 
Stoodleigh in Henry II. 's time, according to Pole 443, and they descended 
to his son Robert, his grandson Roger, and his great-grandson Kobert, who 
held them 1242. {Kirby, Nos. 632 and 646.) Robert's son, called Robert 
in Testa No. 1138, before 11 Edward I. granted to Sir Ro^r fitz Payne 
\ fee and the advowson of the Church of West Stoodleigh in free socage, 
but continued to hold East Stoodleigh. Ralph Champeaux held East 
Stoodleigh 24 Edward I. (Pole), Robert Marchant 80 Edward I., Thomas 
Marchant 8 Edward II., and Roger Marchant 19 Edward III. {Ibid,) 
Robert Marchant ultimately sold Estoodleigh unto Sir John fitz- Payne, 
and Roger Marchant released his right 51 Edward III. 



Drogo, nnder him, No. 224 (W. 209), 
p. 205 : Talkbriob^ (Thelbridge) . 2 2 10 

Drogo, under do., No. 225 ( W. 209 b), 
p. 205 : WicHi (Middlewick, Thel- 
bridge) 2 — 

Drogo, under do.. No. 226 (W. 210), 
p. 207: Ulvrkdintunk** (East 
Worliugton) 10 2 

Drogo, under do.. No. 237 (W. 211), 

L221 : BiNSSTANBDOXS (Russen, 
It Worlington) . . . . 1 0} 0} 106 

IV. Tavistock Abbey holdings :— [Tavistock Barony] 

Nigel and Bobcrt, under do.. No. i n a ox a i «» 7ii 

270 (W. 231), p. 243: LlEOE 1 J J ^4 1 3t 711 
(Bomansleigh and Waudam)»* . ) If [0 1 OiJ 417 

V. The Earl of Mortain's holding : — 

Alured, underdo., No. 843 (W. 11.), 

E. 323: DoN&voLDKHAHS (Dens 
am, Wolfardisworthj) . 

12 1040 40/' 

— 206 5/- 

2 817 7/6 



[Out- county Baronies] 
011001 010 309 10/- 

^' In the Taxation of Pope Nicolas the value of Thelbridge Rectory is 
given as 30/- {Brones.^ p. 462), and William de Wytherigge, rector thereof, 
was ordained deacon 2l8t Dec, 1308, and priest 22nd Feb., 1309. {Stapeldon, 
p. 263.) 

^ Robert de Hendevile was instituted rector of East Worlington on 14th 
Nov., 1261, on the presentation of Richard fitz-Bernard under pain of the 
[4th] Lateran Council [of a.d. 1215] and the Council of Oxford [held b^ 
Langton A.D. 1222]. The reference is probably to Const. 52 of Langton : We 
charge that the Lateran Council celebrated by Innocent [IIL] the Pope be 
observed by all as to the payment of tithes and all other matters. Philip 
de Bokywis,subdeacon, succeeded. He was instituted 18th Sept., 1277, on the 
presentation of Robert de Crouthome, lord of East Worlington . {Bronescombe^ 
p. 138.) The same patron presented Peter de Wytherigge, presbyter, 11th May, 
1284, and again Richard le Peytevin, subdeacon, 30th March, 1286. {QuivU, 
342.) In 1288 the rectory was returned as worth 30/-. {Brcneaeambe^ 462.) In 
the 15th century Thomas Affeton, "domicellus,'* presented on lOUi March, 
1400, John Richard, alicLs Woborn, clerk, and on 3ra April, 1407, Robert Forde, 
chaplain, but on his death John Botreaux, Esquire, appears as patron, and 
presented William Morys, chaplain, 20th May, 1419. (Staffordy p. 165.) 

" According to the After-death J-nquests of 22 Ed. I., p. 122, Galfrid de 
Marmerford, tenant of the abbot of Tavistock, died a.d. 1293, seized of one 
ploughland and 10/- value of estate in Romonealegh. This appears to be the 
estate of Robert in Domesdayy the lordship of which Ib returned as 1 plough- 
land, and the whole value as 15/-, and represents presumably Wauaam, or 
Odam, in Romansleigh. 

Reginald, rector of Romansleigh, died a.d. 1281, when Robert Fromund, of 
Chulmlei^h, subdeacon, was instituted on 21st Feb. to the rectory on the 
presentation of Richard le Copiner (QuimVa BegisterSy p. 351), and received 
licence to study at Paris "in sacra pagina" for 3 years from the Ist April, 1282. 
{Ibid. 870.) In 1288 the rectory was returned as worth 20/-. {Ibid. 462.) 
The living became vacant on 27th Sept., 1316, and on 6th Dec. Master Adam, 
called Marchant, was instituted on the presentation of Thomas de Campelle ; 
and again George de Esse on 28th June. 1323 {Stapeldon'a BegisterSy p. 246), 
presented by the same patron. In 1416 John, son and heir of Robert Haoche, 
was patron, and presented John Dayhyll, chaplain, in succession to Nicolas 
Joye, deceased. 


VI. Baldwin the Sheriff's holdings: — 

Himself, No. 662 (W. 494), p. 626 : [Honour of Okhamton] 
CALMONLEUGE ^<» (ChuloUeigli) . 600 200 800 4190 £18 

" Hundred Bolls, 3 Ed. I., No. 46, p. 87 : "Robert de Malleston [of Ogwell], 
the King's deputy escheator, seized the manor of Chammeleg into the King's 
hand on the death of John de Cortenay, on Friday next after Holy Rood 
Finding day [3 May] and held the same manor until the Thursday following 
in that year St. John the Baptist's birthday [24 June] in the second year 
of King Edward's reign [a.d. 1273 J. And the said Robert took for the service 
of our Lord the King in that time by way of acknowledgment and discharge 
{exple) 2 marks." The collegiate character of the Church of St. Mary 
Magdalen at Chulmleigh proves it to have been a very old foundation. At 
the time of the Taxation of Pope Nicolas, a.d. 1288, it consisted of six 
prebends {BroTieacombe Heg,^ p. 464), which according to Oliver, Mon^^f. 291, 
bore the names of (1) Higher Overhaye, alias Higher Hayne ; (2) Mayden 
Provendre, cUi/M Puellae ; (3) Denys, alia^ Dene ; (4) Netherhaye, alias 
Lower Hayne ; (6) Penles, alias Penelles ; and (6) Bucklond. From the 
fact that, according to Bishop Vesey's return to the royal writ in 1686, there 
were then only five prebends and a rector, and the prebends enumerated do 
not name Mayden Provendre, it is perhaps permissible to suggest that 
Mayden Provendre was part of the endowment of the rectory. Rev. Marsdeu 
Gibson informs me that the prebend of Maiden Provender was absorbed into 
the rectory in the time of Robert Webber, 1533. Dr. Oliver states that Mayden 
Provendre had been united with Dene, but the Taxation of Pope Nicolas is 
against him. The value of the prebends is there given as: (1) that of Philip 
de Cobbeleghe, 60s. ; (2) that of John de Brocland, 26s. ; (3) that of James 
Franceys, 26s. ; (4) that of Adam de Segrave, 248. 6d. ; (6) that of Richard de 
Donne, 248. 6d. ; and (6) that of Godfrey de Hengeham, 24s. 6d. Bishop Vesey 
gives the values as (1) the rectory, £20 ISs. lid. ; (2) Higher Ha3nie, £6 138. 4d. ; 
(3) Lower Hayne, £5 ; (4) Penles, £6 ; (5) Bucklond, £4 Ss. 4d. ; (6) Dean, 
£4 6s. 8d.; which shows that if the prebend of Philip de Cobbeleghe is 
excepted in the one list and the rectory in the other list the prebends were 
very nearly equal in value. It seems, therefore, most probable that the prebend 
of Philip de Cobbeleghe, worth double that of any of the others, was the 
endowment of the rectory. And this suggestion receives confirmation from 
the episcopal registers. 

Philip de Cobbeleghe was a vicar in the Church of Chulmleigh in 1282 A.D. 
{Quivilf p. 340), and received licence of non-residence from Michaelmas, 1282, 
till that day twelve months ; but he was to provide a fit substitute and to 
reside personally during Lent (22nd July, 1282). {Ilnd. p. 319.) In 1288 he 
held the prebend of Mayden Provendre. His successor in the rectory appears 
to have been William Dalbenuy, alias De bello Alneto (Bytton Beg,, 414 ; 
Stapeldon^ 201), and then Sir Godfrey de Leynham, who held the prebend up 
to the time of his death in 1321 a.d. John de Coliforde, priest, was next 
instituted on 1st Nov., 1321, on the presentation of Sir Hugh de Curtenay, 
{Bytton, 414 ; Stapeldon, 201 ; Oliver, i/on., 291 ; Lysons, ii. 109.) 

It appears from Bronescombes Bigisters thsX, another prebend held by one 
Theolmld became void in 1260 a.d. "on the ground that the said Theobald 
was a married man, as appears and is sot forth in a sentence of the Official of 
Exeter. '* That this prebend was better than the rest, and therefore probably 
the prebend of Overhayne, may be inferred from the fact that on the 23ra 
April, 1260, Bishop Bronescombe admitted to it John de Broclande, clerk, 
who already held one of the prebends on the presentation of Sir John de 
Courtenay {Brojies., p. 123), Broclaunde resigning the prebend which he 
previously held. Broclaund held it at the time of Pope Nicolas' valuation, 
and was succeeded in it by Robert Froraonde, as tne added words now 
Fromonde^s prove. Fromonde was a great pluralist and held it in 1310. 
{ByUon Beg., 414 ; Stapeldon, 201.) He was no doubt a relative of William 
Fromond who then held Shittisbeer and Worth. 


Gislebert, under do , No. 553 (W. 

495), p.525:MAVE88ARTi*(Me8haw) 3 00 2 22 1140 30/- 
Ansger, under do., No. 554 (W. 496), 

p. 527: HiEKDE (Yard, Roseash) .030 002 022 805 30/- 
Anager, under do., No. 555 (W. 497), 

p. 527: AIB8B ^MRoaeaah) . .110010100 2040 100/- 

James Fraunceya held the third prebend in 1288 and he also held it in 1310. 
{ByUtm, p. 414.) In the Taluation fFike Sos is written against it, which may 
possibly connect it in some way with Week hamlet in Chulmleigh. 

Against the fourth prebend, that of Adam de Segrave, the word " Grane- 
soun ** is written in the Taxation, which perhaps someone may be able to 
explain. This nrebend was sometime held by John de Broclaunde, and on 
his resignation William de Stanford was admitted " custodian " of it upon 
the presentation of John de Curtenay on 25th April, 1260, until the following 
Michaelmas. {Br<meao(nnbe, p. 124.) William de Stanford appears to have 
afterwards qualified and continued to hold it until 1277, in which year, on 
21st April, Sir Robert de la Hope, priest, was instituted to it on the pre- 
sentation of Sir John de Curtenay. Him succeeded Adam de Segrave, clerk, 
instituted 5th Feb., 1280. on the presentation of the same patron {Brofus- 
eombe, 124), and was in possession at the time of the Taxation, a.d. 1288. 

The fifth prebend appears to have been sometime held by Luke Kent, 
whom John le Prouz, clerk, succeeded, instituted 26th April, 1261, on the 
presentation of Sir John de Curtenay. [Bnmescombe, 124. ) On John le Prouz's 
resignation in 1285. Godfrey de Reyuham succeeded, instituted 6th Oct., 
1285. {Quivil^ p. SlO.) If this was tne prebend held by Richard de Doun at 
the time of the Taxation, the words Henry Comb written against it seem to 
imply that his successor bore that name. 

The sixth and last prebend was sometime held by Rofib de Marcelles, 
whom succeeded Walter de Bridewelle, snbdeacon, instituted 1st March, 
1285, on the presentation of Sir Oliver de Dynham. Kut. {Quivilf p. 340.) 

There is an entry of the institution of Richard de Cyrencestre on 15th 
June, 1266, to a prebend of Chulmleg on the presentation of Sir John de 
Curtenay {Brones., 124); but I cannot say to which prebend it refers. If 
this was the prebend held by Godfrey de Hengeham at the time of the 
Taxation, the words B. Hertvjarde written against it seem to convey that 
his successor bore that name. The Rev. Marsden Gibson informs me that 
Whithalf was the last of the prebends, an aged serving-man living in 
London. The rectors began to appoint themselves to prebends in the person 
of Richard Hole in 1776, and continued to do so until in Humfrey Adam 
Hole 8 time, 1796, they absorbed them all. And on 20th Sept, 1850, the 
five prebendaries and the rectory were consolidated into one benefice. 

*' According to Broneacombe Beg., p. 155 : ** Richard de Hydone, clerk 
[who appears to have already held a portion of the Church of Meshaw], was 
on 3rd Sept, 1263, instituted to the whole of the aforesaid Church by 
having consolidated with his own portion or parsonship of 2s. , the portion 
which Juvenal the presbyter long held in it, on the presentation of Roise, 
sometime the wife of Roeo fitz-Simon, and of Simon, son of the said Rogo, the 
true patrons thereof." In 1288 the rectory was returned as worth 20& (iMrf. 

g. 462), and Master Thomas de Columbrigge was then rector. (QuivU, 349.) 
n 27th Sept, 1315, Sir Henry de Sancto Germano, presbyter, was instituted 
on the presentation of Sir Mathew de Fomeaux, Knight, " for this turn by 
reason of his being guardian of the heir of Sir Simon fitz-Rogo, Knight, 
deceased, and of his lands at Meuschathe.*' {Stapeldon, p. 235. ) On 1st April, 
1398, however, on the resignation of John Elias, Thomas de Affeton was 
patron and presented John Nottecleve, presbyter. {Stafford, p. 187.) 

^' Richard de Esse, subdeacon, was instituted to the rectory of Roseash 
23rd April, 1261, on the presentation of Ralph de Esse. {Broviescombe, p. 165.) 
In 1288 the value of the rectory was returned as 106s. 8d. {Ibid, p. 462.) 
Richard de Esse died 8th Feb., 1322 {ByUon, p. 421), and on 25th Feb., 1322, 


Ansger, under do., No. 556 (W. 498), 

p. 529: Grawkcomb^^ (Creacombe) 2{ 0{ 2 215 10/- 
Do., under do., No. 557 (W. 499), n. 

529: Crawecome (West Blatcn- 

worthy ? Creacombe) . . . IJ 164 5/- 

Anschitu, under do., No. 558 (W. 

500), p. 581: Obdib (Worthy, 

Rackenford) 1 2 2 114 5/- 

William, under do.. No. 559 (W. [Honour of Plymton] 

501), p. 581 : Welinoedinoe** 

(Woodington in Little Washford, 

an outlier of Witbendge) . .010002002 122 5/- 
Walter, under do.. No. 660 (W. 502), [Honour of Okhamton] 

p. 533 : Cbbledone (East Cheldon, 

alioi Cheldon Farm, Cheldon *«) . 8 8 168 3/- 
Oozelin, under do., No. 561 (W. 503), 

p. 538 : Raohenefoda (Rackenford) 022 002 012 823 15/- 

Adam Marchant, presbyter, was instituted on the presentation of Ralph de 
Esse. {Stapeldon, p. 246.) In 1404 the patrons who presented William 
Halyett, alias Hamme, were John Bury, William de Wyllemere, Thomas 
Colyn, Andrew de Gytfard, and William Langedon ; and on Halyet's death, 
two years later, John Bury and Thomas Colyn, '* domicelli,* presented 
Richard Reve, chaplain, who was instituted 15th May, 1406. {Stafford, 
p. 198.) 

'^ William de Oxstone, subdeacon, was instituted to Creacombe 8rd June, 
1283, on the presentation of Richard de Hantesforde, a layman {QuiviTa Beg., 
341), and on his death, 7th July, 1311, John de Servyngtone, priest, was 
instituted 5th Aug. , on the presentation of William de Hauntenesforde, and 
it was eigoined him under pain of deprivation of his aforesaid benefice that 
before the festival of All Hallows next [1st Nov.] he should know by heart 
[Archbishop Peckham's Constitution, made at Lambeth in 1281, touching 
the reverent administration of the Sacraments, and more especially of the 
Eucharist, commencing] The most High. {Stapeldon, p. 204.) William 
Hautysforde, " domicellus," was patron in the 15th century, and presented 
Oliver Radysworthy, presbyter, on the death of John Yeate. 15th Oct., 1399, 
and again John Leigh, chaplain, 7th Aug., 1403, on Radysworthy's prefer- 
ment to Cheldon. 

"It seems probable that this was pronounced Welinshedinge, since it is 
written Weliseding in the Exeter Book. For the termination compare Stanlinz 
(No. 1129, p. 1071), and Grennelize (No. 1175, p. 1113) in Domesday, and 
Malbedenge (Pipe Rolls, note 31). Welishedinge would be contracted into 
Widinge, and become Woodinge, just as Widebeare (No 879, p. 849) in 
Domesday Woodbeare. {Trans, xxix., p. 252, note 31.) The only objection 
to identifying Woodinge with Woodington. the Odeton of Testa and Kirby, 
is that Odeton was held of the honour of Plymton. It has, however, been 
already pointed out ( Trans, xxix. , p. 266) that several of Baldwin's estates 
were held of that honour, contrary to expectations. 

^ From Bnmeseombe's Register^ p. 164, we learn that on 3rd Oct., 1267, 
that bishop at Clist admitted John de Yertecome to the rectory of Racken- 
ford, then vacant, by an instrument worded as follows : — ** To all who shall 
view these present letters Walter by the grace of God. bishop of Exeter ever- 
lasting greeting in the Lord. Be it known to all men that Whereas Michael 
de la Stane, clerk, was presented to the Church of Rackenford then vacant 
by Philip de Sideham the true patron of the said Church, whom we did not 
admit, as we could not of ri^ht do so, because of defects of age and knowledge 
from which he was suffering. We have, however, admitted to the same 
Church on the presentation of the said patron Master John de Yertecome 
and instituted him rector in the same upon terms that in case of his death or 
cession the said Michael, by virtue of the aforementioned presentation which 


Bainald, under do., No. 562 (W. 

504), p. 535: Eltembtonk*^ 

(Edison, Little Raokenford) . . 2 0^ 1} 346 5/- 
RoguSy under do.^ No. 663 (W, 

606), p. 635: AUSA ( West Apae, 

now Wed Tapps, Okeford) . , 010 00S002 S40 lOj- 
Oawic, under do.. No. 604 (W. 606), 

p. 6S7: 0DEBUHNE(We5t Wood- . 

bum, Okefvrd) . . . . 003 001002 226 61- 

VII. William Capra's holdings : — [Honour of Brsneys, alvca 
Himself, No. 740 (W. 868), p. 709: Bradninch] 

MORCHET*^ (Cruwys MoroWd) . 100 020 020 2270 £6 

we would have endure to him, shall he admitted to the same Church provided 
that the said or. any other canonical defects do not prevent." The same year, 
day, and place Master John granted by his letters patent 5 marks by way of 
pension from the aforesaid Church to Michael de la Stane, as a charitable 
gift at the behest of the Lord Bishop of Exeter. Michael de la Stane after- 
wards appears as rector in 1287. {Quivil, 351.) The rectory was vacant in 
1312, when Alexander de Cruwes presented to it Peter de Cruwes, under- 
taking (14th Aug., 1312) to supply Peter with the necessary money for his 
schooling. Peter was ordained to the rectory as collet 4th Dec., 1313 ; sub- 
deacon 23rd March, 1314; deacon 6th April, 1314. {Stapeldon, 245.) On the 
resignation of Robert Alkebarowe, 16th June, 1396, Mathew Hordelegh 
appears as patron '* for this tura,'' he having married Juliana, sometime the 
wife of Alexander Creuwes, and in her rignt he presented John Croke or 
Crook, presbyter, in 1396, and on his death Robert Cruwes, chaplain ; the 
last-named instituted 19th May, 1413. 

'•^ Seemingly this is the 'Only Domesday estate to represent the Little 
Raokenford ^ fee which is enumerated besides Rackenfora 1 fee as held of 
the honour of Okhamton in the A/ler-death Inquest of Hugo de Courteney. 
(1 Rio. II., No. 12, p. 2.) The Litel Racheneford (No. 815, p. 785) of Domes- 
day was presumably held of the honour of Marsh wood, like most of the other 
estates of Walter de Dowai, and in that case appears to be represented by 
Nedcot in Rackenford, the Nutcote of which John de Mohun died seized 
(After-death Inquest, 7 Ed. I., No. 13, p. 66), the Nettecote which appears 
among the fees of a later John de Mohun. (After-death Inquest, 4 Ed. III., 
No. 35, p. 31.) Ludo held it in Domesday, and all Ludos estates appear 
subsequently as Mohun's. (See Trans, xxix. 236.) The Little Rackenford of 
Testa de Nevil was held of the honour of Gloucester. It should therefore 
naturally be looked for among Clavil's or Ooscelm's estates, and it is 
suggested that it is Sideham (No. 840, p. 809) in Rackenford. It seems to 
follow that Little Rackenford, like Little Washford, is the name of a district 
within which several distinct estates were held — Nedcot of the honour of 
Marshwood, Sidedown of the honour of Gloucester, Edison of the honour of 
Okhamton. Compare Little Torington, Little Totnes. Similarly Handsford 
is the name of a district, part of which, west of the stream, lies in 
Ashreigney, part east of the stream in Chulmleigh. 

^ Godfrey de Sowy, subdeacon [sometime, viz., in 1242, see Pipe Rolls, 
note 25, clerk to the Exeter Moneyers], was instituted to the rectory of this 
place, 13th Feb., 1262, on the presentation of Robert de Ones. (Bronescombe, 
p. 131.) On 15th March, a d. 1285, William de Yertcome was rector. (Quivil, 
p. 342.) In 1288 the rectory was valued at 106/8 (Bronescombe, 462), and in 
1312 Sir Richard was rector (Bytton, p. 415 ; Stapeldon, p. 206); in 1408 
Walter, who apparently then held or acquired the patronage ; for Walter 
Robert, clerk, presented Mathew Doune, cha})lain, 9th March. 1408. Matthew 
exchanged Ist Oct, 1418, with John Knight, deacon, of Faringdon, when 
Thomas Bratton, John Keynes. Robert Cruwys, clerk, and John Prous of 
Doddcryg, appears as patrons. (Stafford, p. 162.) 


Hamon, under do., No. 741 (W. 869), 

p. 711 : Madescame" (Woods- 
comb, CniwYS Morchard) ..002 100 2/6 
Himself, No. 742 (W. 870), p. 711 : 

ALFORDE (Asworthy, Okeford) . 1 2 2 1520 £6 
Do. No. 743 (W. 871), p. 718: 

MiLDEDONE»* (Milton, Okeford) .010 808 10/- 

Ralph, under do , No. 744 (W. 873), 

p. 715 : PoTiTONE* (Puddington) .100 010 080 845 40/- 
Beatrix, under do.. No. 745 (W. 874), 

p. 715: Bbabeford (Bradford 

Tracy, Witlieridge) . . .010002002 412 20/- 
Do., under do., No. 746 (W. 875), 

p. 717 : Toredone (Thorn farm, 

Kackenford, the Northcot of 

Kirby. No. 604) .... 2 100 3/4 

YIII. William de Faleise's holdings : — [Honour of Dartington] 
Roger, under him. No. 758 (W. 733), 

L727 : Bera (West, Middle and 
It Bar in East Worlington" .010 328 15/- 

Peter, under him, No. 769 (W. 

734), p. 729: Waford (in Little 

Washford, the outlier of Withe- 

ridgej«7 10 8 1 219 6/- 

Hugo de Dal, under do., No. 760 

(W. 735), p. 729 : Olvrintone" 

Dendridge(?), East Worlington) .001 102i 10/- 

Himself, No. 761 (W. 736), p. 781: 

Bradeford (Bradford, Oruwys 

Morchard) li 102 5/- 

® It is suggested that this majr be Woodscomb, in Cruwys Morchard. 
The sequence requires it to be in Witheridge Hundred, and the inter- 
changeableness of M. and W has been already illustrated under North 
Tawton Hundred (in TraiM, xxix. p. 247, n. 9). Domesday states that this 
land was united to Orescome, i.e., presumably to the ^ virgate of land (No. 
787, p. 707, W. 865), which William Capra held in Horescome, and which 
the seauence requires to be looked for in Hairidge or Budleigh Hundred. 

** Tne identification of these estates has been discuss^ under lafton 
Hundred in Trans. xxviiL p. 476. 

* The rectory of Puddington was returned as worth 20/- in 1288. (Bronss- 
eombe, p. 462. ) John de Kyugesbury, alicu Kyngestone, clerk, was instituted 
10th March, 1809, on the presentation of King Edward II., and on his resig- 
nation, 29th Sept., 1317, Sir John de Candevere, presbyter, was instituted 
4th November, on the presentation of Sir Robert fitz- Payne. {Stapeldon^ 
p. 244.) On the death of Gregory Nywelond, William Stockhay, presbyter, 
was instituted 25th Feb., 1398, patron King Richard IL, " by reason of the 
forfeiture of Sir John Gary, Knight" {Stafford, p. 196.) 

*• It appears from After-deaik Inquest of Nicolas Martyn, 1 Edward III., 
No. 40, p. 10, that Martyn, who was the successor in title of William de Faleise, 
died in 1327, seized among other estates of the manor of Beare and Wol- 

^ Testa (No. 1162), mentions a Little Wassefeld in Witheridge Hundred 
held of the heirs of William Briwerre. Witheridge itself was also held of 
ttie heirs of William Briwerre. We may, therefore, suppose that Little 
Washfield was a small thane's land, now part of Withenage. 

® If this is not Mouseberry in West Worlington, which amoins the Bars, 
it is suggested that it may be Dendridge, which lies on the Dart, and has a 
mill. The Domesday estate is equivalent to £2 an acre, which seems con- 
clusiye against Mouseberry. 


An Englishnun, under him. No. 762 
(W. 737), p. 781 : Dimbwoldes- 
BAU (MinikinUnd, Wool&rdis< 
worthj)» 2 100 5/- 

IX. William db Poillbi's holdings : — [Honour of Plimton] 
Himaelf, No. 785 (W. 948), p. 751 : 

Blachborayb (BUckgrsve, East 

Worlington) 1 1 8 672 20/- 

Ralph, under do., No. 786 (W. 919), 

p. 753: PiDEUOB (Pidley, Eaat 

Worlington) 2^ li 1 210 10/- 

Eldwin. under do., No. 787 (W. 950), 

p. 753: Assecotb"* ([Ash] Wood,? 

an outlier of East Worlington) . 0) — — 50 2/6 

Himself, No. 788 (W. 951), p. 755: 

Ulpaldeshodbs*^ (Woolfardis- 
worthy Spenser) . . 1 8) 2 1 2 424 15/- 

Ralph, under do., Na 789 (W. 952), 

p. 755: Dbrtb (Dert Ralph, 

Witheridge) 010001003 225 15/- 

X Walter db Dowai'b holdings :— [Honour of Marsh wood] 
Ludo, under him. No. 815 (W. 712), 

p. 785: LiTEL Rachenepord** 

(Nedcot, Little Rackenford) ..002 122 5/- 

Henner, underdo., No. 816 (W. 718), 

S. 785 : EsPREWBi (West Spurwav, 
keford) 100010030 650 20/- 

* Bradeford and Dimewoldesham appear in 01iver*s if on,, p. 167, as the 
property of the religions bouse of Polsloe. 

** Wood is an outlier of East Worlington, situated to the south-east, 
af^oining Woolfardisworthy. It is possible that it may formerly haye been 
called Ashwood. Cann's Mill and Ondge are marked within the included area. 

"^ It will be obseryed that the ^ yirgate of lordship and 1^ yirgates of 
yillage assessment exceed by ^ ferling the total assessment which is assigned 
to Uffaldeshodes. It is sug^ted that Assecote originally formed part of 
Ulfaldeshodes, which it adjoins, and that its i ferling is included in the 1| 
yirgates of the yillagere' assessment. The Church of Woolfardisworthy 
(WTferesworth) was draicated by Bishop Bronescombe 28th July, a.d. 1261. 
(BroTUScambe, p. 67.) Wm. de Hethefelde, presbyter, was put in charge of 
this parish by the bishop from 27th Jan., 1264, until Easter (20th April), 
"William the presbyter asserting that he had been presented on the yigil 
of the Epiphany [5th Jan.] at Exeter by his patron in person. On behalf of 
the riyal presentee it was alleged that the pabt>n did not present in person." 
Eyentually on 5th June, 1264, William, the chaplain of HelSfelde was in- 
stituted to the rectory, patron Richaitl le Despenser. {Brones,, p. 191.) 
The patron's name shows that the reference is to Woolfardisworthy in 
Witheridge Hundred. (See Burton^ 859.) In 1288 the rectory was yalued 
at 20/-. ( Brones. , 462. ) William de Crau thorn , clerk [doubtless a relatiye of the 
owner of East Worlington, Bttrton, 868], was instituted 10th July, 1810, by his 
proxy, Mathew de Crauthom, on the presentation of Sir Robert de Stocknay, 
and on 16th October, 1310, Master Richarde de Sancto Leonardo by his proxy 
John de Lancesetone, clerk, on the presentation of the same. On 29th April, 
1324, the rectory again became yacant, and on 24th May John le Speke, clerk, 
was instituted on the presentation of Sir Robert de Stockhay. {StapekUm, 

§271. ) When John York on 18th March, 1 404, exchanged Wolferdys worthy 
penser with John Rok, John Ufflete, '*domicellus,*' was patron. {Stafford, 
p. 221.) 
** Reasons for this identification haye been giyen aboye in note 21. 


XI. Waltbr dx Clavil's holdings :~ [Honour of Gloucester] 

Walter the Server (dapifer), under do. 

No. 886 (W. 804), p. 806: Rat- 

DONX (Fremanscot, tuias Westyeo, 

Witheridge) . . . 2} no particulars 102 6/- 

Himself, No 837 (W. 805), p. 805 : 

WASFORDE» (Washford Pine) .088 018 020 705 40/- 
Do., No. 838 (W. 805 b), p. 807 

(1 ferling added) : (Hele next Upcot 

Squire, in Little Washford, outlier 

of Witheridge) . . . .00 1 — — 60 8/- 

Do., No. 889 (W. 806). p 807: 

DRAHEFORDE (Drayford, Withe- 
ridge) 2 8i 1 [0 1 8i] 386 15/. 

Osbem. under do., No. 840 (W. 807), 

S. 809 : SiDXHAM (Sidham, alias 
idedown. Little Rackenford) .010 002002 248 10/- 

XXL Robert dk Albkmarle's holding :~. [Honour of Plymton] 

Robert de Hereford, under him. 
No. 908 (W. 970), p. 877: 
BiCHECOMB(Bickham, Okeford) 04 012 022 470 16/- 

XIIL Robert Bastard's holding : — [Honour of Plymton] 

Himself, No. 917 (W. 1121), 
p. 887 : Bachrstakx (Back- 
stone, Rackenford) . . .008 particulars wanting 190 10/- 

XIV. Ralph de Pomerat's holdings : — [Honour of Berry] 

JtobeHf wnder him, No. 988 
{W, 679), p, 949:ST0DLEI^ 
( West Stoodhigh) . . .080 010020 1062 40 1 - 

" Sir Adam de Morcetre, presbyter, was instituted 2nd May, 1280, to the 
rectory of Washford Pyne on the presentation of Sir Herbert de Pyn, 
Knight. {Bronesoombe, p. 190.) In 1288 the rectory was returned as worth 
&3s. 4d. (IHd, 462.) Robert de Sancto Genesio, clerk, was instituted 
19th Dec., 1308, on the presentation of the same ; but apparently the 
benefice became vacant through Robert's inability to take holy orders, and 
on 7th June, 1309, Symon de Sancto Genesio, deacon, was instituted on the 
presentation of John (son of Herbert) de Pyn. Symon appears to have died 
or resigned two years later. For *'on 16th January, 1312, bishop Stapeldon 
at Clist committed the guardianship of the vacant Church .... as also the 
guardianship of Robert (son of John de Sancto Genesio), who had been 
presented to the rectory by John de Pyn, the true patron thereof, until the 
feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist [24th June], next coming, 
to Sir Richard, rector of the Church of Puttforde, who was then present and 
agreed to undertake the charge. " The said Robert de Sancto Genesio was, 
however, instituted 11th July, 1812, on the presentation of John de Pyn, 
and "because it seemed to the bishop that the said Robert had a very poor 
knowledffe of letters he a]ipointed Sir Richard, rector of the Church of 
Putteforae. to be his guardian until he should be satisfied with the 
acquirements of the said Robert and see fit to withdraw the guardianship." 
On Robert's resignation Sir Richard de Smallehille, presbyter, was instituted 
29th Jan., 1315, patron John Pyn, of Hamme in Cornwall ; and on Smalle- 
hulle's resignation Sir Payne, son of Nicolas de Arcubus, presbyter, 
was instituted 2nd January, 1319, on the presentation of John de Pyn. 
(Stapeldon, p. 268.) 

** Geoffrey de Santtone, subdeacon, was instituted 10th June, 1266, to 
the rectory of Stoodleigh on the presentation of Sir Roger fitz-Payne, 
the owner of West Sto^Ieigh. {Bronescombe, p. 182.) The value of the 


Bimself, No. 989 (W, 680), 

p, 949 : HENLEl » {Saint Mary 

Leigh, alias HighUigh SL Mary 

{an extra parochial liberty) ,010 £ S 300 lO/- 

Williain [Peytevin], under bim, 

No. 990 (W. 681), p. 951: 

Odbordi** (Woodforde Thel- 

bridge) 1 — — 51 2/6 

XV. RuALD Adobed*8 holding : — [Honour of Plymton] 

Walter, under. No. 1037 (W. 934), 
p. 995: DocHEOROE (Dock- 
worthy, Cheldon) . . .010 1 [0 8] 212 5/- 

XVI. Tbtbald fitz-Bbrneb\s holdings : — [Honour of Torington] 

Himself, No. 1065 (W. 902), 

E, 1019 : Wesford (Upcot in 
ittle Washford, an outlier of 

Withendge) .... 1 102 10/- 

Do., No. 1066 (W. 903), p. 1021 : 

Wesford (Stewarton in Little 

Washford) .... 1 151 5/- 

Alwold, under do.. No. 1067 

(W. 904) p. 1021 : Wesford 

(Westcotin Little Washford) .020 1 [0 1 0] 807 12/6 
Do., do. No. 1068 (W. 905), 

p. 1023 : Dbrtre*^ (Stretohtown, 

Thelbridge with Dart (East 

Yeo?) Witheridge) . . .010 2 [0 2] 819 12/6 

rectory is given in 1288 as 100s. {Ibid. 462.) According to the Patent Rolls 
of Edward I., p. 271, John was parson of Stodleye in 1297, and received 
the King's protection. Elinor fitz-Payne was patroness 16th April, 1405, 
when Jonn Batyn exchanged with John Iverey, rector of Oake, Dioc of 
Bath and Wells. Thomas Horshay, "domicellus,*' and Alice his wife, were 
the patrons when Yvery on 7th July, 1405, exchanged with John Blakelake, 
rector of Clist St. Laurence. But Eleanora fitz-Payn was again patroness 
when Blakelake on 8th July, 1407, exchanged with John Fenton, vicar of 
Pitminster, Dioc. Bath and Wells ; also when on Ist Aug., 1410, Fenton 
exchanged with John Corbyn, rector of Wittenham Rowley, Dioc. 
Salisbury, and again when, 3rd March, 1411, Corbyn exchanged with 
Thomas Caux, minister or rector of Eilve, Dioc of Bath and Wells. 
{Stafford, p. 211.) 

» Held by Pilton Prionr, in Testa (No. 1161) called Bylidleghe, and 
de Heleghe in Taxation of Pope Nicolas {Bronescomhe, p. 476), and then 
valued at 30s. 8d. Henleigh, or Hightleigh, was a member of the manor of 
Pilton at the Dissolution, the members being stated to lie in divers parishes 
and Hundreds within the county. (Oliver, Mon., p. 247.) Pilton Priory, or 
the Cell of St. Mary, was a dependency of Malmesbury Abbey, and from it 
this Henleigh was called Henleigh St. Mary, otherwise St Mary Leigh. 
It must not be confounded with St Marineleigh, now corrupted into 

•• As advertised for sale in Devon and Exeter Gazette, 31st May, 1897, 
Woodford, Thelbridge is described as 119i acres let for £100. The value 
agrees with the Domesday value. The additional area is probably land 
formerly common, and enclosed after 1240 a.d. 

^ According to Kirby and Burton, Washford alias Upcot, Westcot, 
Stretch alia$ Stretch town and Dart, were all held by the same military 
tenant. It may, therefore, be presumed that they are represented by 
Alwold's two estates of Wesford and Dertre, and, possibly, by another 












Mbrie, do,, No, 1069 {W. 906), 

p, lOtS: RESTONE (RifUm, 

Stoodleigh) . . . .0 2 1 [0 1 0] S15 lO/- 
Do, . No. 1070 ( fr, 906 b), p. 1025 : 

(i virgaU added) {JDipt/ord, 

Stoodleigh?) , . . .010 — — 160 41' 

XVII. Odo fitzGamblin'b holdings : — [Honour of Torington] 

Hu]>ert, under hira, No. 1135 (W. 

76S)» p. 1077 : Labbbe (Ashbeare, 

Witheridge) 10 

Himself, No. 1136 (W. 769). p. 1077 : 

Dkrtk (Queen Dart, Witheridge) . 012 002 010 
Alwi, under do.. No. 1137 (W. 770). 

p. 1077: Ulvrintonk* (West 

Worlington) 1 

Do, do., No. 1188 (W. 770b), 

p. 1079 : (added laud of 9 thanes) - 

(Aston, West Worlington)* . . 8 1 OJ 1 SJ 647 
Do., do., No. 1189 (W. 770c), 

p. 1079 : (added land of 2 thanes) 

(Roundaiash(?), West Worlington) . 2 

Wesford in Domesday held by Tetbald, leaving the third Wesford, also held 
by Tetbald, to represent Stewarton. As Upcot was a very small place, 
and Stewarton ranked as i fee, it seems probable that No. 1065 is Upcot 
with 102 acres, and No. 1066 is Stewarton with 151 acres. According to 
the Dissolution Records (Olivkk, ifoit., p. 202) the manor of Stretton, which 
included Upcot, Wcstcot, Stretchtown, and Derte was valued in 1536 
at £2 Is. lOd., and was subject to a payment of 2s. to William Hutesfyld 
and his heirs, lords of the Hundred of Wytherigge, by way of perpetual 
chief rent. 

* West Worlington, and Afleton now in West Worlington, were distinct 
parishes in 1288. The taxation of Pope Nicolas returns the value of W^est- 
wolrington as £1, of Affeton as 10s. {Brotiescotnbe, p. 462.) Presentations 
were made to Affeton as late as 1419 {Stafford, p. 141), but Affeton had dis. 
appeared before the date of the Vakr EccUsiasticus of Henry YIII. On 4th 
March, 1261, John de Girellestone, subdeacon, was instituted to the i*ectory 
of West Worlington on the presentation of Mathew de Worlington (Wuf- 
frintone). {Bronescombe, p. 190.) The same patron called Sir Mathew de 
Wolringtone presented again in 1286, and his presentee, John de West 
Wluringtone, subdeacon, was instituted 30th March. {Quivil, p. 859.) Sir 
Richard occurs as rector on 1st March, 1310, probably institutea by By t ton. 
{Bytton, p. 425.) And on 21st Sept., 1318, Johel de Bukyngtone, clerk, 
was instituted on the presentation of Mathew de Bukyngtone. {Stapeldon, 
p. 269.) 

* John of Exeter, subdeacon. was instituted to Affeton Rectory, 21st Dec, 
1278, on the presentation of the Prior and Convent of St. Nicolas, Exeter. 
{Bronescombe, p. 106.) A subsequent rector, Sir John de Oxtone, resigned 
12th May, 1310 {Bytton, p. 412), whereupon Hugh Norman, collet, was 
instituted 12th June on the presentation of the same Prior and Convent, and 
was ordained subdeacon the following day, 13th Juno, 1310, and deacon on 
19th Sept following ( Stapeldon, p, ISA.) A later rector was Roger Puttenham, 
who exchanged 26th Oct., 1400, with John Fyssher, rector of Danbury, Dioc 
of London, Thomas Affeton, ** domicellus," being then the patron. Walter 
Tokere, presbyter, was instituted 26th Oct., 1409, on the presentation of John 
Botriaux ; William Morys, chaplain (on Toker's resignation), ISth Jan., 1417, 
on the presentation of John Botreaux, Esq. ; and Thomas Bowryng, chap- 
lain (on the resignation of Morys), 25th July, 1419, on the presentation of 
the same. 








XVIII. Franklino Knights* holdiDgs : — 

(A) Ansoer dk Montacute, alioi [Honour of Gloucester.] 

de Senftrpont 
Himself, No. 1104 (W. 1000), p. 

1051 : Cadklkoonx^ (Cheldou) .012 no particulars 219 50/. 
Do., No. 1106 (W. 1000b), p. 105, 

(added land) 2^ no particulars 150 50/- 

XIX. Kino's thanes' holdings: — 

(A) Godbold's: [Honour of Plymton] 

Jachelin^ under do,, No. 1171 {fF, 
1042), p. 1109: WUechenolU 
( WhUenhoU, Stoodleigh) . . OltOlOOOg 208 10/- 

(B) Haimeric's : [Honour of Torington] 
Himself, No. 1196 (W. 1043), p. 

1131 : RovRCOME (Rackham, 

Cruwys Morcbard) . . .002 

Do., No. 1196 (W. 1044). p. 1183: 

HiLLB (Hill Farm, Witberidge) . 0) 
Do., No. 1197 (W. 1046) p. 1188: 

CuMBB (witb Hill Farm, Witberidge) 0) 

XX. Holdings of tbe King's servants : — 

William the Seneschal's : [Honour of Plymton] 

Himself, No. 1209 (W. 1063), p. 
1145 : LEGE«^ (Mariansleigb, alias 
Marineslegb) 010001008 1049 40/- 

XXI. English THANES* boldings : — [Honour of Gloucester] 

Godric, No. 1234 (W. 1102), p. 1165: 
BoLEBORDE (Bulwortby, Kacken- 
ford) 1 1 1 [0 1 0] 841 10/- 

^ Walter de Dourys was rector of Cbeldon in 1310, on wboae death, 11th 
July, 1313, Ro^er Kaylleweie, clerk, was instituted. Tbe patron's name is 
not given, but it was no doubt John de Keleway, who held Cbeldon in 1802. 
{Burtorit p. 873. ) For John Cailleway presented Sir Stephen de Avelee, who 
was instituted 26th April, 1314, and also Sir Richard le Bonere, who was 
instituted 2nd May, 1316. {Stapeldon, p. 200). Edmund Cayllewaye was 
patron and presented Walter atte Hulfe, presbyter (on the resignation of 
Thomas Miere), who was instituted 2l8t April, 1896, and on his resignation 
the same Edmund Kayleway, domicellus, presented Oliver Radysworthy, 
chaplain, who was instituted 16tb July, 1403, and again on his death, John 
Rynel, chaplain, who was instituted 22Dd Dec., 1411. {Stafford^ p. 164.) 

^ Master Robert de Polamesforde was instituted 6tb Feb., 1260, to the 
rectory of Marinelegb ; patrons, tbe Prior and Ck>nvent of Berlincb. He 
resigned 6tb Oct, 1261, when the Church was appropriated to tbe Prior and 
Convent of Berlincb. {Bronescombe, p. 163.) its value in 12S8 was 20s. 
(Ibid, 462.) Tbe settlement of the vicarage, dated 26tb Aug., 1269, assigned 
to the vicar all the altar offerings and 3 acres of the glebe in a suitable 
situation for erecting a dwelling, and 4/- rent of the land which Galfrid 
holds in Oppecot {Ibid, p. 206.) On 28th July, 1812, Sir William de 
PradebuUe, presbyter, was instituted to tbe vicarage ; patrons, tbe Prior and 
Convent of Berlincb. {Stapeldoti, p. 234.) Rol^rt Trcgaria was vicar in 
1396. On his resignation John Wytteney, presbyter, was instituted 15th 
May, 1896 ; then John Wyncbestre. On bis resignation Robert Feld was 
instituted 22nd Nov., 1401, and on Feld's promotion to Ck>Iridge, William 
Hynde, chaplain, was instituted 21st March, 1409 {Staffordf p. 186), all in 
the patronage of the Prior and Convent of Berlyncb. 


Alric, No. Less {W, 1106), p, 1187: 

Wa^berlege^ ( War^ightly^ Stood- [Honour of Plymton] 

Uigh) 2 iS S Ul SOI- 

Deducting Crown lands, the 
lands of the Earls (Exon. 
Domesday t p. 74 ; Trans, 
xxix. p. 458, note 10): — 
Wirige, No. 48 . .010 
Nimetone, No. 74 . .800 

39 2 1} 46,118i 

8 10 5.486 

36 1 1} 40,632i acres 

Deducting rating of Washer- 
lege in excess of particulars 8^ 

86 2} 

In this list it will be observed the sequence is twice 
broken, (1) by the insertion of Wipletona (W. 872), t.e., 
Bingswell, Whipton, Heavitree, in Wonford Hundred, be- 
tween Ashworthy (Alforde, W. 870) in Okeford and 
Puddington; and (2) by the insertion of Nutwell and 
Holbrook, both in Budleigh Hundred, between Bulworthy 
(W. 1102) in Eackenford and WarsbrighUy (W. 1105) in 
Stoodley. The former appears to be merely an omission 
on the scribe's part, because William Capra's other estates 
in Wonford Hundred have been already enumerated (W. 
861-863). The latter may be the result of carelessness; 
but supposing Warsbrightly to lie in Bampton Hundred, 
the sequence would be regular. Also 3 ferlings are not 
accounted for of the assessment of Warsbrightly. 

The particulars of the Geldroll are as follows : — 

A. Exemption was allowed: hides vir. fer. 

(1) to the King in respect of. .830 

(2) to bishop Osbern [of Exeter] do. 1 [Nimetone, No. 124, W. 121] 
(8) to Baldwin . . .200 [Calmonleuge,No.562,W.494] 

(4) to William Capra . .10 [Morchet, No. 740, W. 868 ; 

Alforde, No. 742, W. 870] 

(5) to Walter de Clavil . .023 [Wasforde, No. 887, W. 806 ; 

Draheforde, No. 839, W. 806] 

(6) to William the Seneschal .001 [Marians Lege, No. 1209, W. 

8 2 


B. Estates chargeable : 

(1) Claimed by fee-gatherers geld on 10 

(2) Humfrey de Cartrai, under 

Drogo, in arrear on . .012 [Talebrige, No. 224, W. 209] 

(3) Heibodo, under Amulf de 
Ponteio, in arrear on . .012 [Ulfalde8hodes,No.788,W.961] 

(4) Geld recei?ed in respect of . 19 8 

2 1 2 

^ It will be observed that the two ferlings of lordship and 3 ferlings of 
the villagers' assessment fall short of the total assessment oy 8 ferlings. , 

VOL. XXX. 2 £ 

426 THS "DOMESDAT" hundreds of DEVON. 

A glance at the two lists by way of comparison shows 
a very large difference in the totals, lending coontenance 
to the suggestion that some part of the present Hundred 
of Witheridge may have formerly belonged elsewhere. It 
also shows that the exemptions named are accounted for by 
the lordship-assessments of the places set against them. 
According to the Black Book of the Exchequer, p. 127, 
Philip de Chartrai held a fee of fourteen knights of the 
honour of Barnstaple. These knights' fees must therefore 
be looked for among the Bishop of Coutances' Domesday 
estates, and by the aid of Testa de Nevil (Nos. 56, 57) we 
have no difiBculty in seeing that Thelbridge was one of them, 
and the villagers' assessment, 1^ virgates, of Talebrige (W. 
209) if left unpaid will account for Uumfrey de Ghsirtrai's 
arrears. With r^ard to Heibodo's arrears on land held 
under Arnulf de Ponteio, I venture to suggest that Ponteio 
may be a misreading or mistranscript of Poilleio, and that 
Heibodo may stand for the person called Holduinus in the 
Exeter Domesday, p. 752, Elduinus in the Exchequer, 
p. 753, who is named as holding Assecote under William 
de Poilleio. If, as appears likely, his freehold was a portion 
of the villagers' land (see note 31) he may well have been 
accounted the person responsible for the payment of the 
villagers' assessment, and the arrears, 1\ virgates, are exactly 
its amount 

The principal difficulty seems to be to account for the 
3 hides 3 virgates on which the King was allowed exemption; 
for the total of the royal assessment does not exceed 3 hides 
2 virgates 1 ferling, and of this amount the 1 virgate and 
1 ferling of added thanes' lands are hardly likely to have 
been exempt Most probably, as we have seen in the case 
of Lifton Hundred {Trans, xxviii. p. 480) and Teignbridge 
Hundred {Trans, xxix. p. 231), the exemption was allowed 
in respect of estates originally Earls' lands,^ which at the 
time of Domesday were held by other lords, but really 
belonged to the inland Hundred. It will be seen that the 
assessments of Tetbald fitz-Berner and Odo fitz-Gamelin, 
whose estates make up the honour of Torington in this 
Hundred, amount to 3 hides 3 virgates 3 ferlings. 

^ Exon. Domesday, p. 74 : Baldwin pays for the lands of the Earlfl £375 
yearly to the King by way of food-rent {adfinnam). A list of these lands is 
given in Pipe Rolls, note 10. {Trans, xxix. p. 458.) They include the 
Domesday estates of Earls Harold, Lewin, and Githa, Harold's mother. 
Probably Yeatheridge and Borridge, the two outliers of Witheridge and 
Boystock, as being added thanes' lands, ought to be excluded. 


In the list of Terror Occupatce, i,e., lands held by persons 
who had not been placed in possession of them by the 
sheriif, and whose title might therefore be deemed by the 
Normans doubtful, the following entries occur: [No. 86, 
W. 1243] The King holds Wirige, to which 2 thanes' lands 
have been added. [No. 92, W. 1249] Odo holds Olurintona, 
to which 9 have been added and 2 more. [No. 94, W. 1262] 
The Earl of Mortain holds Donewoldesham with the honour 
of Edmeratorius. [No. 96, W. 1254] William de Faleise 
holds Olurintona, to which ^ ferling has been added. 
[No. 97, W. 1255] William Capra holds Orescoma, to which 
Madescama has been added. [No. 98, W. 1256] Tetbald 
holds Wesford, to which 2 Wesfords have been added. 
[No. 99, W. 1257] William Capra holds [Cruwys] Morcet; 
Alward took this from Aimer. [No. 100, W. 1258] Walter 
de Clavil holds Wasforda, to which 1 ferling has been added. 
[No. 101, W. 1259] Tetbald holds Reston, to which 1 virgate 
has been added. [No. 103, W. 1261] William Capra holds 
Alforde, to which Mildedona has been added. [No. 106, 
W. 1264] William de Poillei holds Blachegrave, to which 
Pideliga and Assacota have been added. [No. 108, W. 1267] 
William Capra holds Bradeford, to which Toredona has been 
added. [No. 109, W. 1268] Ansger de Senarpont holds 
Chadeledon, to which another Chadeledon has been added. 
[No. 186, W. 1336] The Bishop of Coutonces holds Tale- 

2. Very few words are necessary in giving the reasons for 
including some and excluding other Bombay estates ; for 
Testa de NevU gives such a complete list, not merely of 
knights' fees, but also of estates held in socage, that in the 
case of this Hundred little is left open to conjecture. 

A. As to inclusions. 

(1) Rinestamdone (No. 241, p. 221, W. 211) has been in- 
cluded, because the sequence in the Exeter Book — see Mr. 
Whale's Appendix in Trans, xxviii. 410 — shows that it must 
be either in Witheridge or Tiverton Hundreds. The entry 
in Testa, No. 1163, p. 190 b, quoted before seems to leave 
very little doubt that it is Bingstanesdune in Witheridge 
Hundred, otherwise Bowsedon in East Worlington, marked 
Bussen on the ordnance map. 

(2) Liege (No. 270, p. 243) is shown by the entry No. 
1118 in Testa, and No. 662 in Kirby, to be Bomansleigh in 
Witheridge Hundred, not Bomanslee in Tavistock. 

(3) Donewoldeham (No. 343, p. 323) by the entry No. 1152 
in Testa to be Densham in Woolfardisworthy. 

2 B 2 


(4) Welingedinge (No. 559, p. 531) the sequence requhes 
to be in Witheridge Hundred, and it appears to be mentioned 
in Kirby's Quest, No. 617, as Odeton with Henceford. Odeton 
and Kentisbeare, both Baldwin's Domesday estates, appear 
among Mohun's fees in After - death Inquests, 7 £d. L, Na 
13. p. 66, and 4 Ed. III., No. 35, p. 31. 

(5) Alf(n'Ae and Mildedane (Nos. 742, 3, p. 711) have been 
included for the reasons given under Lifkon Hundred. 
(Trans, xxviii. p. 476.) Alforde appears in Kirby's Quest, 
No. 657, as Hereford, seemingly an error for Hokeford, in 
Testa as Hakeford, t.e., Ashworthy in Okeford. See also 
After-death Inquest of Edmund Earl of Cornwall, 28 Ed. L, 
No. 44, p. 160. 

(6) Madescame (No. 741, p. 711), the sequence also requires 
to be looked for in Witheridge Hundred. Domesday states 
that Madescame had been added to Horescome alias 
Orescome (No. 737, p. 707), and Horescome from the 
sequence appears to be either in Budleigh Hundred or in 
Hairidge Hundred. Considering that Madescame is im- 
mediately followed by Aeidelstan, the Yaldestane (No. 1100, 
p. 189 a, and No. 1198, p. 191 a) of Testa de Nevil, does it 
not seem reasonable to conclude that Madescame, together 
with Horescome, represent the Cumbe of the fee lists which 
was held with Yaldestane ? Yaldestane, now Yardleston, is 
in the parish of Tiverton, but not far off across the stream 
lies Combe, in Cadeleigh, which may possibly represent 
Horescome, and is in Hairidge Hundred. If Woodscombe 
in Cruwys Morchard is not Madescame, I am at a loss to find 
any place in Witheridge Hundred to represent it. (See above, 
note 23.) Perhaps someone with local knowledge may be 
able to clear up this point. 

(7) Bera and Wa/ord (Nos. 758, 759, p. 729), have been 
included on the ground that Bera is more probably the 
Beare held with Wolrington as one manor by Nicolas 
Martyn in 1337 (see note 26) than Beare in Combe Martin, 
the latter being probably included in Combe Martin. Waford 
must then be some estate in Little Washford, the outlier of 
Witheridge parish, which represents the Little Wassefeld of 
Testa de Nevil (No. 1162) in Witheridge Hundred. It is 
not named in Kirby's Quest. 

(8) Bradeford and Dimewoldesham (Nos. 761, 762, p. 731) 
on the ground that they represent the Bradeford and Mini- 
kinland (Nos. 1153, 1154) of Testa de Nevil. 

(9) Bichecome (No. 908, p. 877), on the authority of Testa 
de Nevil (No. 1319, p. 193 b), quoted above. 


(10) Bachestane (No. 917, p. 887), because of the entry in 
Testa (No. 1161, p. 190 a), which enumerates Baggestane 
among fees in Witheridge Hundred. Kirby's Quest (No. 
616), describing it as held of Baldwin le Bastard is conclu- 

(11) Herdd (No. 989, p. 949), because of the entry (No. 
1161, p. 190 a) in Testa, where it is called Seyntemarilegh, 
and placed in Witheridge Hundred. Modem Hundred lists 
say that Highleigh St Mary belongs to Tiverton Hundred, 
but this is a recent change. 

(12) Odeordi (No. 990, p. 951), because of the entry (No. 
1164, p. 190 b), in Testa, where it is written Odde worth. 

(13) Docheorde (No. 1037, p. 995), because of the entry 
(No. 1117, p. 189 a), in Testa. 

(14) The three Wesfords (No. 1065-1067, p. 1019), be- 
cause of the two entries (Nos. 1144, 1145, p. 190 a), in Testa. 
These fees are all in Little Washford, and were held of the 
honour of Torington. Their Domesday representative must 
therefore be found among the estates either of Tetbald fitz- 
Berner or of Odo fitz-6amelin. On this ground the Bowe« 
don (No. 653 in Kirby), held by the prior of Barnstaple 
of the honour of Torington, cannot be represented by Walter 
de Clavil's Katdone, held of the honour of Gloucester. 

(15) Cadeledone (No. 1104, p. 1051), on the ground that 
it must represent the f fee of Chedeldun, t.e., Cbeldon, held 
with Iddlecot of the honour of Gloucester (No. 234, p. 177, 
and No. 1107, p. 189), of Testa de Nevil (See North Taw- 
ton Hundred, Trans, xxix. 253, n. 35.) It is true East 
Gheldon appears in Domesday with the spelling Cheledone 
(No. 560, p. 533), but the analogy of Calmonleuge for 
Chulmleigh shows that Cadeledone may be Gheldon. In 
the list of Terras Occupatce (No. 109), it is also written 
Chadeledon, and in Kirby's Quest (No. 606), Ghedeledon. 

(16) According to the sequence (Whale, p. 768), Labere 
(No. 1135, p. 1077), should be either in Hairidge, Wonford, 
Hemyock, or Witheridge Hundreds. It seems very probable 
that Labere is represented by Beare in Witheridge Hundred 
(No. 652 in Kirby*s Quest), t.e., Ashbeer in Witheridge, 
which, together with Bowdon and Grindon in Witheridge, 
was held for \ fee of Thomas de Merton, one of the co-heirs 
of the honour of Torington. The prefixing of the Norman 
Za to a place name is almost unique in the Devonshire 
Domesday, Whether it occurs elsewhere I do not know. 
I can only name two cases, and neither of them conclusive, 
viz.. La Come (No. 962, p. 923), i.e., Cranscombe added to 


BrendoD, where, however, the Exeter Book reads Lancome 
(Whale, No. 653) ; and Laierda, i.e.. La Yard added to lin- 
combe in Ilfracombe (No. 493, p. 465), which, however, 
Mr. Whale, by the analogy of Slapeford and Lapford, pro- 
poses to identify with Slade. In the fee lists of later date 
the use was very common ; instance La Stane, often written 
Lestane, La Wood, La Wall. 
Other places included are : — 

(17) HUk and Cumbe (No. 1196, 1197, p. 1133), which in 
Domesday are followed by Bradelie in Tiverton Hundred 
because of the entry (No. 1150, p. 190 a) in Testa de NevU, 

(18) Lege (No. 1209, p. 1145) because of the Geldroll 
entry, which states that William the Seneschal had 1 ferling 
exempt in Witheridge Hundred. 

(19) Boleborde (No. 1234, p. 1165), or as it is written in 
the Exeter Book Bolehorda, because of the entry No. 607 
in Kirby's Quest : ** fialph de Calwodelegh holds Boleworthi 
for half a fee of the Earl of Gloucester." Calwodelegh (No. 
1235, p. 1167) was held in Domesday by Godric, and the 
same Godric then held Bolehorda. In Kirby's time Balph 
de Calwodelegh held Calverleigh in succession to Godric 
(Kirby, No. 136), and he also held Boleworthi in succession 
to Godric. Can it then be doubtful that Godric's Domesday 
Bolehorda must be Bui worthy in Witheridge Hundred ? 

B. As to exclusions. 

(20) Bradelie (No. 227, p. 207) has been excluded on the 
ground that being assessed at 1 ferling and being followed 
by Lochesbere in Tiverton Hundred, it may with equal 
probability lie in Tiverton Hundred, and that it is wanted 
there to represent the 1 ferling of land in [West] Bradleigh, 
which, according to Testa de A evil (No. 1143, p. 190), Eobert 
de Edingthon held together with Northcot and Coltestan of 
the honour of Barnstaple. 

(21) Another Bradelie (No. 223, p. 203), which had an 
area of 405 acres and was assessed at ^ hide, has been 
excluded on the ground that it also must lie in Tiverton 
Hundred and represent Great Bradleigh. It will be seen 
in dealing with Bampton Hundred that the group of estates 
which precede this Bradelie must have lain in Bampton 
Hundred or the Bishop of Coutances' exemption of 1 hide, 
3^ ferlings in that Hundred cannot be accounted for. After 
Bradelie comes a series of estates which then as now were 
certainly in Witheridge Hundred. 

(22) Morceth (No. 216, p. 197) has been a source of con- 
siderable difficulty. It is clear from the sequence of the 


Exeter Book, in which it follows [Bishop's] Clist and Crealy 
(W. 199, 200), both in Budleigh Hundred, and Cridia (W, 
201), which fidso lies in Budleigh Hundred, that it must lie 
either in Budleigh, Crediton, or Witheridge Hundreds. We 
have a very complete list of places for both Witheridge 
and Budleigh Hundreds in Testa de NeviL In Witheridge 
Hundred there seems to be nothing to represent it, unless 
it be Eoleston in Bishop's Morchard. Eoleston, however, 
was held of the Bishop of Exeter, and appears therefore to 
be included in the bishop's Domesday Critetone. Besides, 
if Morchet lay in Witheridge Hundred, and the places which 
follow lie (as we have grounds for believing) in Bampton 
Hundred, we should have an interrupted sequence; first 
Morceth in Witheridge Hundred, then a group of places 
in Bampton Hundred, then a single estate, Bradelie (No. 223, 
p. 203), in Tiverton Hundred, and then a series in Witheridge 
Hundred. On this ground it seems most probable that 
Morceth does not lie in Witheridge Hundred. 

Neither can it be placed in Crediton Hundred, for the very 
simple reason that the bishop's 15 hides of Critetone, 
Domnus' 3 hides of Newton St. Cyres, and the Abbot of 
Bucfast's 2 hides of Down St. Mary, make up the total 20 
hides of which Crediton Hundred consisted. The inference 
is that Morceth is in Budleigh Hundred. 

The very complete list which we have of tenancies in 
Budleigh Hundred, only knows of three places in that 
Hundred held of the honour of Barnstaple, the Bishop of 
Coutances' honour. Two of these are [Bishop's] Clist (W. 
199) and Crealy (W. 200) in Faringdon. The third is 
Hassok, which Testa (No. 1171, p. 190 b), says was held by 
William Lolod {Testa, No. 85, p. 176 a, writes the name 
Lud) and Stephen de Hassok for ^ fee of Henry de Kanvill 
of the honour of Barnstaple. In the Exeter Domesday Clist 
and Crealy are followed by Cridia and Morceth, i.«., an 
estate on the Creedy, and possibly a Moor hut, and it seems 
obvious that one or both of these must represent Hassok. 
Hassok lies in Upton Helion, on the Creedy, and is therefore 
almost certainly the Domesday Cridia, and the \ fee at which 
it was rated bears a due proportion to the 1 virgate at which 
it was assessed, and the 200 acres of its area. The difficulty 
comes in